Memoir of MARY KNOTT, of Dublin, Ireland, who died on the 13th of Second month, 1853, aged 69 years.

She was the daughter of Richard Abell, of Cork, and one of a large family of children. Her disposition was naturally lively, but she was always remarkable for a nice sense of decorum and propriety of manners, and exercised, in this respect, a care, beyond her years, over the younger children. The benevolence of her heart peculiarly fitted her for attendance at the sick bed, and the lengthened illness of her father afforded her an early opportunity for the exercise of this talent. In feelingly acknowledging the comfort which her affectionate and assiduous attention afforded him, he expressed his belief, that a blessing would rest upon her, for these acts of filial devotedness. After his decease, in 1801, the family became dispersed, and Mary went to Suir Island School. Here she remained, first as a pupil, and afterwards, as an assistant, till 1805, when she removed to Dublin, and resided in the family of a relative, until her marriage with John Knott, of that city, in 1809.

Hersphere of usefulness now became enlarged; and, although we are not able distinctly to trace the gradual progress of the work of religion in her own heart, or to mark the steps by which she was able to advance towards the maturity of the Christian character, her subsequent course in life evinced a mind taught in the school of Christ, and sincerely desirous to follow him in the obedience of faith. In this, amongst other instances, we may reflect with profit upon the "diversity of gifts" which, under the influence of "the same Spirit," and under the administration of "the same Lord," are rendered subservient to the promotion of the cause of truth and righteousness in the earth. Much of her time was devoted to the benefit of others. Besides being an active member of the prison committee, and the anti-slavery association, she assisted, in 1827, to establish an infant school, and a House of Refuge, or "Shelter," for female prisoners, who, on being discharged from gaol, wished to regain their former respectability.

Many individuals, whose misconduct had rendered them outcasts from society, and reduced them to poverty, when they became penitent, applied for her help and counsel; and, when convinced of their sincerity, she was ever ready to use her influence with their friends on their behalf, and was mostly successful.

a

public matters, she seemed to watch for opportunities, in conversation or otherwise, for throwing a little weight into the right scale; and these of ten occurred while pursuing the even tenor of her way. One of her maxims, in early life, was, that whenever we go out, even for a short visit, we should try to learn something worth remembering; and the fruit of this habit of mind was, in her own case, freely imparted to others, so that her friends acknowledged, with pleasure, that they were seldom in her company without being instructed.

She published some little books of an improving nature, and had the comfort of knowing that their perusal had been blessed to the lasting benefit of several individuals. The products of these little publications enabled her to make pecuniary contributions to various objects of usefulness, beyond what her ordinary means would have allowed. A few pounds, the residue of this fund, she desired to be given to the Bible Society, without mentioning her name, but merely with the information, that "it was bequeathed by a friend, with the desire that the circulation of the Scriptures might conduce to the salvation of immortal souls." This was one of her last directions, naming the place where the money would be found.

Whilst bearing in mind that everything tending to exalt the creature would be contrary to her own expressed desire, a few extracts from her memoranda are subjoined, as interesting and instructive illustrations of her Christian character and experience.

Tenth month, 1820. "I am now a member of the Prison Committee, and have commenced a visitor of prisons; a duty, if properly performmed, which may tend to the advantage of the degraded of our sex, and to our own benefit.I have always contemplated the word prison with peculiar interest, but the perusal of T. F. Buxton's works on that subject, excited almost a flame in my mind, and prepared it to enter the walls of a loathsome prison with an anxious desire to be made in any way useful to its wretched inmates. I therefore entered into the work with my whole heart, and trust, that the appropriation of the one talent will be accepted."

Eleventh month. "Attended the Monthly Meeting, to-day, and was appointed door-keeper to the women's Meeting; this humble office I willingly fill, wishing, as far as in me lies, to give a hand of help to the affairs of the society. I desire to be clothed with humility.'

