in 1829, was as explicit as the former ones in this respect. Turkey, on her part, recognized this right of religious interference, and fulfilled her engagements until within the last year or two, when, for the first time, she gave me reason to complain. I will not now advert to the parties who were her principal instigators on that occasion; suffice it to say that it became my duty to interfere, and to claim from Turkey the ful offer any opinion upon the questions now at issue | her favor. I have, myself, acted as my predebetween the Imperial Government of Russia and cessors had done, and the Treaty of Adrianople, that of any other country; but estimating the exalted position in which Divine Providence has placed thee, and the solemn responsibilities devolving upon thee, not only as an earthly potentate, but also as a believer in that gospel which proclaims 'peace on earth,' and good will toward men,' we implore Him, by whom 'Kings reign and Princes decree justice,' so to influence thy heart and direct thy councils at this momentous crisis, that thou mayest prac-filment of her engagements. My representatically exhibit to the nations, and even to those who do not profess the 'like precious faith,' the efficacy of the gospel of Christ, and the universal application of his command, 'Love your enemies; bless them that curse you; do good to them that hate you; and pray for them which despitefully use you and persecute you; that ye may be the children of your Father which is in Heaven.' "The more fully the Christian is persuaded of the justice of his own cause, the greater his magnanimity in the exercise of forbearance. May the Lord make thee the honored instrument of exemplifying this true nobility; thereby securing to thyself and to thy vast dominions that true glory and those rich blessings which could never result from the most successful appeal to arms. "Thus, O mighty Prince, may the miseries and devastation of war be averted; and, in that solemn day when 'every one of us shall give account of himself to God,' may the benediction of the Redeemer apply to thee, Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called the children of God, and mayest thou be permitted through a Saviour's love to exchange an earthly for a heavenly crown-'a crown of glory which fadeth not away.' London, First month 11, 1854. [Here follow the signatures.] The Emperor, after listening with kind attention to the Address, said he wished to offer some explanation of his views as to the causes of the present unhappy differences. His observations in the course of the conversation were nearly as follows: "We received the blessings of Christianity from the Greek Empire, and this has established, and maintained ever since, a link of connection, both moral and religious, between Russia and that power. The ties that have thus united the two countries have subsisted for 900 years, and were not severed by the conquest of Russia by the Tartars; and when at a later period, our country succeeded in shaking off that yoke, and the Greek Empire, in its turn, fell under the sway of the Turks, we still continued to take a lively interest in the welfare of our co-religionists there; and when Russia became powerful enough to resist the Turks, and to dictate the terms of peace, we paid particular attention to the well-being of the Greek Church, and procured the insertion in successive treaties, of most important articles in tions were pressing but friendly, and I have every reason to believe that matters would soon have been settled, if Turkey had not been induced by other parties to believe that I had ulterior objects in view; that I was aiming at conquest, aggrandizement, and the ruin of Turkey. I have solemnly disclaimed, and do now as solemnly disclaim, every such motive. I do not desire war; I ahhor it as sincerely as you do, and am ready to forget the past, if only the opportunity be afforded me. "I have great esteem for your country, and a sincere affection for your Queen, whom I admire not only as a Sovereign, but as a lady, a wife, and a mother. I have placed full confidence in her, and have acted towards her in a frank and friendly spirit. I felt it my duty to call her attention to future dangers, which I considered as likely, sooner or later, to arise in the East, in consequence of the existing state of things. What on my part was prudent foresight, has been unfairly construed in your country into a designing policy, and an ambitious desire of conquest. This has deeply wounded my feelings and afflicted my heart. Personal insults and invectives I regard with indifference. It is beneath my dignity to notice them. And I am ready to forgive all that is personal to me, and to hold out my hand to my enemies in the true Christian spirit. I cannot understand what cause of complaint your nation has against Russia. I am anxious to avoid war by all possible means; I will not attack, and shall only act in self-defence; but I cannot be indifferent to what concerns the honor of my country. I have a duty to perform as a Sovereign. As a Christian, I am ready to comply with the precepts of religion. On the present occasion, my great duty is to attend to the interests and honor of my country.' The Deputation then remarked, that as their mission was not of a political character, but intended simply to convey to the Emperor the sentiments of their own Society, as a religious body, they did not feel it to be their place to enter into any of the questions involved in the present dispute; but, with