preme importance, there was ever preserved a calmness and discretion which held steadily the balance of truth, and saved him from both extremes of mystic exaggeration and doctrinal rigidity. of which I could not dispossess myself, that I must enter his drawing room with my hat on. From this sacrifice, strange and unaccountable as it may appear, I could not escape. In a Friend's attire, and with my hat on, I entered the drawing-room at the dreaded moment, shook hands with the mistress of the house, went back comfortable evening, and returned home in some degree of peace. I had afterwards the same thing to do at the Bishop's; the result was, that I found myself the decided Quaker, was perfectly understood to have assumed that character, and to dinner parties, except in the family circle, was asked no more.' From his twelfth to his fifteenth year, Joseph John Gurney was at school in Norwich; and was well taught in the classics and kindred lite-into the hall, deposited my hat, spent a rather rature by his master, who had been one of Dr. Parr's scholars. In 1803 he was sent to Oxford, privately to pursue his studies, under the care of Mr. John Rogers, a worthy, eccentric, and learned man. Being a diligent student, and possessing great facility in the acquirement of knowledge, as well as ardent love for it, the young Gurney here obtained that fair learning. It was when twenty-nine years old, and in which appears in several of his works, and which public meeting at Lynn, that Joseph John Gurcertainly distinguished him from all other Qua- ney first felt impelled to say a few words to the ker writers, as competent to a somewhat scholarly Friends, as a minister of the Gospel. He had and profound treatment of biblical subjects, passed through times of thought, struggle, sufwith a view to the discrimination and establish- fering, and spiritual refreshment ere this; and ment of the doctrine of the Friends. In 1806, was, we think, if ever any was, qualified to be he entered the bank at Norwich; and hence- the helper of the faith and love of his fellow forth was a man of business, and bent (as he believers. Throughout his long ministry, he said at starting) on "cutting some figure in busi- preached the gospel as one who felt the necessity ness," too. Yet he was not indifferent to study. on him, and it was, to multitudes besides his The languages of the original Scriptures, and own people (as we can testify), "with demonthe writings of the Fathers, especially engaged stration of the Spirit and with power." These his attention; and an extensive course of Greek volumes are principally occupied with the rehistory, in the classic writers themselves, was cords of his ministerial labors in different parts kept up with great pleasure. At this time he of the country, in America, and on the Contibecame acquainted with many eminent and nent. Of these we can here give no adequate learned persons; among whom, he writes, were notion, especially as the narrative of where and "The late Dr. Sayer the poet (?); Dr. Mid- when he labored, is only the frame in which is dleton, afterwards the first Bishop of Calcutta; set the picture of his own inner life-a life of Walpole, the author of a Tour in Greece;' great holiness, which cannot be examined in its William Taylor, abounding in learning, but very springs and streams (as the journals permit us unsound in sentiment; Pitchford, a pious and to see it) without great profit to the Christian well-informed Roman Catholic, and several oth-reader. ers. After I became a decided Friend, I lost Large parts of the memoir contain records of my interest in this kind of society, and it soon ceased of itself. Dr. Sayer, the brightest and the wittiest of the circle, died; Middleton and Walpole left Norwich; Taylor's infidelity beintolerable to me; and Pitchford settled in the neighborhood of London." 4 came his Tours in America and in Europe, his visit to the West Indies, and his intercourse with eminent men at home and abroad. His reminiscenses of Chalmers have already appeared in a separate shape. Some interesting notes of an afternoon with Professor Moses Stuart, of AnThe event referred to in these lines, the "be- dover, would be worth transcribing here, if we coming a decided Friend," took place in 1812, could give them room. But our final extract when he was twenty-four. Till shortly before shall be, first, of a passage from the journal of that time he had not been, he says, a believer the last year of the writer's life, which seems in the peculiar pretensions of Friends," though belonging to them, and of religious character. which are omitted, clearly proving that he does not The Reviewer here introduces a few observations, An inward struggle of two years preceded his "decided adherence to the Society; and it evidently was a matter of solemn conviction with him when he avowed that decision. His Autobiography contains a curious incident, as to more this avowal. 