equal to thirty stadia, which it really is, from Sardis to the royal residence of Memnon are thirteen thousand five hundred stadia, or four hundred and fifty parasangs: allowing, therefore, one hundred and fifty stadia to each day, the whole distance will be a journey of ninety entire days.

LIV. Aristagoras was, therefore, correct in telling Cleomenes the Lacedæmonian, that it was a three months' march to the residence of the Persian monarch. For the benefit of those who wish to have more satisfactory information on the subject, it may not be amiss to add the particulars of the distance betwixt Sardis and Ephesus. From the Greek sea to Susa, the name by which the city of Memnon is generally known, is fourteen thousand and forty stadia; from Ephesus to Sardis is five hundred and forty stadia; thus three days must be added to the computation of the three months.

LV. From Sparta Aristagoras went to Athens, which at this period had recovered its liberty: Aristogiton and Harmodius, who were Gephyreans by descent, had put to death Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, and brother of Hippias the tyrant. We are informed that Hipparchus had received intimation in a vision of the disaster which afterwards befell him; though for four years after his death, the people of Athens suffered greater oppression than before.

LVI. The particulars of the vision which Hippar chus saw are thus related: in the night preceding the festival of the Panathenæa, Hipparchus beheld a tall and comely personage, who addressed him in these ambiguous terms:

Brave lion, thy unconquer'd soul compose

To meet unmov'd intolerable woes:

In vain th' oppressor would elude his fate,
The vengeance of the gods is sure, though late.

As soon as the morning appeared, he disclosed what he had seen to the interpreters of dreams. He however slighted the vision, and was killed in the cele bration of some public festival.

LVII. The Gephyreans, of which nation were the assassins of Hipparchus, came, as themselves affirm, originally from Eretria. But the result of my inquiries

enables me to say that they were Phoenicians, and of those who accompanied Cadmus into the region now called Bootia, where they settled, having the district of Tanagria assigned them by lot. The Cadmeans were expelled by the Argives; the Baotians afterwards drove out the Gephyreans, who took refuge at Athens. The Athenians enrolled them among their citizens, under certain restrictions of trifling importance.

LVIII. The Phoenicians who came with Cadmus, and of whom the Gephyreans were a part, introduced during their residence in Greece the knowledge of various articles of science, and among other things letters, with which, as I conceive, the Greeks were before unacquainted. These were at first such as the Phænicians themselves indiscriminately use; in process of time, however, they were changed both in sound and form. At that time the Greeks most contiguous to this people were the Ionians, who learned these letters of the Phoenicians, and, with some trifling variations, received them into common use. As the Phoenicians first made them known in Greece, they called them, as justice required, Phoenician letters. By a very ancient custom, the Ionians call their books diphtera or skins, because at a time when the plant of the biblos was scarce, they used instead of it the skins of goats and sheep. Many of the Barbarians have used these skins for this purpose within my recollection.

LIX. I myself have seen, in the temple of the Ismenian Apollo, at Thebes, of Boeotia, these Cadmean letters inscribed upon some tripods, and having a near resemblance to those used by the Ionians. One of the tripods has this inscription

Amphytrion's present from Teleboan spoils.

This must have been about the age of Laius, son of Labdacus, whose father was Polydore, the son of Cadmus.

LX. Upon the second tripod, are these hexameter

verses:

Scæus, victorious pugilist, bestow'd
Me, a fair offering, on the Delphic god.

This Scæus was the son of Hippocoon, if indeed it

was he who dedicated the tripod, and not another person of the same name, cotemporary with Edipus, the son of Laius.

LXI. The third tripod bears this inscription in hexameters:

Royal Laodamas to Phoebus' shrine

This tripod gave, of workmanship divine.

Under this Laodamas, the son of Eteocles, who had the supreme power, the Cadmeans were expelled by the Argives, and fled to the Encheleans. The Gephyreans were compelled by the Boeotians to retire to Athens. Here they built temples for their own particular use, resembling in no respect those of the Athenians, as may be seen in the edifice and mysteries of the Achæan Ceres.