the Emperor's permission, they would be glad to call his attention specially to a few points. * * * They said that they and many others in their own country had incurred the disfavor of the supporters of the present military system, by advocating the settlement of international disputes by arbitration. They also remarked, that seeing that whilst Mahometanism avowedly justifies the employment of the sword in propagating its doctrines, Christianity is emphatically a religion of peace, there appeared (with reference to the present dispute) a peculiar propriety in a Christian Emperor exercising forbearance and forgiveness; and they added that, in the event of a European war, amongst the thousands who would be its victims, those who were the principal causes of it would probably not be the greatest sufferers, but that the heaviest calamities would fall on innocent men with their wives and children. The Emperor, before quitting the apartment, informed the deputation that the Empress was desirous of seeing them. They were, accordingly, at once introduced to the Empress and to the Grand-Duchess Olga, with whom they had an agreeable interview. The deputation were subsequently informed through Baron Nicolay, that the Emperor desired to transmit to the Society of Friends a written reply to their address; which was accordingly forwarded to them previously to their departure from Petersburgh. A copy of this document, is subjoined. (Signed) JOSEPH STURGE, of Birmingham, COPY OF THE EMPEROR'S REPLY.' His Majesty, the Emperor, has received, with lively satisfaction, the address presented by the deputation from the Society of Friends, as the expression of sentiments entirely consonant with those by which he is himself animated. His Majesty, as well as themselves, has a horror of war, and sincerely desires the maintenance of peace. In order to preserve it he is ready to forget personal insults and offences, to be the first to offer his hand to his enemies, and to make all concessions compatible with his honor. His Majesty will not attack; he will only defend himself, and will be always disposed to listen to the offers of peace. The Emperor deeply regrets the existing condition of affairs, and casts its responsibility far from him. He has always desired to maintain a good understanding with England. He has a sincere affection for the Queen, whom he esteems as a sovereign, a woman, a wife and a mother; and he has given her unequivocal proofs of his confidence and regard. His Majesty repudiates all ambitious designs of conquest, or of unjust interference with the affairs of Turkey. He claims from that power nothing more than he has a right to demand by virtue of explicit This reply was given in the French language, but is translated by the Editor of the Review for the benefit of his readers. treaties concluded by his predecessors and himself. The bond which unites Russia with her co-religionists in the East, has existed 900 years. It was through the ancient Greek Empire that Christianity came to us; and from that time a constant community of religious interests was maintained between Russia and the Byzantine Empire to its fall. Since Russia freed herself from the Tartar yoke, she has constantly labored to meliorate the condition of her co-religionists; and in these labors she has been successful. She cannot refuse her religious sympathy with them, or renounce a legitimate influence, acquired at the price of her people's blood. But the Emperor demands nothing more. He asks nothing from the Turks; and he would be happy to see England render entire justice to the motives by which he has been actuated. He does not believe that he has ever given her the least cause of complaint; and he appeals to the testimony of all English residents in his country, who, as his Majesty is convinced, will not hesitate to declare that they have always been well satisfied with the treatment they have experienced in Russia. (Signed) NESSELRODE. Petersburgh, 13th of February, 1854. Extracts from the speech of Charles Sumner, on the Nebraska bill, delivered 2d mo. 21, in the U. S. Senate. (Continued from page 430.) A simple statement of facts, derived from the journals of Congress and contemporary records, will show the origin and nature of this compact, the influences by which it was established, and the obligations which it imposed. At the first session of the Fifteenth Congress, a bill was reported to the House of Representatives, authorizing the people of the Missouri Territory to form a Constitution and State Government, for the admission of such State into the Union; but, at the session, no final action was had thereon. At the next session, in February, 1819, the bill was again brought forward, when an eminent Representative of New York, moved a clause prohibiting any further introduction of slaves into the proposed State, and securing Freedom to the children born within the State after its admission into the Union, on attaining twenty-five years of age. This important proposition, which assumed a power not only to prohibit the ingress of Slavery into the State itself, but also to abolish it there, was passed in the affirmative, after a vehement debate of three days. On a division of the question, the first part, prohibiting the further introduction of slaves, was adopted by 87 yeas to 76 nays; the second part, providing for the emancipation of children, was adopted by 82 yeas to 78 nays. Other propositions to thwart the operations of these amendments were voted down, and on