66 comprehend the principle on which this peculiarity is founded. It is curious to observe how much many sensible and well-informed people make of a ceremony-for they will hardly pronounce it any thing more than a ceremony-and yet regard the non-observance of that ceremony as evidence of a weak or bewildered mind. Probably the idolatrous Chaldeans "Soon after my return home, I was engaged considered the refusal to bow down before the image to a dinner party at the house of one of our first of gold, in compliance with the royal mandate, as the County gentlemen. Three weeks before the result of a Jewish superstition. The Reviewer would time was I engaged, and three weeks was my bably be more analogy between the cases than he has doubtless smile at the suggestion that there may proyoung mind in agitation, from the apprehension, thought of.-Ed. to express a presentiment of death, and then, of, his biographer's account of the prelude to his "last end." "1846, 5 mo. 8. I am remarkably divested now of concerns or objects of any kind; and should it be the will of my heavenly Father to take me hence to a now unseen state of being, I humbly trust that I may be favored with some peaceful assurance that all is well if so, it is surely all of mercy; I have nothing to hold by, besides this; and seldom have I had a clearer view of my own weakness, and thorough unfitness in myself, or on the score of my own works, for the bar of perfect discernment and righteous judgment. But there is a feeling of the vast, broad wing of loving kindness and unmerited mercy, still spread over me. I write in this strain, not from any alarm occasioned by my present lowish, state of health, but rather from a feeling of being brought to a pause in the current of life, without much prospect of its being preparatory to any particular service.' * "At the conclusion of the last meeting, which was held about a fortnight previous to his illness, he observed that he did not see anything more before him, and that he was almost inclined to believe his work in this way was done. On first day morning, the 27th of twelfth month, as he was setting off with his family to meeting, he received the tidings of the sudden death of his valued brother-in-law, Samuel Hoare. He heard them with calmness, and was closely exercised in ministry during the meeting, dwelling much and impressively on the text-Thine are we, David, and on thy side, thou son of Jesse. Peace, peace be to thee, and peace to thy helpers, for God helpeth thee.' On his return home he alluded to the removal of his brother Buxton, and his sister Fry; and remarked with strong emphasis, "We four were closely banded together in benevolent objects for many years, and I, who was the most delicate, am the only one remaining. I feel this seriously. He then walked down to the cottage of his old nurse, to look at her remains, she having died a few days previously An expression of sweet serenity dwelt upon his countenance, as he stood by the coffin in her little chamber, and he seemed to have a sense of her rest and blessedness as he exclaimed, 'Poor old nurse! she appears to have passed away most peacefully. Oh, what a 6 may it be so with me when my turn comes!' At the close of the afternoon meeting, he bowed the knee in very solemn prayer, adverting to the great uncertainty of all things temporal, and fervently petitioning, that every hindering and obstructing thing might be done away; and we prepared, through the abounding riches of redeeming love, to join the countless company who now surround the throne. The deep and touching pathos of his voice, and the earnestness of the appeal, caused a thrilling sen. sation in many hearts, and the question arose, Can it be possible that that voice will never more be heard within these walls?' During the Scripture reading with the villagers at the Hall in the evening, he was engaged in a striking manner on the awful consequences of delay in preparation for a dying hour, alluding very instructively to the two deaths which had just cecurred, and ending with the impressive exhortation- Be ye also ready, for at such an hour as ye think not the Son of Man cometh.' These were his last words in ministry with the servants and cottagers collectively; speedily and solemnly were they confirmed by the event which followed.-London Nonconformist. CORNELIUS THE CENTURION. "If war is unlawful for the Christian, surely Peter would have expected Cornelius to have given up his commission in the Italian band." After being hard pressed with the peace principles of the New Testament, many a Christian advocate of war triumphantly makes this observation, as if it would at once quash further de bate. A little examination of the case of Cornelius may therefore be useful, in enlightening some minds who are unwilling to relinquish their early impressions in favor of war. It would be gratifying to our curiosity, if in many parts the sacred narrative more particulars of what ce curred were related. But it has pleased divine wisdom that we should derive instruction more from the general principles of the New Testa ment than from their application in individual cases. It is reasonable to conclude that Peter accept of ed the urgent invitation of Cornelius