day School Union, was under consideration, in committee of the whole, Mr. Herbert in the chair.

[Mr. Duncan having concluded his remarks in support of the bill-J Mr. Powel addressed the chair. Unhappily, I am constrained (said Mr. P.) to contend not only against persons whose motives I cannot condemn, but I am coerced to oppose my personal friends, in a misguided effort to promote the cause of religion, important alike to all conditions of men. It is not against Sabbath schools, for of them I honestly approve, nor is it against the patriotic gentlemen whose names are embodied in your bill, that I shall say aught which even the cavils of fanaticism can condemn.

If I were to seek security for good intentions, I should find it in their high standing as individuals, in their good works as members of religious associations, wherein many of them have been exalted by their charity and Christian zeal. I trust, sir, I shall be defended from all suspicion of hostility to Sunday School institutions, of desire to cast oblique censure upon the parties, who by their influence give countenance, and by their purse afford ad, to the religious instruction of the ignorant, fitting them to endure the sad trials of this world, and preparing them for the great object of our being-happiness in that which is to come.

When I accuse their agents of machination, I do it fearlessly. I am prepared to establish that which I utter by their own language, by tracing a systematic effort boldly to assume the despotism of "dictators," daringly avowing their object-exclusion from "all the political power of the country," all men whose consciences have been warped, whose characters have not been formed, whose devotion has not been secured by their system of education, their rites of "baptism," their modes of worship, their notions of the trinity and of transubstantiation, promulgated by certain blind zealots, who would make all men and all doctrines subservient to an established "orthodox" creed.

We have had an elaborate and eloquent exposition of the wishes of the Sunday School Union, an ingenious attempt to confute by anticipation, all which it is supposed the opponents of the bill can adduce in support of the grounds which they have assumed. With great deference for the sagacity, with the utmost respect for the ability of the accomplished advocate of the Sunday School Union, I venture to assert that he will not attempt the refutation of that which I am about to offer, that which they have written, that which they have published, that which they have put upon our desks to enable us to measure the extent of their usefulness, to decide upon the tendency of their efforts, the great object of their plans. He resolutely denies that one sentence can be shown, that a single fact can be brought in support of the positions which he has assailed. [Here Mr. Powel turned towards Mr. Duncan, saying] Permit me, sir, to ask, will you deny that this substantial octavo, entitled the "Sunday School Union Magazine," is authentic; that this collection of Sunday School documents, of Sunday School Union reports, of Sunday School precepts, of Sunday School Union political disquisitions and plans, is sanctioned by the managers whose names are paraded at length in various parts of the work? Can my friend deny that it is worthy of belief, that it is a compilation of such miscellaneous papers, of such pathetic addresses, and of such documents as they consider illustrative of their intentions, or conducive of their ends? I find in this work, second report "of the American Sunda ySchool Union, page 93, May, 1826." These institutions may terminate in an organized system of mutual co-operation be tween ministers and private Christians, so that every church shall be a

disciplined army; where every one knows his place, and where every one has a place and a duty in the grand onset against sin. "In ten years, or certainly in twenty, the political power of our country would be in the hands of men whose characters have been formed under the influence of Sunday schools." And in page 5th of the same work, "And the expe rience of the civilized world demonstrates that the character of the man is built upon the principles instilled into the mind of the child. Your board have felt desirous therefore, not only of furnishing their own schools with suitable books, but of introducing such books into schools of a different description, and of rendering them so abundant as to force out of circulation those which tend to mislead the mind. They have not been backward, therefore, to assume the high responsibility of revising and altering the books they have published, wherever alterations seem necessary. They have chosen to do this, rather than tamely issue sentiments which, in their consciences, they believe to be false or inconsistent with the purity of divine truth." That this is not a vain boast they have proved by their third report of 1827. On the first page I find [here Mr., Powel read another book which had been laid upon his desk] that "1,616,796 publications which added to those issued by the society in the two preceding years, make a grand total of 3.741,341 " Not satisfied, sir, with this vain-glorious display in their regular reports, republished and circulated in their magazines, they have appended a catalogue to one of their works, wherein they have reiterated in stronger terms, if practicable, the great object of their association.-[Here Mr. Powel again turning to Mr. Duncan, said] will the gentleman receive this as a fact? Will he consider their own statements as worthy of regard? Or will he contend, that, in the assumption of the power to alter books, to change the ideas of the, author, they have contrived to make their advocate consider them possessed of authority to alter the vocabulary of the language which we use. If I were to call them dictators, I should be accused of injustice; yet they say in their catalogue, "While the committee feel the immense responsibility which they assume in becoming dictators to the consciences of thousands of immortal beings on the great and all important subject of the wel fare of their souls, while they dread the consequences of uttering forgeries, or giving their sanction to the misrepresentation of the glorious truths of the gospel, they are not backward to become the responsible arbiters in these high points, rather than tamely issue sentiments which, in their consciences, they believed to be false or inconsistent with the purity of divine truth. They continue in the same page to assert, "In prepar ing works for the press, the utmost liberty is used with regard to whatever is republished by them,” and “in changing even the ideas." They alter the arrangement, mutilate the work, and change the ideas, yet retain the name of the author, thus making established names and forced constructions of received doctrines, subservient to their dictatorial will.