LXII. Thus have I related the vision of Hipparchus, and the origin of the Gephyreans, from whom the conspirators against Hipparchus were descended: but it will be proper to explain more at length, the particular means by which the Athenians recovered their liberty, which I was beginning to do before. Hippias had succeeded to the supreme authority, and, as appeared by his conduct, greatly resented the death of Hipparchus. The Alcmæonidæ, who were of Athenian origin, had been driven from their country by the Pisistratidæ : they had, in conjunction with some other exiles, made an effort to recover their former situations, and to deliver their country from its oppressors, but were defeated with considerable loss. They retired to Libsydrium beyond Pæonia, which they fortified, still meditating vengeance against the Pisistratida. Whilst they were thus circumstanced, the Amphyctions engaged them upon certain terms to construct that which is now the temple of Delphi, but which did not exist before. They were not deficient in point of wealth; and, warmed with the generous spirit of their race, they erected a temple far exceeding the model which had been given, in splendour and in beauty. Their agreement only obliged them to construct it of the stone of Porus, but they built the vestibule of Parian marble.

LXIII. These men, as the Athenians relate, during their continuance at Delphi, bribed the Pythian to

propose to every Spartan who should consult her, in a private or public capacity, the deliverance of Athens. The Lacedæmonians, hearing incessantly the same thing repeated to them, sent an army under the conduct of Anchimolius, son of Aster, a man of a very popular character, to expel the Pisistratidæ from Athens. They in this respect violated some very ancient ties of hospitality; but they thought it better became them to listen to the commands of Heaven, than to any human consideration. These forces were despatched by sea, and being driven to Phalerus, were there disembarked by Anchimolius. The Pisistratidæ being aware of this, applied for assistance to the Thessalians, with whom they were in alliance. The people of Thessaly obeyed the summons, and sent them a thousand horse, commanded by Cineas, their king, a native of Coniæus: on the arrival of their allies, the Pisistratidæ levelled all the country about Phalerus, and thus enabling the cavalry to act, they sent them against the Spartans. They accordingly attacked the enemy, and killed several, among whom was Anchimolius. Those who escaped were driven to their vessels. Thus succeeded the first attempt of the Lacedæmonians: the tomb of Anchimolius is still to be seen near the temple of Hercules, in Cynosarges, in the district of Alopece, in Attica.

LXIV. The Lacedæmonians afterwards sent ä greater body of forces against Athens, not by sea, but by land, under the direction of their king Cleomenes, son of Anaxandrides. These, on their first entrance into Attica, were attacked by the Thessalian horse, who were presently routed, with the loss of forty of their men; the remainder retired, without any farther efforts, into Thessaly. Cleomenes advancing to the city, was joined by those Athenians who desired to be free; in conjunction with whom he besieged the tyrants in the Pelasgian citadel.

LXV. The Lacedæmonians would have found themselves finally inadequate to the expulsion of the Pisistratidæ, for they were totally unprepared for a siege, whilst their adversaries were well provided with necessaries. After therefore continuing the blockade for

a few days, they were about to return to Sparta, when an accident happened, as fatal to one party, as favourable to the other. The children of the Pisistratidæ, in their attempts privately to escape, were taken prisoners; this incident reduced them to extreme perplexity, so that finally, to recover their children, they submitted to such terms as the Athenians imposed, and engaged to leave Attica within five days. Thus, after enjoying the supreme authority for thirty-six years, they retired to Sigeum beyond the Scamander. They were in their descent Pylians, of the family of Peleus; they were by birth related to Codrus and Melanthus, who had also obtained the supreme power at Athens, though strangers like themselves. In memory of which Hippocrates, the father of Pisistratus, had named his son from the son of Nestor. The Athenians were thus delivered from oppression; and it will now be my business to commemorate such prosperous or calamitous events as they experienced after they had thus recovered their liberties, before Ionia had revolted from Darius, and Aristagoras the Milesian had arrived at Athens to supplicate assistance.

LXVI. Athens was considerable before, but, its liberty being restored, it became greater than ever. Of its citizens, two enjoyed more than common reputation Clisthenes, of the family of the Alcmeonidæ, who according to the voice of fame had corrupted the Pythian; and Isagoras, son of Tisander, who was certainly of an illustrious origin, but whose particular descent I am not able to specify. The individuals of this family sacrifice to the Carian Jupiter: these two men, in their contention for superiority, divided the state into factions: Clisthenes, who was worsted by his rival, found means to conciliate the favour of the people. The four tribes, which were before named from the sons of Ion, Geleon, Ægicores, Argades, and Hoples, he divided into ten, naming them according to his fancy, from the heroes of his country. One, however, he called after Ajax, who had been the neighbour and ally to his nation.

LXVII. In this particular, Clisthenes seems to me to have imitated his grandfather of the same name by