and his family and friends, to tarry certain days with them at Cæsarea. We have, however but a very brief account of the subjects of their discourse during that interesting visit. It is very probable that one of them was the inconsistency of the military profession with the Gospel. Service in the Roman army involved acts of idolatry, connected with the military oath, the divine bonors paid to the standards and to the statues of the emperors, &c. It would therefore be most likely, that during a sojourn of several days with Cor nelius and his family, Peter would give advice and exhortation on these subjects; but in this, as in other cases of the kind, we have no more information of advice being given respecting the idolatrous rites connected with military service, than on the unlawfulness of fighting; so that if the apostle's silence justifies war, it would also justify idolatry. The same reasoning applies to the parallel cases of John the Baptist and our Saviour. If the silence of our Saviour, respecting the crimes of those who came to him is construed into an approbation of them, some of the most flagrant crimes would be thereby sanctioned. But the principles of morality taught by Christ's sermon on the mount are so comprehen- | with the whole spirit and tenor of the Christian sive, that they would, if practised, not only eradi- system, is easily and amply demonstrable from cate all crime, including war of every kind, but the precepts and doctrines of the New Testament, they would introduce universal peace, love, and righteousness. This is a consummation that but candor demands the admission that very litmany Christians seem desirous of putting off till tle on that subject can be inferred from the histhe second coming of Christ; whereas, it is evi- tory of Cornelius. dent they were intended to be obligatory from the time they were delivered. It is clear that the early Christians thus understood their Lord's teaching; for as long as they retained a pure and lively sense of his doctrines they refused to serve as soldiers. There is another view of the subject, that it may be well to bring under the notice of those who plead for defensive war only. Cornelius and the other soldiers mentioned in the New Testament were in the service of the Roman emperors, who obtained possession of Judea by wars of ambition and conquest. If their cases, therefore, justify war of any kind, it must be aggresive war, which, in these days of advanced opinon, few directly advocate, however they may attempt to justify any particular act of hostiliLondon Friend. Decision of A. D. Smith, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the State of Wisconsin, in relation to the Fugitive Slave Law. (Continued from page 765) I now come to consider the 4th article of the Federal Constitution. The first section provides that "Full faith and credit shall be given in each State, to the public acts, records and judicial proceedings of every other State," &c. The first appearance of the various provisions of this article (except in relation to fugitives from labor), in the National Convention, was in the "plan of a Federal Constitution," submitted by Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, May 29, 1787. The plan contained no reference to fugitives from labor. Various plans were submitted and referred, propositions made and adopted or rejected, when, on the 25th day of July, 1787, a Committee of Detail was appointed, consisting of seven members, of which Mr. Rutledge of S. C. was chairman, "to report a constitution conformable to the resolutions passed by the Convention." the Committee of Detail, made a report. In that On the 6th day of August Mr. Rutledge, from report the several sections now contained in the 4th article (except the clause in relation to fugitives from labor, which had not yet been thought of) followed each other, and the article in regard tion of the covenant, that full faith, &c., should to records as yet stopped with the mere asserbe given to them; no power was given to Con The first suggestion in the convention that appears in regard to fugitives from labor was made 15, as reported by the Committee of Detail, was on the 28th day of August, 1787, when article taken up. This article provided for the surrender of fugitives from justice. The attempt to deduce from the case of Corelius, a valid argument either in support of or n opposition to war under the Christian dispensation, appears about equally futile. An argunent on either side must be founded upon a etitio principi. Of his subsequent history we ave no information, whether he remained an dherent to the Christian faith or apostatized rom it, is altogether unknown. He may, for ny thing we know or can know, have immeditely resigned his commission, or he may have continued in office as a conservator of the peace. That he was a pious and benevolent man be-gress over the matter as yet. ore the visit of the apostle was paid, is plainly tated; but he needed further information and e was instructed how to obtain it. Peter's visit o the family of Cornelius seems to have