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difference as to taxation. One of the Papers relating to the Income, Expenditure, Commerce, and Trade of Ireland,' presented to Parliament in 1834, shows that certain articles, as tea, wine, sugar, &c., yielded in 1801, a revenue of £1,531,446; but if they had been subject to the British rate of taxation, they would have produced £2,882,370. Thus Ireland had been saved up to that time an increase of taxation on those articles amounting to £1,350,924. Lord Grey, in debating the Union question, said there was nothing in the advancement even of Scotland, comparable with the increase of commercial wealth in Ireland......Lord Clare, chief agent with Lord Castlereagh in carrying the Union, stated of Ireland, that No nation of the habitable globe advanced in cultivation, in commerce, in agriculture, in manufactures, with the same rapidity in the same period,' (1782 to 1800). "

We have, in a former part of this paper, referred to the small increase of our revenue since 1800. The following table, from Parliamentary Returns of the years 1815, 1828, and 1840, will shew how different was the case whilst Ireland was unincumbered by any Debt or liability save her own:

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These figures are from the Finance Accounts of 1853. Thus in 40 years, while under native management, the revenue of Ireland increased nearly six-fold; and in 53 years, under the management of Englishmen, it barely increased onefourth, although the taxation was nearly two-thirds greater in the second period than in the first! Meanwhile England, being always under native management, increased her revenue something mere than three-fold in the first period, and more than one-half in the second :-her taxation diminishing during the latter period.

We are not arguing the question of Repealing the Legislative Union; our's is simply a fiscal question. Our references to "native management" have, at least in this paper, no further scope than to suggest, that since there are such irrefragable proofs of the better administration in Ireland of that important department of Government, the financial, by Irishmen, they should

no longer be so entirely debarred as they are at present from all share in the management of that department, at least so far as regards their own country-an alteration that would involve no revolution or revision of the Constitution, but simply a larger and freer admission of Irishmen to the higher offices of State. One fact is quite certain, that Irishmen could not mis-manage their own affairs worse, at any rate, than after fiftythree years experience of English guidance, we find them to have proved.

But the mere infusion of Irishmen into the Cabinet, and prevalence of Irish counsels in Irish matters, though undoubtedly calculated to make a most beneficial alteration in Ireland, as regards her resources and well being, could not do everything. Something else is wanted to supply a real and permanent stimulus. Something is required that will check, or mitigate in great measure, the wasting drains to which she is subject. No country can really prosper when under the influence of large out-goings without return. Of the thirteen or fourteen millions of rents of land, not less than one-fourth is estimated to be taken away from Ireland, without return, by absentees. Other countries are, no doubt, subject also to the drain of absenteeism, but none to this extent, as compared with the total of their rental; and the drain in their cases is often more than compensated by indraught from other quarters. But Ireland is out of the gangway of nations, situate, as she is, at the extremity of Europe; and accordingly nothing comes in to supply the place of that which goes from her. The mortgages on land, which are a consequence of our general impoverishment, and the power which the consolidation of the Exchequers in 1816 gave, as we have seen, to the English Minister of the day, to carry off every shilling of our revenue-these two causes combine with the monster-drain of absenteeism, to run up the total amount of our annual out-goings, without return, to, perhaps, more than seven millions! And this in a country where the entire revenue receipt is not quite four millions and a half; and where the final extension of the whole high standard of English taxation, by this year's imposition upon us of the Income Tax, is not estimated by the most sanguine, or the most deluding, as likely to raise our revenue-contributions within £200,000 of five millions !!!

How this drain is to be stopped, or mitigated, is another matter, with which we are not now to deal. Unless it be

checked, and that in time, all appearance of prosperity in Ireland must be fleeting, or delusive. The human body cannot maintain its vigor if the circulating fluid, to which it owes that vigor, be allowed to issue from its veins,-the body politic must equally lose strength and vitality, when money, which is its life-blood, is constantly being drained away. True, there remains in the country some capital-for argument's sake let it be assumed that a good deal remains; but this furnishes no reason why more should not be kept at home if possible; and surely few will contend that it is better for a country to lose six or seven millions without return, than to enjoy the advantages of having them spent at home?

We conclude with earnestly recommending the consideration of these matters to our representatives, and to all those who have in any way a share in controlling and directing our fortunes. The first thing to be attempted is, to stop all further taxation of the country. Let no false security delude our Members on this point. The total violation of compact which we prove to have been committed by England in our regard since the Union, ought to preach trumpet-tongued, that no reliance is to be placed upon the right and reason of our case, or upon Imperial assurances. The next matter is, to insist that a fair proportion of the National expenditure should be given to Ireland. This is quite within the scope of immediate action, at the very beginning of the next session; and perseverance and obstinacy, and the "making-one's-self-troublesome" system, may effect much. The third, and more difficult and laborious task-the attempt to undo some portion at least of the fiscal injustice that has been inflicted upon us, although not a very hopeful effort in the British Parliament, is yet a duty; and though its own end may not be accomplished, yet the struggle for it will materially assist and facilitate the two first named objects. The fourth, and greatest of all, would be to check the wasting drains of Irish capital; and revivify her industry, and her whole body politic, by the restored circulation of money at home. To do this something is wanted that will give Irishmen an attraction and an interest to live in their own country.

