Extracts from the Speech of Charles Sumner, on | The language is so clear and strong that I will the Nebraska bill, delivered 2d mo. 21, in the read it: U. S. Senate. (Continued from page 447.) In the House, an amendment to the Missouri bill, peremptorily interdicting all Slavery in the new State, was adopted by 94 yeas, to 86 nays; and thus the bill passed the House, and was sent to the Senate, March 1. Thus, after an exasperated and protracted discussion, the two Houses were at a dead-lock. The double-headed Missouri compromise, was the ultimatum of the Senate. The restriction of Slavery in Missouri, involving, of course, its prohibition in the unorganized Territories, was the ultimatum of the House. At this stage, on the 2d of March, the Committee of Conference made their report, which was urged at once upon the House by Mr. Lowndes, the distinguished Representative from South Carolina and one of her most precious sons, who objected to a motion to print, on the ground "that it would imply a determination in the House to delay a decision of the subject today, which he had hoped the House was fully prepared for." The question then came, on striking out the restriction in the Missouri bill. The report in the National Intelligencer says: "Mr. Lowndes spoke briefly in support of the Compromise recommended by the Committee of Conference, and urged with great earnestness the propriety of a decision which would restore tranquility to the country, which was demanded by every consideration of discretion, of moderation, of wisdom, and of virtue. "Mr. Mercer, of Virginia, followed on the same side with great earnestness, and had spoken about half an hour, when he was compelled by indisposition to resume his seat." In conformity with this report, this disturbing question was at once put at rest. Maine and Missouri were each admitted into the Union as independent States. The restriction of Slavery in Missouri was abandoned by a vote in the House of 90 yeas to 87 nays; and the prohibition of Slavery in all Territories North of 36 deg. 30 min., exclusive of Missouri, was substituted by a vote of 134 yeas to 42 nays. Among the distinguished Southern names in the affirmative, are Louis McLane, of Delaware; Samuel Smith, of Maryland; William Lowndes, of South Carolina; and Charles Fenton Mercer, of Virginia. The title of the Missouri bill was amended in conformity with this prohibition, by adding the words, "and to prohibit Slavery in certain Territories." The bills then passed both Houses without a division; and on the morning of the 3d of March, 1820, the National Intelligencer contained an exulting article, entitled: "The Question Settled." "It is true, the Compromise is supported only by the letter of the law, repealable by the authority which enacted it: but the circumstances of the case give this law a MORAL FORCE equal to that of a positive provision of the Constitution; and we do not hazard anything by saying that the Constitution exists in its observance. Both parties have sacrificed much by conciliation. We wish to see the COMPACT kept in good faith, and we trust that a kind Providence will open the way to relieve us of an evil which every good citizen deprecates as the supreme curse of the country.-Niles's Register." The distinguished leaders in this settlement. were all from the South. As early as February, 1819, Louis McLane, of Delaware, had urged it upon Congress, "by some compact binding upon all subsequent Legislatures." It was, in 1820, brought forward and upheld in the Senate by William Pinkney, and passed in that body by the vote of every Southern Senator except two, against the vote of every Northern Senator except four. The Committee of Conference, through which it finally prevailed, was filled on the part of the Senate, with inflexible partisans of the South, such as might fitly represent the sentiments of its President pro tem, John Gaillard, a Senator from South Carolina. On the part of the House, it was nominated by Henry Clay, the Speaker, and Representative from Kentucky. This Committee, thus constituted, drawing its double life from the South, was unanimous in favour of the Compromise. The Compromise takes its life from the South. Proposed in the Committee by Mr. Pinkney, it was urged on the House of Representatives, with great earnestness, by Mr. Lowndes, of South Carolina, and Mr. Mercer, of Virginia; and here again is the persuasive voice of the South. When passed by Congress, it next came before the President, James Monroe, of Virginia, for his approval, who did not sign it till after the unanimous opinion of his Cabinet, in writing, composed of John Quincy Adams, William H. Crawford, Smith Thompson, John C. Calhoun, and William Wirt-a majority of whom were Southern men-that the prohibition of Slavery in the Territories was constitutional. Thus yet again the Compromise takes its life from the South. As the Compromise took its life from the South, so the South, in the judgment of its own statesmen at the time, and according to unquestionable facts, was the conquering party. It gained at once its darling object, the admission of Missouri as a Slave State; and subsequently the admission of Arkansas, also as a Slave State. From the crushed and humbled North, it reAnother paper published in Baltimore, imme- ceived more than the full