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can he reconcile the admission of members || by the southern States of any of the amend possibly profit by it. But they are not chilin the one case, while he denies it so obsti ments proposed to the Constitution. I will not dren. They are men, men tenacious of their nately and scornfully in the other? It is true say that this was the motive of the committee | rights, jealous of their position, brave, and this provision is temporary ; but the effect of in reporting it, but that, I think, is the result || proud of their bravery, of hot and rebellious it while it lasts must be to plant seeds of dis which its adoption by Congress will secure. tempers, and not at all likely to be subdued content and dissension in the southern States The adoption of all the proposed amendments, in spirit or won to our love by such discipline which will survive by scores of years the imme. this one included, by each of the southern States, as the gentleman from Ohio proposes

indiate cause out of which they grew,

is made in the bill reported by the committee flict. We have chastised them already. We The gentleman from Maine [Mr. BLAINE] a condition essential to their admission to rep have defeated their hostility against the Govyesterday made what seemed to me to be a resentation in Congress. Now, the amendments ernment. And now what remains? They are very strong point-that this disfranchisement are to be adopted by the Legislatures of the to be our fellow-citizens. They must form of the large body of the southern people would several States. The Legislatures are elected part of the people of our country. They are run counter to the terms of the amnesty proc. by all the people—those who have voluntarily to take part, sooner or later, in our Governlamation of President Lincoln, which restored adhered to the insurrection as well as those who ment unless we intend to discard the fundaall but certain classes to their former rights. have not-for the gentleman from Pennsylvania | mental principle of that Government, the right I think there is great force in that objection. || [Mr. BROOMALL) laid special stress upon the of the people to govern themselves. And we But however this may be as a point of tech fact that the people are still allowed full control cannot afford to have them, or to make them, nical construction--and I shall not canvass it of their State governments.

sullen, discontented, rebellious in temper and in that light-there is certainly great force in These Legislatures, thus elected, are ex in purpose, even if they are submissive in act. this objection, that this provision would be a pected to ratify all these amendments, to con We have nothing to do with the sickly sendeparture, a retraction from the assurances cede an equality of civil rights, to concede a timentality referred to by the gentleman from given all through this war, by acts and resolu great reduction of their political power in Pennsylvania [Mr. STEVENS) yesterday. Our tions of Congress and by proclamations of the changing the basis of representation, to con object is not to deal in mercy toward them. President. Every declaration from any depart cede the repudiation of their debts and the We are to deal wisely—for their good and for ment of the Government conveyed to the South denial of compensation for their slaves; and our own. We are to make them friends, because and to the whole country the assurance that the for what consideration ? What do we offer we cannot afford to make or to keep them enewar was waged for the sole purpose of sup them in return for all these concessions? The mies. How shall we do this best? By what pressing the rebellion, and that when it was right to be represented on this floor, pro- || policy can it be best effected? By exclusion, by over all the States would be restored to the vided they will also consent not to vote for coercion, by hostile distrust? Can we coerce Union in full possession of all their rights and the men who are to represent them! Nay | friendly feeling on the part of a hostile people? on a footing of equality with the other States.

more, that they shall accept as the Representa Has it ever been done? I would like the reader I know it may be said that we were there in tives whom they thus get the right of having of history on this floor to point me to an inperplexity and in peril, and that it was essen here men elected by a small minority of their stance in the records of any nation where great tial to the harmony of public sentiment and to people who are supposed and conceded to be communities once disaffected have been brought the vigorous prosecution of the war that these hostile to them in political sentiment, and back to friendly relations and feelings of kindly declarations and pledges should be made. I against whom they have been waging a bitter | regard by such measures as are here proposed. know, too, how general is the truth that ease war! We offer them, in exchange for all these Has Ireland been thus appeased ? Has Poland ? will retract vows made in pain.” But it is not renunciations of political power and of mate Has Hungary? Has Venice? a pleasing spectacle to see a great nation like rial advantage, the privilege of being misrep Why, sir, if history teaches anything, if any this shrinking from the fulfillment of pledges resented in Congress by men in whose election | principle is established by the concurrent anunder which it carried on the war, shrinking || they had no voice or vote, and with whose past nals of all nations and all ages, it is that sentifrom the assurances it has given to the whole || political action and present political sentiments ment cannot be coerced; that opinions, even, country, that upon the termination of the war they have no sympathy whatever.

cannot be controlled by force; and that with the authority of the Constitution and the rights Why, sir, this not only breaks the word of any people fit to be free or to be the country. of the States should be restored. We should promise to the hope," it does not even “ keep men of men who are free, all such efforts de. be at least as jealous of our honor now as we it to the ear. It is not merely a sham, it is a feat themselves and intensify and perpetuate were of our safety then.

mockery. The very price by which - we seek the hostilities sought to be overcome. Ireland There is another objection which perhaps may to induce their assent to these amendments, offers us a signal cxample of this, and I am not be entitled to much weight, but is worth we snatch away from their hands the moment amazed that members upon this floor can shut consideration. This proposition to exclude the that assent is secured. Is there any man here their eyes or close their minds to the lessons mass of the southern people from voting until who can so far delude himself as to suppose which her sad history teaches. England, for 1870 exposes those who advocate and press it, for a moment that the people of the southern her harsh dealings with that unhappy land it exposes the Union party to the suspicion, ren States will accede to any such scheme as this? hundreds of years ago, is paying the penalty ders that party obnoxious to the charge of seek There is not one chance in ten thousand of to-day and will for all time to come. By inising to amend the Constitution for the purpose their doing it.