the 17th of February the bill was read a third time, and passed, with these important restrictions. In the Senate, after debate, the provision for the emancipation of children was struck out by 31 yeas to 7 nays; the other provision, against the further introduction of Slavery, was struck out by 22 yeas to 16 nays. The bill was returned to the House, which, on March 2nd, by a vote of 78 nays to 76 yeas, refused its concurrence. The Senate adhered to their amendments, and the House, by 78 yeas to 66 nays, adhered to their disagreement; and so at this session the Missouri bill was lost; and here was a temporary triumph of Freedom. Message, two several Committees of the House were constituted, one to consider the application of Maine, and the other of Missouri, to enter the Union as separate and independent States. With only the delay of a single day, the bill for the admission of Missouri was reported to the House without the restriction of Slavery; but, as if shrinking from the immediate discussion of the great question it involved, afterwards on the motion of Mr. Mercer, of Virginia, its consideration was postponed for several weeks; all which, be it observed, is in open contrast with the manner in which the present discussion has been precip bill, when reported to the House, was promptly acted upon, and sent to the Senate. Meanwhile, the same controversy was renewed on the bill pending at the same time for the or-itated upon Congress. Meanwhile, the Maine ganization of the Territory of Arkansas, then known as the southern part of the Territory of Missouri. The restrictions already adopted in the Missouri bill were moved by Mr. Taylor, of New York, afterwards Speaker; but after at least six close votes, on the Yeas and Nays, in one of which the House was equally divided, 88 Yeas to 88 Nays, they were lost. Another proposition by Mr. Taylor, simpler in form, that Slavery should not hereafter be introduced into this territory, was lost by 90 Nays to 86 Yeas; and the Arkansas bill on Feb. 25th, was read the third time and passed. In the Senate, Mr. Burrill, of Rhode Island, moved as an amendment, the prohibition of the further introduction of Slavery into this Territory, which was lost by 19 Nays to 14 Yeas. And thus, without any provision for Freedom, Arkansas was organized as a Territory; and here was a triumph of Slavery. At the same session, Alabama was admitted as a Slave State, without any restriction or objection. In the interval between the report of the Missouri bill, and its consideration by the House, a Committee was constituted, on motion of Mr. Taylor, of New York, to inquire into the expediency of prohibiting the introduction of Slavery into the Territories west of the Mississip pi. This Committee, at the end of a fortnight, was discharged from further consideration of the subject, which, it was understood, would enter into the postponed debate on the Missouri bill. This early effort to interdict Slavery in the Ter ritories by a special law is worthy of notice, on account of some of the expressions of opinion which it drew forth. In the course of his remarks Mr. Taylor declared that "He presumed there were no members-he knew of none-who doubted the constitutional power of Congress to impose such a restriction on the Territories." A generous voice from Virginia recognized at once the right and duty of Congress. This was from Charles Fenton Mercer, who declared that "When the question proposed should come fairly before the House, he should support the proposition. He should record his vote against suffering the dark cloud of inhumanity, which now darkened his country, from rolling on beyond the peaceful shores of the Mississippi." It was in the discussion on the Arkansas bill, at this session, that we find the earliest suggestion of a Compromise. Defeated in his efforts to prohibit Slavery in the Territory, Mr. Taylor stated that "he thought it important that some line should be designated beyond which Slavery should not be permitted." He suggested its prohibition hereafter in all territories of the United States north of 36° 30' north latitude. This At length, on the 26th of January, 1820, the proposition, though withdrawn after debate, was House resolved itself into Committee of the at once welcomed by Mr. Livermore, of New Whole on the Missouri bill, and proceeded with Hampshire, "as made in the true spirit of Com- its discussion, day by day, till the 28th of Febpromise.' It was opposed by Mr. Rhea, of Ten-ruary, when it was reported back with amend nessee, on behalf of Slavery, who avowed himself ments. But meanwhile, the same question was against every restriction; and also by Mr. Ogle, of Pennsylvania, on behalf of Freedom, who was "against any Compromise by which Slavery, in any of the Territories, should be recognized or sanctioned by Congress." The suggestions of Compromise were at this time vain; each party was determined. The North, by the prevailing voice of its representatives, claimed all for Freedom; the South, by its potential command of the Senate, claimed all for slavery. Congress came together in December, 1819. On the day after the receipt of the President's presented to the Senate, where a conclusion was reached earlier than in the House. A clause for the admission of Missouri was tacked to the Maine bill. To this an amendment was moved by Mr. Roberts, of Pennsylvania, prohibiting the further introduction of Slavery into the State, which, after a fortnight's debate was defeated by 27 nays to 16 yeas. The debate