consideration stipudiately after its passage, vindicated it as a per-lated in its favor. On the side of the North the petual compact, which could not be disturbed. contract has been more than executed. And As late as 1848, in the discussions of this body, the Senator from Virginia, who sits behind me, (Mr. Mason,) while condemning it in many aspects, says: "Yet as it was agreed to as a Compromise by the South for the sake of the Union, I would be the last to disturb it." Even this distinguished Senator recognized it as an obligation which he would not disturb. And, though disbelieving the original constitutionality of the arrangement, he was clearly right. I know, Sir, that it is in form simply a legislative act; but as the Act of Settlement in England, declaring the rights and liberties of the subject and settling the succession of the crown, has become a permanent part of the British Constitution, irrepealable by any common legislation, so this act, under all the circumstances attending its passage, also by long acquiescence and the complete performance of its conditions by one party, has become a part of our fundamental law, irrepealable by any common legislation. As well might Congress at this moment undertake to overhaul the original purchase of Louisiana, as unconstitutional, and now, on this account, thrust away that magnificent heritage, with all its cities, States and Territories, teeming with civilization. The Missouri Compact, in its unperformed obligations to freedom, stands at this day as impregnable as the Louisiana purchase. I appeal to the Senators about me not to disturb it. I appeal to the Senators from Virginia, to keep inviolate the compact made in their behalf, by JAMES BARBOUR and CHARLES FENTON MERCER. I appeal to the Senators from South Carolina, to guard the work of JOHN GAILLARD and WILLIAM LOWNDES. I appeal to the Senators from Maryland to uphold the Compromise which elicited the constant support of SAMUEL SMITH, and was first triumphantly pressed by the unsurpassed eloquence of PINKNEY. I appeal to the Senators from Delaware, to maintain the landmark of freedom in the Territory of Louisiana, early espoused by LOUIS MCLANE. I appeal to the Senators from Kentucky, not to repudiate the pledges of HENRY CLAY. I appeal to the Senators from Alabama, not to break the agreement sanctioned by the earliest votes in the Senate of their late most cherished fellow-citizen, WILLIAM RUFUS KING. The fathers of the Republic, leaders in the war of Independence, were struck with the inconsistency of an appeal for their own liberties, while holding in bondage their fellow-men, "guilty of a skin not colored like their own.' The same conviction animated the hearts of the people, whether at the North or South. At a town meeting, at Danbury, Connecticut, held on the 12th December, 1778, the following declaration was made: "It is with singular pleasure we note the second article of the Association, in which it is agreed to import no more negro slaves, as we cannot but think it a palpable absurdity so loudly to complain of attempts to enslave us, while we are actually enslaving others."-Am. Archives, 4th Series, vol. I, p. 1038. The South responded in similar strains. At a meeting in Darien, Ga., in 1775, the following important resolution was put forth: "To show the world that we are not influenced by any contracted or interested motives, but by a general philanthropy for all mankind, of whatever climate, language, or complexion, we hereby declare our disapprobation and abhorrence of the unnatural practice of Slavery, (however the uncultivated state of the country, or other specious arguments, may plead for it,) a practice founded in injustice and cruelty, and highly dangerous to our liberties as well as lives, debasing part of our fellow-creatures below men, and corrupting the virtue and morals of the rest, and laying the basis of that liberty we contend for, and which we pray the Almighty to continue to the latest posterity, upon a very wrong foundation. We, therefore, resolve at all times to use our utmost endeavors for the manumission of our slaves in this Colony, upon the most safe and equitable footing for the masters and themselves." Am. Archives, 4th Series, vol. I, p. 1135. The soul of Virginia, during this period found also fervid utterance through Jefferson, who, by his precocious and immortal words, has enrolled himself among the earliest Abolitionists of the country. In his address to the Virginia Convention of 1774, he openly avowed, while vindicating the rights of British America, that "the abolition of domestic Slavery is the greatest object of desire in these Colonies, where it was unhappily introduced in their infant state." And then again in the Declaration of Independence, he embodied sentiments, which, when practically applied, will give freedom to every Slave throughout the land. "We hold these truths to be self-evident," says our country, speaking by the voice of Jefferson, "that all men are created equal-that they are endowed with certain inalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." And again, in the Congress of the Confederation, he brought forward, as early as 1784, a resolu tion to exclude Slavery from all the Territory "ceded or to be ceded" by the States to the Federal Government, including the