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more obvious naval and military problems, states that its inquiries have ranged over such matters as aerial navigation, strategical aspects of the Forth and Clyde Canal, oversea transport of reinforcements in time of war, the treatment of aliens in time of war, Press censorship in war, postal censorship in war, trading with the enemy, wireless stations throughout the Empire, local transportation and distribution of food supplies in time of war, &c.
The Committee of Imperial Defence already fulfils an invaluable part in the organisation of the military and naval defence of the Empire, but the limitations by which it is surrounded preclude it from attaining its highest measure of utility. It would inevitably form the nucleus of an Imperial Federal Council, and if it were reconstituted on a representative and executive basis it might perform for the British Empire the relative functions which are so admirably discharged in the case of Germany by the Federal Council of that Empire.
The most equitable basis of representation which it appears possible to the writer to devise at the present time would be one representative, or one vote, on the Imperial Federal Council for every million of inhabitants (white), with an additional representative or vote for every million pounds sterling expended on defence by each part of the Empire, provided such expenditure shall have received the approval of the Imperial Federal Council. This would preclude a claim to representation in respect of expenditure on Defence which was not conceived in the interests of the Empire as a whole. But there are certain parts of the Empire which ought to be represented on such an Imperial Federal Council but which could not claim representation upon either of the grounds referred to above, and as a temporary measure it would therefore be desirable to provide that each of the following Possessions or Protectorates should be entitled to nominate one or more representatives-namely, West Africa (2), East Africa (1), Rhodesia (1), British West Indies and Central America (1), Straits Settlements and Federated Malay States (2), Hong Kong (1), Ceylon (1), Newfoundland (1), Possessions in the Mediterranean (1), and possibly Egypt (2).
If the basis of representation outlined above were adopted the first Federal Council of the British Empire would be constituted approximately as in the table given on the next page.
The Prime Minister of the United Kingdom would, of course, be ex officio the President of the Imperial Federal Council, and he would hold a position somewhat analogous in certain respects to that of the German Imperial Chancellor. So far as the selfgoverning States are concerned the appointment of representatives would naturally rest with their respective Houses of Parliament, and no doubt they would be made upon the basis of proportional representation. This would meet one of the principal
Four representatives are suggested for the Union of South Africa in order that each of the Federal States may be able to nominate a representative. objections which can be urged against the present Committee of Imperial Defence-namely, that it represents in the main the dominant political party of the day, whereas the question of defence should be kept strictly outside the domain of party questions. The institution of an Imperial Federal Council for Defence would naturally relieve the British House of Commons of a vast amount of work which it is at present called upon to perform in relation to the administration of the Empire ; but if it were found that in spite of the relief thus afforded the British people still desired a Federal form of Government for the United Kingdom, the representatives of the United Kingdom would, in that event, be appointed by the separate Parliaments : thus the English Parliament would be entitled to appoint 102 representatives, the Scots Parliament twelve representatives, and the Irish Parliament five representatives. This arrangement would overcome one of the fundamental difficulties of the present Home Rule Bill. There would then be no necessity for Ireland to send forty-two representatives to the British House of Commons with power to vote on English, Scotch, and Welsh questions, as the Irish Parliament would be directly represented on the Imperial Federal Council. It would of course be necessary to institute a Federal Parliament for the United Kingdom on lines somewhat similar to those of the Dominion and the Commonwealth.
In the case of India, the appointment of representatives might as a temporary measure be vested as to one half in his Majesty the King as Emperor of India, and the remaining moiety might be nominated by the India Council. Provision might ultimately be made for the nomination on the Council of representatives of the native Indian princes. As to the Protectorates, most of them already possess legislative ('ouncils, and arrangements could no doubt be devised by means of which these Councils could nominate representatives.
It will be observed that under the constitution outlined above, Great Britain would have 119 representatives out of a total of 174, and that the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom would be the President of the Council. The predominance of Great Britain in the Federal Council of the Empire would therefore be fully assured. Provision might be made that the representatives of each self-governing Dominion should retire on any change of Government in the States they represented, and be eligible for re-election. In this way the different peoples of each State of the Empire would retain full power to give expression to any change of views they might entertain in the matter of Imperial defence. The number of representatives allocated to each State of the Empire should be revised every ten years, and readjustments made on the basis of the changes that had taken place in population and in the average annual expenditure on defence.
The primary duty of the Imperial Federal Council would be the organisation and co-ordination of the defences of the Empire. The executive powers to be conferred upon the Council would in the first place include, inter alia, the making of peace or war and matters arising from a state of war, and the regulation of the conduct of any portion of British subjects during the existence of hostilities between foreign States with which the Empire was at peace; the absolute and unfettered control of the military and naval forces of such of the Federal States as might elect to place their defensive forces under the control of the Federal Council; and the making of treaties and the general conduct of the relations of the Empire with foreign States.