in the Senate was of unusual interest and splendor. It was especially illustrated by an effort of transcendent power, from that great lawyer and orator, William Pinkney. Recently returned from a succession of missions to Foreign Courts, and at this time the acknowledged chief of the American bar, particularly skilled in questions of constitutional law, his course as a Senator from Maryland was calculated to produce a profound impression. In a speech which drew to this chamber an admiring throng for two days, and which at the time was fondly compared with the best examples of Greece and Rome, he first authoritatively proposed and developed the Missouri Compromise. His masterly effort was mainly directed against the restriction upon Missouri, but it began and ended with the idea of Compromise. "Notwithstanding," he says, "occasional appearances of rather an unfavorable description, I have long since persuaded myself that the Missouri question, as it is called, might be laid to rest, with innocence and safety, by some conciliatory Compromise at least, by which, as is our duty, we might reconcile the extremes of conflicting views and feelings, without any sacrifice of constitutional principles." And he closed with the hope that the restriction on Missouri would not be passed, but that the whole question "might be disposed of in a manner satisfactory to all, by a prospective prohibition of Slavery in the Territory to the north and west of Missouri." This authoritative proposition of Compromise, from the most powerful advocate of the unconditional admission of Missouri, was made in the Senate on the 21st of January. From various indications, it seems to have found prompt favor in that body. Finally, on the 16th of February, the union of Maine and Missouri in one bill prevailed in the Senate, by 23 Yeas to 21 Nays. On the next day, Mr. Thomas, of Illinois, who had always voted with the South against any restriction upon Missouri, introduced the famous clause prohibiting Slavery north of 360 30, which now constitutes the eighth section of the Missouri act. An effort was made to include the Arkansas Territory within this prohibition; but the South united against this extension of the area of Freedom, and it was defeated by 24 Nays to 20 Yeas. The prohibition, as moved by Mr. Thomas, then prevailed, by 34 Yeas to only 10 Nays. Among those in the affirmative were both the Senators from each of the slave States, Louisiana, Tennessee, Kentucky, Delaware, Maryland, and Alabama, and also one of the Senators from each of the slave States, Mississippi and North Carolina, including in the honorable list the familiar names of William Pinkney, James Brown, and William Rufus King. This bill, as thus amended, is the first legislative embodiment of the Missouri Compact or Compromise, the essential conditions of which were the admission of Missouri as a State, without any restriction of Slavery; and the prohibition of Slavery in all the remaining Territory of Louisiana north of 36° 30'. This bill, thus composed, containing these two propositions--this double measure-finally passed the Senate by a test vote of 24 Yeas to 20 Nays. The Yeas embraced every Southern Senator except Nathaniel Macon, of North Carolina, and William Smith of South Carolina. The Nays embraced every Northern Senator except the two Senators from Illinois, and one Senator from Rhode Island, and one from New Hampshire. And this, Sir, is the record of the first stage in the adoption of the Missouri Compromise. First openly announced and vindicated on the floor of the Senate by a distinguished Southern statesman, it was forced on the North by an almost unanimous Southern vote. (To be continued.) A MEMORIAL OF MARY DYER, One of the early worthies and martyrs of the Society of Friends. BY BERNARD BARTON. We too have had our martyrs. Such wert thou, Which shone in Latimer, and his compeers; tears. Well did they win them: may they keep them long! Their names require not praise obscure as mine; Nor does my muse their cherish'd memories wrong By this imperfect aim to honor thine. Heroic martyr of a sect despis'd! Thy name and memory to my heart are dear: Thy fearless zeal, in artless childhood priz❜d, The lapse of years has taught me to revere. Thy Christian worth demands no poet's lay, Historian's pen, nor sculptor's boasted art: What could the proudest tribute these can pay To thy immortal spirit now impart? Yet seems it like a sacred debt to give The brief memorial thou may'st well supply; Whose life display'd how Christians ought to live; Whose death-how Christian martyrs calmly die. LAST LINES OF COWPER. The following are said to be the last Lines that Cowper wrote. To Jesus, the crown of my hope, My soul is in haste to be gone; And waft me away to His throne. My Saviour, whom absent, I love; Whom, not having seen, I adore; Whose name is exalted above All glory, dominion and pow'r. Dissolve thou the bands that detain My soul from her portion in Thee; Oh! strike off the adamant chain, And make me eternally free. SUMMARY OF NEWS. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE-The U. S. steamship Washington arrived at New York on the 16th, and the British steamer Arabia, at Halifax, on the 15th inst., bringing Liverpool dates respectively to the 1st and 4th inst. Preparations for carrying on the war against Russia on a stupendous scale continue to be made by England and France. The French and English fleets, destined for the Baltic, consisting of forty English and the same number of French vessels, the whole under the command of Sir Charles Napier, were assembling at Spithead. The ice on the Baltic was breaking up, and the Russian fleet at Cronstadt, being liberated, was preparing to sail, probably for the purpose of gaining the sea before the arrival of the combined fleets. A rumor prevailed that the Czar had laid an embargo on British ships in Russian ports. Austria has decided to join the Western Powers against Russia. The Allied Powers demand that Russia shall evacuate the Turkish territory before the 30th prox. The Russians are making ostentatious preparations to cross the Danube, and Omar Pacha is preparing to check the advance. The Turkish troops no longer occupy any place, except Kalafat, north of the Danube. There has been considerable fighting in small parties wherever they came in contact, but nothing has transpired of importance. Another convoy of 16,000 troops was preparing to leave Constantinople for Batoum. Several British ships-of-war have been ordered from Malta to Piræus, to look after the Greek insurgents. The insurrection has received a check by being defeated at Arta by the Turks. Prince Paskiewitch had been appointed to the chief command of the Danubian army. Orders have been forwarded to the Russian fleet in the Black Sea neither to seek nor avoid a collision with the allied fleets. The Russian army of the Oxus had halted two marches north of Khiva. The Khans of Bokhara and Khiva had been brought to terms, and an offensive and defensive alliance had been concluded between them, the Russians, and Dost Mahommed. The British Ambassador had left Petersburg without seeing the Emperor, his passports having been sent him. The French Ambassador demanded to be treated in the same way, but the Czar expressed the wish to see him. An interview took place, during which he was invested with the insignia of the order of St. Alexander Mowsky. The Sheik El Islam has advanced 100,000,000 piastres to the Sultan of Turkey, and proffered further assistance if needed. One English and two French officers have been appointed to actual command on the Danube. The negotiations between Russia and Sweden had not terminated. Russia makes the same demand on Sweden as on Prussia-that of closing her ports against the ships of England and France and fears are entertained that she will make a demonstration against Stockholm, for the purpose of enforcing this demand. A treaty of commerce has been signed between France and Belgium. SPAIN. A formidable insurrection broke out at Saragossa on the 20th ult. The infantry regiment of Cordova, in garrison at Saragossa, with its Colonel Brigadier Juan Jose de Hore at its head, had risen in armed insurrection at the castle of Aljaferia, where it was quartered, and had occupied the approaches to the castle and the stone bridge over the Ebro. Later accounts state that the insurgents in the castle of Aljaferia surrendered at discretion on the morning of the 21st ult., and that the insurrection was completely put down. A great number of arrests had been made, and all Spain was placed under martial law. General Concha was deeply implicated in the revolt. He had quitted Spain and arrived at Bordeaux. THE ISTHMUS. The steamship George Law, from Aspinwall, arrived at New York on the morning of the 14th inst. The extension of the Panama Railroad and the increase of facilities by that route are rapidly augmenting the travel by it. The mails by the Empire City, weighing over nine tons, left Aspinwall at 9 A. M., and arrived at Panama before night. TEXAS.-Late accounts from Texas state, that in consequence of the great influx of emigrants, a scar. city of provisions prevails throughout the interior of that Siate. Corn was selling at from $1 25 to $1 75 per bushel, and the demand for groceries and provisions generally, was very great. DOMESTIC.-CONGRESS-In the Senate, on the 13th inst., numerous petitions were presented against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 1820. The Pacific Railroad bill was reported and was made the special order of the day for the 27th inst. On the 14th, a memorial was presented from Massachusetts, signed by three thousand clergymen against the passage of the Nebraska bill. On the 16th, petitions were presented against the Nebraska bill, and others in favor of securing reli gious liberty to American citizens in foreign coun iries. Senator Wade gave notice that he would, at an early day, offer an amendment to the Homestead bill, granting public lands to foreigners who may hereafter come to this country, as well as to those who are already here. On the 17th, a bill authorizing the leasing or renting of suitable buildings for the accommodation of the United States Courts and Post Office in Philadelphia, was passed. In the House of Representatives, on the 17th, the appropriation for the Assay office at New York was stricken out of the Deficiency bill. PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE.-The bill amending the school law was taken up in the Senate, on the 17th inst., and passed as far as the fortieth section. On the 17th, the prohibitory liquor law bill was made the special order for the 21st inst. The Nebraska resolutions coming up in order on second reading, Senator Piatt, of Wyoming, addressed the Senate at some length in favor of the resolutions. They were then postponed to the 20th. In the House, on the 16th inst., the bill from the Senate, providing for the sale of the Public Works of the State was taken up and made the order of the day for the 23d, |