whole terri tory now covered by Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama. Lost at first by a single vote only, this measure was substantially renewed at a sub This was the case of a negro man named Walker, belonging to this town. Quock-as Walker was commonly called-had been a slave of Nathaniel Jennison, a substantial farmer of Barre, who still claimed him as a slave. The constitution was ratified in the spring of 1780, and it was now summer, when a long day's freedom was worth something more than a short day's bondage in winter. Haying was at hand, and Quock was a rare hand at haying. About this time, William Caldwell, senior, a neighbor of Jennison, and of Quock, too, told the latter that he was a free man, and offered him wages if he would bear the heat and burden of the day on his farm-a proposal made still more inviting by the promise of Caldwell that he would stand between him and harm if Jennison should punish him for being free. Quock loved both liberty and the reward of his own hard toil, though he had never tasted of either; and resolved to be a freeman in Caldwell's employ rather than a slave in Jennison's. Accordingly, on a summer's morning, having had orders the night before from Jennison to be up betimes and mow in his field, Quock was up by daybreak, and soon found his way to Caldwell's meadow, with a scythe. After a while, Jennison went to his field to see that all was well; but Quock was not there, nor any trace of his handiwork. Jennison, who was a man of sense, quickly cast about him and suspected the whereabouts of the fugitive. He at once hied The Convention which formed the constitution here referred to, closed its session on the 2d of 3d month 1780, one day after the Pennsylvania law for the gradual abolition of slavery was signed by the governor. The decision, however, which pronounced negro slavery incompatible with the constitution, and thus extinguished forever the system in Massachusetts, was not obtained until 1783. It therefore appears, that while Pennsylvania has the the honor of leading the way in the legislative extinction of slavery, the judiciary of Massachusetts must be allowed the credit of effecting by a single decision, an object which in Pennsylvania required an age to accomplish. ED. over to Caldwell's farm, where, at a distance, he soon spied Quock, as busy in Caldwell's meadow as he had ever seen him in his own. He suddenly stopped on the brow of a hill, and halloed to the new-made freeman to go home! but Quock was so attentive to his work, or so engrossed in contemplating the sweets of liberty, that he seemed to hear nothing from a distance. Jennison having hurried down the hill, and, having come within sure hailing distance tried the persuasion of hard threats; but all in vain, for Quock encouraged by Caldwell's presence, and not forgetting the promise of a strong and resolute man to stand between him and harm, answered never a word, but kept on mowing as though nothing had happened. Jennison, baffled in his experiment, and well knowing where he was, and with whom he had to do, went back more vexed than he came, resolved to bide his time, which, after lingering, at last came, though not altogether in the very shape he looked for. * How soon Jennison re-assumed his authority over Quock, as his slave, I cannot say; but the first experiment I know of was that which gave rise to the trial in the Supreme Court, whose issue settled forever the question of Slavery in Massachusetts; and it is remarkable that so few particulars are recorded of a case which excited, at the time of the occurrence, so much interest, and was followed by consequences so marked and lasting. Seventy years have elapsed since the issue was tried and freedom triumphed. The men who witnessed it are gone: and the voices of tradition have become few and indistinct. The personal narrative already given is related on hearsay, not very recent. What follows I take from a copy of the record of court obtained several years ago, and now before me, in the crabbed and uncouth dialect of ancient legal barbarity. By the record it appears that " on the first day of May, A. D. 1781, the said Nathaniel, with his fist and a large stick, which the said Nathaniel held in his hand, the said Quock did beat and bruise, and evilly intreat, and him the said Quock, with force and arms, did imprison during the space of two hours." An indictment was found at the September term of the Supreme Court 1781; but the trial did not take place till the April term of 1783, at which term Jennison was found guilty, and sentenced to pay a fine of forty shillings, with costs of prosecution, and ordered to stand committed till sentence be performed. The record states that Jennison plead not guilty, but does not indicate the ground of his defence, nor any opinion of the Court from which it might be inferred. Both, however, are briefly stated by Dr. Belknap, in his correspondence with Judge Tucker, of Virginia, in 1789, in which he says: "His (Jennison's) defence was, that the black was his slave, and that the beating, &c., was the necessary restraint and correction of the master. This was answered by citing the clause in the Declaration of Rights- All | it is nugatory to expect that our political machine men are born free and equal.' The judges and will move harmoniously