We are told that the managers did not write the passage predicting that political influence which in ten years is to assume all the power of the country," and in ten years is to turn us all out of our seats, We are told that it was written by a clergyman. Is it on that account of less force? It has been urged that it was written by a Connecticut clergyman.-The gentleman has orborne to make comment on this point. He exultingly exclaimed it was only the production of a Sunday School teacher. Would he have us infer that it should therefore be rejected as futile and unworthy of belief? No, sir, he will not venture to tell us this. He has told us much which I did not expect to hear. He has introduced an Episcopal bishop with some irrelevant and harsh remarks, which I shall pass by as unworthy of my regard. I am concerned that my friend, in his happy

vein of sarcasm, has placed Dr. Ely in a ludicrous light. "Poor Dr. Ely," as he calls him: Heaven forbid that I should dare to call him poor, or to compare him to "a scare. crow," or to "the pope." He has coupled him with General Jackson, and attempted to excite the Jackson feeling in this house. I regret that he has done so, although I well know his appeal will avail nought. I have never seen, sir, any instance, in which that feeling has been excited on this floor, and I am well assured it never will be exerted, except on fit occasions, if such can here arise in relation to the great contest for political sway. I cannot conceive by what motive he could be impelled to introduce general Jackson's name, unless it be from the connection in his own mind with the views of the agents of the Sunday School Union, and their determination in "ten or at most twenty" years, to establish ecclesiastical domination, and the union of church and state. [Here Mr. Powel read from the 3d report of the Sunday School Union, May, 1827, page 17.] "The annual report of the board of managers was then read by the Rev. Dr. Ely, of the third Presbyterian church, by whom it was written." I will ask my colleague is not poor Dr. Ely, by this passage identified with the Sunday School Union as the expounder of their views, as the writer of their report? [Here Mr. Powel read the following extracts from Dr. Ely's sermon:-]

"In other words, our presidents, secretaries of the government, senators and other representatives in Congress, governors of states, judges, state legislators, justices of the peace, and city magistrates, are just as much bound as any other persons in the United States, to be orthodox in their faith."

"Our rulers, like any other members of the community, who are under law to God as rational beings, and under law to Christ, since they have the light of divine revelation, ought to search the Scriptures, assent to the truth, profess faith in Christ, keep the Sabbath holy to God, pray in private and in the domestic circle, attend on the public ministry of the word, be baptized, and celebrate the Lord's supper.* The electors of these five classes of true Christians united in the sole requisition of apparent friendship to Christianity in every candidate for office whom they will support, could govern every public election in our country, without infringing in the least upon the charter of our civil liberties.

"The Presbyterians alone could bring half a million of electors into the field.

"I propose, fellow citizens, a new sort of union, or if you please, a Christian party in politics, which I am exceedingly desirous all good men in our country should join."

**

"I am free to avow, that other things being equal, I would prefer for my chief magistrate, and judge, and ruler, a sound Presbyterian. * It will be objected that my plan of a truly Christian party in politics will make hypocrites. We are not answerable for their hypocrisy if it does." We have seen, continued Mr. Powel, that a reverend and erudite gentleman, whose piety and good works might have been taken as a guarantee against all danger of clerical violence or sectarian proscription, has boldly exposed the system of tactics, and designated the modes of attack in which even he, so highly revered, sc implicitly obeyed, would employ the "disciplined army where every one has a place, where every one knows his place," to exclude from "all the political power of our country," all men whose characters have not been formed by Sunday Schools, If this gentleman, justly elevated by talents, so highly embellished by learning, and so much distinguished by religious sway, be so zealous as to consider ecclesiastical domination the dear object of his career, what may we not suspect, what ought we not to expect from ignorant and bigot

F

ted satellites, radiating light and heat from a grand luminary, a "retrospective theologian," a Michavelian politician, soaring in regions of visionary philosophy, calling on half a million of followers, to rally for the exclusion of all men who are not "orthodox" from the polls.

This reverend and meek Christian, we have seen, is not merely the associate of the Sunday Shool Union-he is their organ-the person selected to compile their report-to read their report; and I have their own authority, to write their report; thus made the guide of the vast machine, prepared to "force out of circulation" all works which they do not approve to force upon schools of a different description," books which they have mutilated, still sanctioned by the authority of the original author's names, although perverted and adapted to the taste of those who are to be trained as implicit believers in that which the Christian pastor happens to deem the orthodox faith.