been he opening of the door of the Christian faith to he Gentiles, and it unquestionably served to "Mr. Butler and Mr. Pinckney of South Caeach the narrow minded Jews that the salva-rolina, moved to require fugitive Slaves and serion which comes by Christ was not limited to vants to be delivered up like criminals. hem. It was therefore an important event well leserving a place in the sacred records. But to aise from it an argument in defense of military ife, we must presume, what indeed we know nothing of, that Cornelius remained a faithful conOn the 29th of August the provision in regard vert to Christianity, and these presumptions will to Public Acts and records came under considhardly be made by any who have not previously eration, when various propositions of amendment rrived at the conclusion, that there is no neceswere made, and were finally referred to a comsary antagonism' between the military and the On the 1st of September, the article, among mittee, of which Mr. Rutledge was chairman. Christian profession. The incompatibility of war' other matters, was reported back, and now, for "Mr. Sherman saw no more propriety in the public seizing and surrendering a slave or servant than a horse. der that some particular provision might be made "Mr. Butler withdrew his proposition, in orapart from this article."-Mad. Pap. 1,447—3. the first time, was incorporated in it a power on, the part of Congress to legislate upon the subject. After some amendments the report was agreed to, and thus, in addition to the compact by which full faith and credit were covenanted to be given to the public acts, records, &c., of one State by every other State, Congress was granted the "power to prescribe, by general laws, the manner of proving them, and the effect thereof." This history is important, as it not only justifies and requires a distinction to be taken between grants of power and articles of compact, but it clearly demonstrates that the Convention all along discriminated between grants of power to the Government, and articles of compact between the States, and was extremely jealous and cautious in making such grants, and only did so when it was deemed absolutely necessary. Having now traced through this compact, and discovered the time and manner when it became coupled with a power, let us trace along its neighbor in regard to the reclaiming of Fugitive Slaves, and discover, if we can, the time and manner in which it shall be coupled with a grant of power to Congress to secure its efficacy by legislation. We have seen that the first suggestion in regard to the subject was on the 28th day of August, when Mr. Pinckney and Mr. Butler moved to connect it with the surrender of fugitives from justice, but withdrew the proposition for the purpose of making a separate provision. On the 29th day of August, Mr. Butler offered such provision in these words: "If any persons, bound to service or labor in any of the United States, shall escape into another State, he or she shall not be discharged from such service or labor in consequence of any regulations subsisting in the State to which they escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly claiming their service or labor." "Which was agreed to nem con." Here we have all the discussion upon the subject. Plan after plan for the organization of the Government was made and presented, resolution upon resolution offered and discussed, embracing the whole ground of the Federal and State rights and powers, without one word being mentioned of fugitive slaves; and when it did occur to the minds of some members, suggested unquestionably by the clause in regard to fugitives from justice, it is quickly agreed that the States would deliver up such fugitives from labor. No power was asked for the Federal Government to seize them; no such power was dreamed of; the proposition that the States should respectively deliver them up was acquiesced in without any dissent. Yet we are told, arguendo, by judicial authority, that, without such a clause, the Union could not have been formed, and that this provision was one of the essential compromises between the South and the North. In point of fact, it did not enter in the slightest degree into the compromises between the North and the SouthIt is nowhere mentioned as entering into the compromises of the Constitution. How then, can any one say, that without this provision, the Union could not have been formed? And yet such assertion, contradicted by the truth of history, is made the pretext for the exercise of powers by the general Government that could not stand for a single moment upon a similar basis, in respect to any other subject-matter. We have seen how the power of legislation was granted to Congress in respect to public records, &c. We have seen that no such power is granted in respect to the surrender of fugitives from labor, and that it was not even asked for; and from the known temper and scruples of the National Convention, we may safely affirm that if it had been asked it would not have been granted, and had it been granted no union