Without help from the local Governments, and against most injurious hindrances raised by the Home government at the instance of the manufacturers of England, who constantly demanded Protection, and a monopoly of the colonial markets, the colonists of New England went on increasing their manufactures, and varying their products. Occasionally a plantation act was passed, to encourage the natural tendency, of things, but no system of protection was adopted or could be, against the hostile legislation of England. By its own inherent energies and intelligence, acting under the stimulus of necessity, Labor developed itself under every form, as it will always do, when free, let Governments help or hinder.

A few years since, Wisconsin, one of our richest new States, one that had grown most rapidly in population, suddenly found itself involved in severe embarrassments. Prices fell-people were unable to pay their debts-lands were mortgaged or sold at a ruinous sacrifice. Many persons, even Democrats, began to cry out for protection. Protection against what? Foreign Labor. Give us a high Tariff, and we will get up a home market. Had Wisconsin been an independent Sovereignty, instead of a member of a Confederation, her Legislature would probably have interposed by taxing imports into the State, for the purpose of stimulating home manufactures, and thus getting up a home market. That would have been Protection. Now what were the facts? The immigration into the State had been excessive, causing an inordinate demand for breadstuffs. The soil was admirably adapted to the wheat culture, and everybody turned attention to that, to the neglect of other and profitable products. The result was that, when a glut came in the wheat market, the price of that great staple fell, and everything fell with it. The Capital and Labor employed in its culture did not pay, and the people became embarrassed.

What did common sense teach? To bear patiently the mischiefs legitimately resulting from a short sighted policy, till it could be changed; and that change was in the power of the People individually. Diversification of Industry was the remedy, and Labor, when free and intelligent, provides for this, without governmental aid. The sensible farmer would put less land in wheat, more in corn, in barley, in oats, in hay; raise more live stock; devote more attention to orchard products, &c. In this way he would multiply his means of subsistence, and render impossible the recurrence of the evils resulting from dependence upon one staple. As a matter of fact, Wisconsin has nearly recovered from her embarrassments, without the magical influences attributed to protection.

been steadily growing in the Colonies, not only without the fostering care of Government, but despite its oppressions, when the Revolutionary war broke out, rapidly expanded to meet the new demands of the country.

At the close of the war, it suffered a check, of course, from the deluge of importations, and many infant manufactures were broken down; but Free Labor is invincible. During the imbe cile period of the Confederation, from 1783 to 1788, a period of embarrassment and bankrupt cy, a transition state, in which things old were about passing away, and things new not yet quite ready to take their place, Free Labor continued to thrive; for in the report of the first Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton, made in 1791, it is stated that at that time, several branches of domestic manufactures had made such progress as in a great measure to supply the home market. Among them are mentioned, those of skin and leather, iron, wool, flax, and hemp; bricks, coarse tiles and potters' ware, ardent spirits and malt liquors, writing and printing paper, sheathing and wrapping paper, press paper and paper hangings, hats, women's stuff and silk shoes, refined sugar, oils of animals and seeds, soap, spermaceti and tallow candles, copper and brass wares, particularly for distilleries, sugar refineries and breweries, andirons and other utensils for household use, philosophical apparatus, wares for most purposes of ordinary use, carriages of all kinds, snuff, chewing and smoking tobacco, lamp black and painters' colors, and gunpowder. In addition to these, it is said, were great quantities of cloths of wool, cotton and flax, or mixtures of them, made in families, in every part of the country, and to such an extent, in some districts, as to supply two-thirds, threefourths, and even four-fifths of the clothing of the inhabitants.

These generally were the results of Free Labor, acting without Government aid, by its own inherent energies, under the guidance of intelligence, in obedience to the necessities and demands of the country.

We have often referred to the growth of manufactures in the different sections of the Union, as an illustration of the independence of Free Labor of Governmental protection. As against foreign countries, we have a Tariff, under which it is claimed domestic industry has some kind of protection against foreign labor.