and smoothly along. jury were of opinion that he had no right to beat While the jarring elements are retained, they must or imprison the negro." (Collections of Mass., produce their legitimate effects. Hist. Society, vol. iv). The issue of the prosecution of Jennison was virtually the decision of the highest tribunal in the State, that Slavery had no legal existence in Massachusetts; and its immediate effect was to set free all who were then held in bondage within her jurisdiction. It carried out, in its true idea, the unanimous resolve of the convention that formed the constitution, "that the government of Massachusetts shall be a FREE REPUBLIC." It was the first decision on this continent, if not the first in the world, which gave freedom to the collective slaves of a sovereign State where a like servitude had been expressly or tacitly allowed. Several cases, however, had occurred, in other parts of Massachusetts of slaves suing their masters in the inferior courts for freedom and wages; and "the juries invariably gave their verdict in favor of liberty;" but the legal effect of such verdicts reached none but the parties immediately concerned.—Appendix to Dr. Thompson's Semi-Centennial Discourse. FRIENDS' REVIEW. PHILADELPHIA, FOURTH MONTH 8, 1854. The recent attempt to extend the area of slavery, at the expense of national faith, having aroused the attention of the community, in a manner almost if not altogether unprecedented, to the craving demands of the slaveholding interest, it is presumed that the readers of the Review will not consider the space misapplied which the Editor has alotted to this subject. The experience of the last few years has furnished ample evidence that, if the advocates of freedom and free institutions expect to maintain their proper share and influence in the general government, they must make a stand somewhere. Compromises, in cases where important principles are concerned, are always dangerous; and we can scarcely fail to perceive that compromises with slavery will not satisfy its supporters while any thing remains for the friends of freedom to yield. The principles on which our government is ostensibly founded, and those on which the system of slavery is erected, being obviously and irreconcileably antagonistic, every concession to slavery on the part of the federal legislature is essentially the admission of an anomaly into our social system, which impairs its strength and endangers its permanence. We may talk of finalities as we will, but until we recognise, in practice as well as in theory, the principles avowed and solemnly proclaimed to the world by the Congress of 1776, Though it is not, and never has been, the despecies of agitation in which the angry passions sign of this periodical to give countenance to any are called into action-the whole course of the paper from its commencement has, indeed, been studiously pointed in the opposite direction —yet the Editor sincerely hopes and desires that the expression of calm, yet firm and decided opposi tion to the enactment of the Nebraska,bill in the shape in which it passed the Senate, may be continued as long as the danger of its final passage remains. DIED, On the 19th of 2d month last, after a seRUSSELL, a worthy member of Sandwich Monthly vere illness of five days' continuance, CONTENT Meeting, (Massachusetts) aged 76 years. When favored with intervals of relief from pain, she expressed much gratitude to her heavenly Fa ther, for the many blessings with which she was surrounded; and when informed by her physician, that her recovery was very doubtful, she intimated a belief that all would be well, whatever might be the issue of her disease. Not long before her close she expressed her assurance that there was a mansion prepared for her. At his residence, with a lingering disease of the heart which he bore with christian fortitude for many years, JOSEPH WILSON, an exemplary member of Richland Monthly Meeting, Hamilton Co., Indiana, in the 45th year of his age. On the 22d ult., MARY R. CONGDON, a valuable member of Providence Monthly Meeting, wife of Gilbert Congdon, and daughter of the late County, Maryland, aged 40 years. Samuel and Hannah Hopkins, of Anne Arundel To a well cultivated mind, she united an amiable disposition, and those endearing qualities which were felt by all who came within their influences. She was a devoted and affectionate wife, a fond and judicious mother, and it was in the bosom of her own family that the sweet influence of her gentle and loving spirit was peculiarly felt and to these objects of her tender affection, she was appreciated; yet closely as she felt herself bound increasingly engaged to love and obey her Saviour, and when, in the progress of the final disease, she felt her end approaching, she was and through the sustaining power of divine grace, mercifully enabled to cast all her care upon Him, to resign herself and all that was most near and dear to her in this life, to the keeping of her heavenly Father. At his residence, in Chatham, Columbia county, N. Y., on the 21st of Seventh month last, DAVID CASE, in the 92d year of his age, a valua ble member of Chatham Monthly Meeting. He sustained through life a bright Christian character, and awaited his final close with cheerfulness and hope. DIED,-In Salem, Mass., on the 