could have been formed upon such a basis. The his tory of the times fully justifies this conclusion. Can it be supposed for a moment, that had the framers of the Constitution imagined that under this provision the Federal Government would assume to override the State authorities, appoint subordinate tribunals in every county in every State, invested with jurisdiction beyond the reach or inquiry of the State Judiciary, to multiply executive officers ad infinitum, wholly independent of, and irresponsible to, the police regula tions of the State, and that the whole army and navy of the Union could be sent into a State, without the request and against the remonstrance of the Legislature thereof; nay, that even under its operation the efficiency of the writ of Habeas Corpus could be destroyed, if the privileges thereof were not wholly suspended; if the members of the Convention had dreamed that they were incorporating such a power into the Constitu tion, does any one believe that it would have been adopted without opposition and without debate? And if these results had suggested themselves to the States on its adoption, would it have been passed by them, sub silentio, jealous as they were of State Rights and State Sovereignty? The idea is preposterous. The Union would never have been formed upon such a basis. The clause in regard to public records forms one section by itself, with its grant of power added upon full consideration. The second section of the same article contains three clauses, but all grouped and numbered together. "The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens of the several States.' "A person charged in any State with treason, felony or other crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime." "No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into an other, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such labor or service may be due." Here is the whole of the section, without one word of grant, or one word from which a grant may be inferred or implied. Congress has the same power to legislate in regard to fugitives. from justice or labor. But it may be asked, what are the rights here stipulated and guaranteed to be enforced? I answer that every State officer, executive, legislative and judicial, who takes an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, is bound to provide for and aid in its enforcement according to the true intent and meaning of the Constitution. To my mind it is apparent that Congress has no constitutional power to legislate on this subject. It is equally apparent, that the several States can pass no laws, nor adopt any regulations by which the fugitive may be discharged from service. All such laws and regulations must be declared void whenever they are brought to the test of judicial scrutiny, State or national. It is equally apparent that it is the duty of the respective States to make laws and regulations, for the faithful observance of this compact. They have generally done so, and doubtless would have continued so to do, but for the decision of the United States Supreme Court in the case of Prigg vs. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. It is still their duty so to do. (To be continued.) WILLIAM FORSTER. BY JOHN G. WHITTIER. The years are many since his hand Yet, often now the good man's look As if, in passion's heated war, Stranger and pilgrim!-from that day His reverent steps have passed. The poor to feed-the lost to seek- To plead the captive's right-remove The hardened steel of War. He walked the dark world, in the mild, In tearful tenderness, a child, Through what great perils, on his way, God knoweth : we could only see And I-youth's wayward fancies grown Whose field of life by angels sown The wilding vines o'erran Low bowed in silent gratitude, My manhood's heart enjoys O friend, O brother! not in vain How many burdened hearts have prayed With weary hand, yet steadfast will, As on thy task-field closed the day His angel met thee on the way, Thy latest care for man-thy last Oh, who thy mantle, backward cast, Methinks the mound which marks thy bed Might bless our land and save, As rose, of old, to life the dead National Era. SUMMARY OF NEWS. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.-By the British mail steamer, Arabia, which arrived at New York on the 8th inst., Liverpool dates have been received to the 29th ult. There is no news of importance from the seat of No fighting has taken place since last ad war. vices. Prince Gortschakoff, owing to Turkish movements, is withdrawing his centre on Bucharest, and his wings back upon the Sereth line. The Czar is said to have opposed Gortschakoff's plan of the campaign, and orders him to continue offensive operations. Omer Pasha has proclaimed an amuesty to the Wallachians. Russia asks for an armistice, but report says that, at the recent Cabinet Council at Vienna, it was decided by Austria and Prussia that this proposition could not be entertained until after the evacuation of the Principalities by the Russians. The Czar will not abate his pretensions, and has |