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three trustees aforenamed, all my personal estate of what nature soever after the death of my most dearly beloved wife, to be by them converted into money, and to be laid out in government debentures, and applied to the great end of encouraging virtue and learning in the College, where the youth of the nation are educated, and where most essential service may be expected from their care and patronage, and therefore I do hereby appoint the aforesaid trustees my residuary legatees."

The premiums from this fund were first distributed in 1798, and after Samuel Madden's death the family estates devolved upon his brother John of Maddenton, Co. Monaghan, who married Anne, daughter of Robert Cope, M.P., of Loughgall, Co. Armagh; and dying in 1791 was succeeded by his son Samuel, the representatives of whose son, the late colonel John Madden, now reside at Maddenton or Hilton, Co. Monaghan.

In reviewing the character of Samuel Madden, we must recur to the times in which he lived, a knowledge of which can alone enable us to form a true estimate of his services. Allied by a multiplicity of ties to the ascendancy party, he was necessitated to eschew in his writings all advocacy of religious toleration, or independence of England, knowing that otherwise his efforts to promote native industry might have been, like Swift's proposal for the encouragement of Irish manufactures, declared to be covert treason against the Hanoverian succession. His munificence in allocating a portion of his fortune to the promotion of art and industry in his native land, was totally unprecedented, and cannot be ascribed to any interested motives, as the distribution of his premium funds was altogether committed to the management of the Dublin Society. As a prose writer, Madden put forward his views in a clear and perspicuous manner, but he erred in attempting to acquire a reputation for poetry, the genius of his family, in that department of literature, having been monopolised by his kinsman, Oliver Goldsmith.

The materials for Madden's biography are extremely meagre, owing to the dearth of family documents, we must therefore in his case rely on the truth of Lamartine's observation that "l'histoire de notre talent est presque toujours celle de notre vie." The accounts hitherto published of Madden have been exceedingly inaccurate, and we trust that the present sketch may, to some extent, redeem his memory from the unjust obscurity in which it has been too long suffered to remain.

ART. V.-MAGUIRE ON THE DEVELOPEMENT OF
IRISH INDUSTRY.

The Industrial Movement in Ireland, As Illustrated By The
National Exhibition of 1852.
guire, M.P., Mayor of Cork.
London Simpkin Marshall and Co.
M'Glashan. 1 vol. 8vo. 1853.

:

By John Francis Ma-
Cork John O'Brien.
Dublin: J.

THIS is a very remarkable book, worthy the attentive consideration of the statesman, but far more important, and more suggestive in its teaching, to those who are neither ashamed of their country, nor despondent in the cause of Ireland's advancement. We know that there are Irishmen who look with unconcern, even with satisfaction, upon the exodus of the peasantry, and who see, in the immigration of English and Scotch agricultural speculators, a harbinger of our progression, because eventually, as they expect, Ireland must become assimilated to the sister islands, and anglicised in feeling and in prosperity. With these "souls so dead" we do not quarrel: they possess reasoning powers, and calculating minds, sufficient to form a political economist, or a government secretary of the Tadpole and Taper species-but they want the wisdom, the patriotism, and the heart, requisite to constitute a statesman. To such men as these, Mr. Maguire's book is a piece of irrelevant impertinence, but to the man with Irish feeling, Irish sympathy, a love for national honor, and a desire for the closer knitting of the United Kingdoms in interest, as they are united in law, it is in the highest degree valuable.

Sir Robert Kane, in his Industrial Resources of Ireland, has displayed all the riches of our soil, and all the natural wealth of our country. Mr. Maguire's subject is one equally useful and equally noble-he explains, he proves, the ardor, the quickness, and the success of our people, in acquiring industrial knowledge, and in applying that knowledge practically and soundly. There is not, in all the history of our country, a more melancholy reflection than that suggested by the manufactured objects displayed in our National Exhibition. The building itself proves what we can accomplish, the Irish made goods within it show, to a stranger, only how little in

manufactures we have achieved. But to the Irishman who knows the real history of his country's trade, no such thoughts arise. He knows that England's folly deprived her of the American possessions, the selfish rule of the mother country having alienated the confidence of the colonists: that selfishness and that folly would have severed Ireland from her too, but that, through wisdom or through terror, she was, at the critical moment, just. Statesmen are now somewhat wiser or more calculating than in other days, but looking at the small number of specimens of manufactures contributed by Ireland to her own Exhibition, and comparing them with those produced by England and Scotland, the memory recalls most vividly the long series of cruel neglects which have retarded the trade of Ireland. For ages the course of legislation, upon all measures affecting that trade, seemed as if dictated by the spirit to which Charles Kendal Bushe declared the act of Union owed its origin" an intolerance of Irish prosperity."