To carry the proposal into effective operation it would probably be necessary for every State, Colony, and Possession of the Empire to enter into a permanent Confederation for the protection of the territory of the Empire and the rights thereof, as well as the care for the welfare of the British people. Every State entering the Confederation should be required to place its naval and military forces entirely at the disposal of the Imperial Federal Council.2
2 No doubt in practice the Imperial Federal Council would find it desirable to work through local Councils of Defence, which would in all probability be established in Canada, Australia, and South Africa. The Prime Ministers and principal members of the Governments of those Dominions would naturally form EDGAR CRAMMOND.
The constitution suggested above would have the great advantage that it would combine the different States of the Empire for purposes of defence, but it would leave them perfect freedom of action in the administration of their domestic affairs. Nor would it impose a crushing financial burden upon any part of the Empire. Each State would be as free as it is at the present time to decide for itself the amount of its expenditure on defence.*
The Imperial Federal Council would, naturally, take over forthwith the control of the Admiralty, the War Office, the Foreign Office, the India Office, and the Colonial Office, and it would probably be necessary, in time, to confer financial powers upon the Council in order to provide funds for administrative expenditure. It is difficult to see how this could be more easily effected than by the same method by which all other Federal systems of Government throughout the world derive their revenue-namely, by the imposition of import or export duties. In process of time other powers would inevitably be transferred to the Federal Council, and in the early days of its history it would doubtless have to contend with a certain measure of jealousy by its supposed or real encroachments upon the powers of the Federal States. The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council might without great difficulty be transformed into a Supreme Court of Judicature of the Federated Empire.
It is impossible within the limits of an article of this nature to attempt to give a detailed outline of the constitution and powers with which an Imperial Federal Council of the British Empire should be endowed, but it is the writer's belief that the creation of a Federal Council on the lines roughly indicated above is now well within the domain of practical politics, and it is to be most earnestly hoped that the peoples of the British Empire will not await the cruel lessons of a disastrous war before they realise the profound importance of the consolidation of the Empire and the supreme value of the co-ordination of its defences.
the bulk of such local Councils, and in this way the central Council would keep in the closest touch with public opinion in the self-governing communities.
3 It will perhaps he urged that the arrangement outlined would be liable to abuse, as it would leave each State of the Empire perfect freedom to determine for itself the amount of its outlay on defence without reference to the needs of the Empire as a whole and without due regard to continuity of policy. But the voluntary principle is one which appeals strongly to the best instincts of the British race and the patriotism of the self-governing communities does not require the spur of compulsion. If the voluntary principle should be found to work unsatisfactorily and any State of the Empire should fail to make its adequate contribution to Imperial expenditure, then ther methods might be resorted to, but the voluntary principle should certainly be given a fair trial.
THE OLD ARMOUR AND THE NEW
What a crowd of us go through life wearing blinkers, not purposely to avoid shying at pitfalls and strange sights, but with eyes fixed steadfastly ahead on the professional goal we hope to reach and giving little thought to the anchor and chain upon the stoutness of which depends our very existence as a World Empire.
A smaller crowd with a smaller heart disburden themselves in early life of professional restraint, and aim only at enjoying the varied situations that the many caterers of pleasure offer.
Another crowd, found in each class of life, exists who never give a thought for the morrow and never mean to. Once freed from the controlling influence which the Law of Education imposes, they drift-rich and poor alike-into the army of loafers.
When in maturer years the goal has been neared and the blinkers cast aside, the mind finds time to ponder and wonder how, with all our modern frailties, it came about that we are the British Empire. We must have built it up somehow, slowly and gradually we know, but we ask are we, the present generation, of the same kidney as the imperially-minded masons of old ? Local associations afford me a groundwork for ideas to help in tackling the question.
After a globe service of forty years, with the varied and pleasant memories of seven campaigns to give food for thought, I find myself living in another world. Although within fifty miles of the capital of the Empire, my surroundings put the mental clock back to centuries long past.
Celts, Romans, Saxons, Danes and Normans have left near by the traces of their power days in the monuments of earth and brick and stone which mark the sites of their strongholds, each a witness of solid work put in that has survived the wear of ten to twenty centuries. Surely such work must stamp the word thorough on the character of the workers. How fortunate we are that the power of assimilation bequeathed to successive generations of conquerors and conquered has evolved a people known now to the wide world by the glorious name of Briton. From whence comes this greatness? The walls of the massive Norman Church close by bear the hall mark of the last of the