9th ult., ANNE B., | for admission may be addressed to Jonathan Richdaughter of Wm. and Anne Frye, and a member ards, Superintendent, at the School, or to CHARLES YARNALL, Secretary of the Board of Managers, 3d mo. 25-tf. 39 Market. St. Philadelphia WEST TOWN BOARDING SCHOOL. of Salem Monthly Meeting. Her illness was a lingering and intensely suffering one, but her mind was kept in great calmness and patience, being sustained by a humble faith and trust in Jesus. A few days previous to her death, with great composure she said, "Come, Lord, thy servant is ready; now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation." on Second day, the 1st of Fifth month next. The pupils will be conveyed by railroad to West ChesAt his father's residence, Farnham, Cana- ter, where conveyances will be waiting to take da East, on the 5th ult., THOMAS HERVY, Son them and their baggage to the school, on the arrival of Benjamin Taber, and grandson of the late of the morning and afternoon cars, on Second day, Charles Taber, in the 22d year of his age, a mem- the 1st, and Third day, the 2d of Fifth month. The ber of Farnham Monthly Meeting. He evin- cars leave the depot, south side of Market street ced much patience and resignation during a pain-above Eighteenth street, (formerly Schuylkill Fifth ful illness, expressing a belief near its commence- street,) at 7 o'clock, A. M., and 4 o'clock P. M. ment that he could not recover, and that the pros- The agent of the school will be at the railroad depot pect of dissolution appeared joyous; and satisfac-on Second and Third day afternoons, and will furnish tory evidence of the fulfilment of this belief was pupils with tickets, and accompany them to West afforded in his peaceful close. Chester. Those who go by the morning train will be furnished with tickets by a person in attendance. To those who procure tickets as directed, the fare from Philadelphia to the school, including baggage, will be one dollar, which will be charged to the scholar at the school. All baggage should be distinctly marked West-town, and with the name of road depot. Applications for admission must be the owner, and should be sent directly to the railto Joseph Snowdon, Superintendent at the school, or Joseph Scattergood, Treasurer, 84 Arch st., Phila. On the 8th of Third mo., 1854, RUTH, wife of James Woody, and a member of Sugar Plain Monthly Meeting, Boone county, Indiana, in the 34th year of her age. INDIAN CIVILIZATION. A Friend and his wife are wanted to reside at Tunessassah, to be engaged in managing the Farm belonging to the Committee of Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, and the domestic concerns of the family. Also, a well qualified Friend to teach the School. Application may be made to JOSEPH ELKINTON, 377 South 2d St., THOMAS EVANS, 180 Arch St. Philada. 2d mo. 11th, 1854. The committee having charge of Friends' Establishment among the Shawnee Indians, are desirous of employing two young men to labor on the farm, (practical farmers are desirable.)— They also want to engage a teacher in the School, and a female to assist in the family; a middle aged man and his wife for teacher and assistant in the family would be preferable. Application to be made to Simon Hadley, or John Hadley, Jr., Sligo, Clinton County, Ohio, who will give any information necessary. Friends of good character, and of religious experience are desirable. HAVERFORD SCHOOL. The Semi-Annual Examination will commence on Second day 4th mo. 10th, and close on the following Fourth day. Copies of the order of Examination may be procured at this Office and at the School. THE SUMMER TERM will commence on Fourth day the 10th of Fifth month next. Applications The West-town office is at Friends' bookstore, No. 84 Arch street, where all small packages for the pupils left before 12 o'clock on the Seventh days, will be forwarded. All letters for pupils and others at the school, should be sent by mail, directed to West-town Boarding School, West Chester P. 0. Chester Co., Pa. Postage should be pre-paid, and packages should be distinctly marked and put up in a secure manner, so that their contents will not be liable to be lost by handling. The stage will leave West Chester during the Summer session, for the school, on Second, Fourth and Seventh days, on the arrival of the afternoon cars from the city, and from the school to West Chester on the same days, to meet the afternoon cars to Philadelphia. The fare for each passenger to and from West Chester by the stage, will be 25 cents. When special conveyances at other times are provided at the school, an extra charge will be made. West-town, Third mo., 1854. REPORT OF THE PENNSYLVANIA HOSPITAL FOR (Concluded from page 461.) at least one insane person for every thousand of The lowest estimate by careful enquirers makes the population, so that while in 1830 it was universally conceded that there was no proper provision for any considerable part of the insane of Pennsylvania-nearly 400 being then provided for our increase of population since that period, should give us at least 1,000 additional, while our accommodations have been extended for only about 500; so that except in their greatly improved character, we are really no nearer providing for our insane than we were in 1830. The fact that Pennsylvania has within her li |