Four hundred and ninety-three years ago Irish trade was found too flourishing and too prosperous to suit the interests of England, and our woollen and leather fabrics were regarded with deep jealousy ;* and as years rolled on, the woollen manufacturers of England required the aid of Parliament to check the progress of this branch of Irish industry. During the years 1633 and 1636, Lord Strafford, the Lord Deputy, being devoted to the interest of his master and of his countrymen, saw with concern that the woollen cloths of Ireland might, at no distant day, excel those of his own nation, and looked with dislike upon Irish manufacturers, fearing, as he wrote to Charles, "that they might beat us out of the trade itself, by underselling us, which they are able to do."+

The rule of Charles the Second was as disastrous to the Irish traders in intention, as it was disgraceful to the honor of his own country. From the twelfth to the twenty-second year of his reign, it seems as if the whole power of the English legislature was applied to complete the mischief which Strafford had begun. By one act of Parliament‡ a duty so high as to

*See Anderson's History of Commerce, Vol. I., p. 321. It is a curious fact, that a poem was written in the reign of Henry VI. in which "linen cloth" is mentioned as one of the staple productions of Ireland. See Strafford's Letters and Dispatches in the above years.

12 Charles II., c. 4.

amount to a prohibition, was imposed upon Irish woollen fabrics by another act, the import of Irish cattle into England, and all valuable exports from Ireland to the colonies, were forbidden; and by a third enactment,† the imports into Ireland, from the colonies, of sugar, tobacco, cotton, indigo, steel, Jamaica wood, and other useful articles, were strictly prohibited, unless first unloaded at an English Port.

Strafford hoped to avert the impending competition of this country with his own, by turning the attention of the Irish people to the manufacture of linen cloths. In this plan he was supported by the Duke of Ormond, anxious either to extend the power of his house, or desirous to advance the supposed interests of Ireland. The Irish traders, however, were too well aware of their own position to surrender readily the advantages which had accrued to them from the woollen manufactures. The sheep pastures of the country were the great sources of its wealth; this the people well knew; and as the notable scheme of the Viceroy was only in part successful, The Navigation Act was afterwards passed, and Ireland was cut off from all mercantile communication with the colonies of that kingdom of which she was an integral portion.

Ten years passed by, the manufacturers still continued to hold their old position; and in addition, the linen dealers were daily increasing in importance. Then it was that Sir William Temple, turning aside from his gardens, and his musings upon heroic virtue, and disquisitions upon ancient and modern learning, with that cold, narrow policy, which dictated too many of his actions, wrote to the Lord Lieutenant, that "regard must be had to those points wherein the trade of Ireland comes to interfere with that of England, in which case the Irish trade ought to be declined, so as to give way to the trade of England." Still the trade of Ireland continued to increase; and twenty-three years afterwards there was exhibited the most flagrant proof of oppression, of short-sightedness, and of selfish folly, that all the records of Parliamentary history can afford.

William the Third was securely seated upon the throne; he had nothing to fear from the nation, and the party conflicts and smouldering discontents around him, served but to

15 Charles II., c. 7.
† 22-23 Charles II., c. 26.

strengthen his position. But even then Ireland was "a great difficulty." Its trade was extending, The Navigation Act was found to have fallen short of its intended effect, and the nation which had, in driving the perjured tyrant from its shore, given the truest and most decided evidence of its love for freedom of thought, for freedom of action, for freedom of opinion, in 1688,-in 1698 exhibited the grossest and most pitiable tyranny and exclusiveness. Somers, and all the great heroes of the Revolution, were around the throne; the King's Council was wiser, more thoughtful, and graver, than any that had ever before guided the kingdom; it was far-seeing, gifted with God-like perception of all that should be done to strengthen the power, or to advance the interest of England abroad; but towards Ireland the views of the King's Ministers and of his Parliament were those of petty peddling traders, fearing the opposition of rival chapmen. The Lords, in their address, informed the King, that owing to the cheapness of all the necessaries of life, and the excellence and plenty of all materials for the manufacture of all clothes, especially woollen, many Englishmen had gone to reside in Ireland, and that the woollen trade of that country was so rapidly advancing, they, the Lords, feared it would injure that of England, and might hereafter, unless at once crushed, require "very strict laws, totally to prohibit and suppress the same." The Lords then advised his majesty to tell the people of Ireland, that if they will devote their "industry and skill to the settling and improving the linen manufacture, for which generally the lands are very proper, they shall receive all the countenance, favour and protection, from your royal influence, for the encouragement and promotion of the linen manufacture to all the advantage and profit they can be capable of." And then the Commons advanced to tell his Majesty that they were concerned to find Ireland, a country dependant upon and protected by England, wasting its advantages, and neglecting the linen trade in which they would not interfere with England, whilst they were most industriously advancing the manufacture of woollens, to the decided disadvantage of his English subjects; and they concluded by stating-"we do most humbly implore your majesty's protection and favour in this matter, that you will make it your royal care, and enjoin all those you employ in Ireland to make it their care, and use their utmost diligence to hinder the exportation of wool from Ireland, ex

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