Did Ireland obtain fair play and justice in these respects, there is abundant ground for believing that her contributions to the burthens and necessities of the empire would, within a few years, be as high as ten, or even twenty, millions annually-paid more surely, and far more easily, than our present miserable revenue of less than five.




THE acclivity on which "High-street" stands is stated to have been the commencement of the Eiscir, or boundary, agreed upon in the second century, when Ireland was divided into two portions, between Owen, king of Munster, and Conn, surnamed "of the hundred battles." In the ancient Anglo Norman records High-street is styled "Altus vicus;" and an old writer, commenting on the name of Dublin, observes: "the Irish called it Baile atha Cliath, that is, a town planted upon hurdels. For the common opinion is, that the plot upon which the civitie is builded hath beene a marish ground; and for that by the art or invention of the first founder, the water could not be voided, he was forced to fasten the quakemire with hurdels, and upon them to build the citie. I heard of some that came of building of houses to this foundation: and other hold opinion that if a cart or waine run with a round and maine pase through a street called the High street, the houses on each side shall be perceived to shake."

From the marshy nature of the ground in this locality, it is, even at the present day, found nearly impossible to obtain secure foundations for buildings in High-street, the majority of the houses in which have been consequently erected on piles and massive wooden frames.

The church of St. Michael the Archangel, in High-street, was founded as a chapel by Donagh, bishop of Dublin in the eleventh century, whose successor, Richard Talbot, advanced it to the dignity of a parochial church in the fifteenth century. The fraternity of shoemakers (fraternitas sutorum), or guild of the blessed virgin Mary, by their charter, passed in 1404, were authorized to found a chantry of one or more chaplains, for the daily celebration of divine service in the chapel of the Virgin Mary, in the church of St. Michael in the High-street. By another patent, dated 24th January, in the twenty-second year of Henry VI. (1444), at the request of the commons, and with the assent of a parliament held at Dublin in that year, a guild was founded for the daily celebration of divine service in the chapel of St. Catherine in St. Michael's church.

Henry VIII., by charter in 1541, assigned this church,

with those of St. Michan and St. John, to the three principal vicars choral of Christ church, who were likewise constituted members of the chapter. Under this charter John Corragh was made the first vicar choral, and dean's vicar, and received the rectory of St. Michael's as his prebend. In 1544 archbishop Browne constituted the above mentioned churches permanently prebendal, leaving them still attached to the offices of dean's vicar, precentor's vicar, and chancellor's vicar. James I., by a new charter in 1604, changed the vicars choral into three "canonical prebendaries," under which title the then occupants were confirmed in their appointments, and this constitution is continued to the present day.

During the sixteenth, and early part of the seventeenth century, St. Michael's church was one of the most frequented in the city. After the Restoration, however, it was found necessary to repair and rebuild portions of the edifice, relative to which we find the following document enrolled in the parochial registry :

"Whereas for severall yeares past the severall companies of the Royall regiment quartered in this city have made use of the church of St. Michaell's, Dublin, every Friday for the service of God, but in all that tyme nothinge hath beene contributed towards the reperation of the said church, or the seates thereof, which now standes in neede of much mendinge, and the parishioners having mett this day and considering of the charge that will repaire the same, doe finde themselves much disenabled to defray the same charge, doe therefore make it theire request that the minister of the saide church Mr. John Glendie and the present church wardens, calling with them some of the parishioners of the saide parish as they thinck fitt, doe waite on

* The regiment above referred to was formed by order of Charles II., in 1662, and granted to the duke of Ormond, who, as its first colonel, has the power of naming its officers: it was composed of levies made in England, joined with a portion of the independent companies of which the previous force in Ireland consisted, being thus an English regiment for service in Ireland. It was originally called the" Royal Irish Regiment," subsequently the "King's Foot Guards," and remained in the Ormond family until the second duke of that name went over to William III. when lieutenant colonel William Dorrington was appointed its colonel by James II.; at that period, however, the regiment had been made completely Irish by the duke of Tyrconnel, for the purpose of securing its fidelity to the king's cause in Ireland. As the King's Foot Guards," the regiment fought throughout the wars of the Revolution and particularly distinguished itself in the right wing of the Irish army at Aughrim, where it stood out longest, its colonel being there taken prisoner, and its lieutenant colonel W. M. Barker, together with its chaplain, Dr. Alexius Stafford, slain. The "King's Foot Guards," served under Dorrington on the Continent till the peace of

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