The ingenious, persevering Labor that had

products in 1810 were estimated at $200,000,000. At that time Ohio was in process of settlement, and Cincinnati little more than a straggling vil

lage. In 1850, after a period of forty years, Cincinnati, without the aid of protection against the superior skill, labor and capital of the Eastern States, manufactured annually to the value of more than $35,000,000!

In the course of the debate, Mr. Hubbard said:

stincts.

It will be readily inferred that we are far from agreeing with the Tribune, that the approximations which the policy of our Government have occasionally made to the policy of Free Trade, have been at the peculiar expense of Free Labor, or that its natural ally is the Principle of Protection. On the contrary, we hold that Labor is truly free, only where its right to choose its own field, its own employment, its own market, and its own carrier, is as fully recognized, as its right to choose, or to be, its own employer.

That is our doctrine-Free Men, Free Soil, Free Labor and Free Trade.

When the world shall recognise all this, will be rather nearer a Millennium than it now.-National Era.

SLAVES IN CALIFORNIA.

it

is

Our readers may recollect that several slaves were carried from the States to California, on her annexation to this country, while as yet the law of Mexico prohibiting Slavery was in force there. California was free soil, and every slave carried there became a free man. Soon afterwards, the People organized a State, and in their fundamental law declared that Slavery should not exist within its limits. With this Constitution the new State became a member of the Union. But the People being absorbed in their private affairs, corrupt politicians, plotters for the introduction of Slavery, secured the control of the Legislature, and through it the passage of a law, re-enslaving the colored persons who had become free, and authorizing their claimants to carry them out of the State, allowing one year for the process. It was apprehended by many that this was only an insidious form of introducing Slavery that at the end of the year the time would be extended, so as to allow such claimants to secure a foothold on the soil.

From the recent action of the Assembly in California, it would seem that there was ground for the apprehension. A bill, brought forward by a Mr. Herbert, allowing one year longer for the removal of slaves brought into California before her admission into the Union, was taken up in the Assembly on the 18th of March, and after a spirited opposition from Mr. Hubbard, an emigrant from a slave State, it was passed-yeas 33, nays 21. A motion to reconsider was postponed-yeas 35, nays 27.

is an iniquitous measure. If the people of the State say they want slavery, I am willing, but I want it done open and above board; this bill is a

tion to be practiced on the people. I shall continue to sustain the Constitution I swore to support when I came here. I shall vote against the bill in every shape it may come up." Whether it will pass the Senate remains to be seen.-Era.

REOPENING OF THE SLAVE TRADE.

The Washington correspondent of the New York Tribune, writes under date of March 14:

"There is a good deal of speculation in private circles on the subject of reopening the African Slave Trade. The Southern men cannot consistently oppose it on any other ground than that it would interfere with the present monopoly of negro-breeding enjoyed by Virginia, Maryland, &c. There are men from the Gulf States who openly advocate it as a measure of unquestionable humanity, as well as a measure affording them great advantages. They assert that there is no reason they should pay the Virginians $1,200 or $1,500 a bead for their mixed blood, when they can get first-rate field hands from Guinea for $150 a piece.

We may well expect this to be the next demand, and if the Nebraska bill passes, this mea sure will pass if proposed.-Ind. F. Dem.

PRACTICAL TEMPERANCE.

In the Bristol Temperance Herald for the current month, we find the subjoined notice of a zealous female laborer in the cause of temperance, whom the writer terms Mrs. Carlile of

Dublin :

"Upwards of twenty years ago, when admonishing the female prisoners in Newgate Prison, Dublin, forty of them made confession that it was whiskey drinking which had brought them there. Mrs. C. advised them to abstain from an article so evil in its tendency; when one woman exclaimed, its true what you say, but you can afford to take a glass of wine.' This induced Mrs. C. to reflect, surely I can give up my glass of wine, if thereby I am able to benefit others by my abstinence.' She therefore resolved from that time to abstain herself, and induce as many others as possible to do the same. She has wonderfully succeeded in this labor of love; having been instrumental in persuading many drunkards to abstain, by which numerous