That the managers of the Sunday School Union are full, well impressed with the danger of clerical interference, is sufficiently manifest from the clause in their constitution, which admits but laymen as members of their board, and that they apprehend the force of the arguments which such interference would inevitably adduce in opposition to their prayer for a charter, is evident from the fact, that they have told you, that all but laymen are excluded from their board. But it happens that notwithstanding the resolution they have evinced, the acumen they have displayed, the sagacity and determination with which all these movements are fraught, they have been seduced from their purpose by that good feeling-that Christian acquiescence, that high degree of humility which religion imposes, and which her pastors can adroitly turn to any, end which they deem good.

They have assured us that all men and all children, and all denominations are alike objects of their fostering care, and that no religious creedno sectarian feeling, no desire but that of doing good, can operate upon their minds. I believe them, they are incapable of falsehood, it is not possible to make them designedly do wrong, I repeat, it is not of them I have fear, nor is it of men remarkable as the reverend pastor, that I have dread: for I am assured that he is stimulated by an honest desire, to make all men Christians after his own fashion-to make them all happy in his own way to make them all orthodox in his own faith; he has told us this, and he has told us the truth. Nor have I objection to the denomination of Christians whom he would lead. I am not one of those who would denounce them as sectarians-who are disposed to deny to them the full measure of good intentions and good works. I am satisfied, sir, there are no Christians whose usefulness here, whose prospects of eternal bliss hereafter, are better established than those of that portion of the community distinguished by their name. Far be it from me to entertain doubt, or tacitly to submit to insinuation which could cast aspersion upon them. I have, sir, resisted upon this floor, what I conceived to be an attack upon the trustees and professors of a neighboring college, because accidental association, and the unalterable affinity of juxta position, had not failed to operate upon these Presbyterians, as it must do, ever has done, and always will do upon all men, whether high churchmen, Mohammedans or

Jews.

It is to the casuistical workings of priestcraft-the ceaseless efforts of misgaided men, whose brains inflamed by any passion, would make them humble and willing tools, prepared either to act as decorated pageants in the grand army, as it is called, in a crusade for political power, or to submit as ejaculating martyrs at the stake, to satisfy the vengeance of religious bigotry and mad zeal. This is strong language, but sir, have we not

been told that "all the political power in the country within ten or twenty years shall be in the hands of persons whose characters have been formed at Sunday Schools"-formed under the direction of those who can force out of circulation that of which they do not approve-of those who boldly assert that they will force into use that which they have mutilated, and have adapted to their own ends of those who daringly declare that they are dictators to the consciences of thousands of immortal beings-of those whose organ utters anathemas from the house of God, calling on his followers to form a "Christian party in politics," to be supported by half a million of followers-to establish ecclesiastical domination-the rites of baptism-the orthodox faith throughout the land.

Such consequences are not to be apprehended within our day, but they are to be apprehended, if we believe the predictions of the pious gentleman, and if we regard the prayer of the petitioners asking a charter, and the bill which they have prepared for our file, authorizing them "for ever hereafter to hold all and all manner of lands, tenements and hereditaments," without limitation of time or capital, but merely acquiescing in the limitation of monied income, not to exceed ten thousand dollars per year.

We are told that no sectarian feeling can operate in the board of managers that all persons may become contributors-may be made voters, and that no man is disqualified by his religious sentiments from participation in their concerns. Let it be admitted that there is no test at this time in force. But has not their reporter-the accomplished and frank expoun der of their views, the reverend gentleman told us, from the pulpit, in the house of God, that he would marshal his forces,-that he would call on half a million of followers to proscribe, exclude from the highest to the lowest civil offices those who had not been "baptized”—who are not orthodox in their faith "those who are not Presbyterians." Can it be believed that this gentleman whose character stands so deservedly high for steadiness of purpose, would say that which he did not mean to be seriously received, or that having said it, he would not act upon it, or that he acting upon it would disregard the means which we have been told would in ten years give effect to the great end? Would he not in his pious endeavors to do that which he conscientiously thinks right, forbear to apply his eloquence? Would he not marshal his forces to exclude from the list of agents, if not from the board of managers, all those whose creeds, whose purposes, and whose objects are not consistent with his own? But, sir, how is the facts? A reverend gentleman has already been employed with a large salary to take the field," a missionary fund has been established, collected from the auxiliary schools connected with the vast machine.

A grand system of proselytism has been formed, rules are given for the modes of attack upon the old and young-"The hour of affliction, the moments of despair," are pointed out as fit occasions to grasp the victims of sectarian zeal.

I must again absolve the gentleman at the head of this institution; and, sir, most emphatically do I except those whose names are embodied in your bill with their consent, and those whose names are so embodied without their consent, and those who have contributed by their money and their countenance, to objects of the Sunday School Union, from all grounds of accusation-from all suspicion of aught unjust or unfair.

I shall be forgiven, I trust, by them, if in obedience to my oath to defend the constitution, I oppose a deliberate plan to exclude in ten or twenty years, any set of men whether educated or uneducated, whether "orthodox" or heterodox from the politcal power of the country: a plan avowed