takes in policy precisely such in kind as we of influencing and controlling the presidential Representation ceases to be of the slightest | are making now, England, hundreds of years election 1868. I make no such charge, but value to them under such conditions. They ago, planted in Ireland the seeds that disI know it will be made. Our vigilant oppo will not seek it or ask for it. They will infi affection which, in spite of all her attempts to nents will not omit so tempting an opportunity | nitely prefer to take the chances of change in undo the wrong, in spite of abundant legislato trace our action to motives of partisanship the political councils of the nation, to await | tion in redress of grievances, and for the good rather than patriotism. And I would not like the election of a Congress more propitious to of Ireland, from time to time bursts out into to be put in a position where I shall be com their claims, especially under the comforting feeble but bitter insurrection, and which topelled to concede the charge, or where facts assurance which the gentleman from Pennsyl- day blooms into that shadowy phenomenon of can be brought forward that would even seem vania [Mr. STEVENS) gave them some two Fenianism, which territies one continent and to sustain it. It is quite true that the gentle months ago, when he said frankly that it is puzzles and poisons the other. man from Pennsylvania [Mr. STEVENS ]accepted of no importance by whom or when or how No, sir, this is not the way to deal with diswhat he took to be a suggestion on my part the reconstruction is effected, for in three short || affected States. I have no sympathy with other day, that General Grant might be the years this whole Government will be in the those in the southern States who have just candidate of the Union party for the Presidency || hands of the late rebels and their northern emerged from rebellion. Never for an instant in 1868, with great alacrity, and the eagerness allies." They will readily wait " three short have I felt or shown the slightest toleration with which he responded to that suggestion gave years” for representation rather than purchase for their crime. From the first moment their me the most comforting assurance that we shall the mockery of it we offer them at such a price. | purpose of rebellion was made apparent until have no dissensions upon that subject when the The gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Schenck,] the hour they laid down their arms, within my time shall come. I do not think it necessary, in vindicating the policy of this exclusion of humble sphere and by the feeble means which therefore, to insert such an amendment as this the southern people from the right of suffrage, were all I could command, I have demanded, in the Constitution in order to secure the elec insisted that it was necessary as a means of urged, and waged the most vigorous and detion of General Grant, if he should be presented | discipline; that they are not yet in a proper termined war that could be made upon them. as the Union candidate or by the country at frame of mind to take part in the affairs of That war has proved successful. The rebellarge, without regard to party, as is by no means government; that they are at heart still un lion has been suppressed. Our mission now impossible. For wherever you find men who friendly and hostile to our authority and insti is of a different kind and must be fulfilled by appreciate courage, skill, and patriotism in the tutions; and that we must treat them as parents | agencies of another sort. field, magnanimity in the hour of victory, and do unruly children, that we must flog them for These, sir, are my objections to the third wise moderation in political councils, there you their offenses and then exclude them from the of these five amendments. The other four will find men who will appreciate that illustri family table or shut them up in a closet until commend themselves to iny judgment and will ous commander as a candidate for any office they come to a better and more submissive receive my support. which the American people may have to bestow. mood. Well, sir, this might answer if the eight

INTERNAL REVENUE BILL, But upon these points I will not dwell. million people with whom we are dealing would

I now come to another objection, which to consent to be treated as children, and to regard Mr. LAFLIN. I am directed by the Commy mind seems fatal to this amendment. This

us here in Congress as standing in loco parentis imittee on Printing to report to the House a section seems to ine to have been inserted for toward them. They might in that case submit resolution that there be printed for the use of the express purpose of preventing the adoption I tamely to the chastisement we propose, and the House one thousand extra copies of the

modified internal revenue bill. I wish to an who gave aid and encouragement to the rebel gislature of Tennessee, and then you will be prenounce that this number of bills has been lion.

pared to judge whether these people are ready to printed and are in the hands of the superin Now, sir, the question comes up to-day. accept our terms or not. I read from the Memtendent of the folding-room. It will give five The committee on reconstruction report a basis phis Avalanche of the 5th of the present month: copies to each member.

for settlement. They report to this House a The despotic, infamous, and cowardly franchise The resolution was adopted.

proposition which disfranchises these men who bill has become what the régime at Nashville call a RECONSTRUCTION-AGAIN. have gone into rebellion even for the short

law. That is, it has passed a so-called Senate and

a so-called House at Nashville, or, in other words, it space of a little more than four years, and we has received the sanction of a gang of legislative Mr. McKEE. Mr. Speaker, in the short

find it opposed by men who have always been loafers who exist at the public expensc at the capital time allotted for this discussion it is not my against treason.

of the State, and call themselves the Legislature of

Tennessee.' purpose to go over the propositions embraced

That is the proposition. And if it is voted in the pending amendment to the Constitution.

Such is the language used by the copperdown, how do we go out to the country? The Nor do I regard it as necessary, at least so far representatives of the nation here assembled

head press all over the country in regard to as my own position is concerned, having already say to those five States which have adopted a

the Congress which sits here to-day. But I in this House voted for at least three of the disfranchising qualification in regard to their

quote further: propositions in substantially the same shape | citizens, “Your action is wrong. You should

"It becomes the good people of Tennesseo"in which they are now presented. I desire not pass such an act. These men who waged

I want the House to bear in mind that when more particularly to discuss the third section war against the Government and against you

this writer refers to the “good people of Tenof this proposed amendment, as there seems to have as much right to vote as you who have nessee, "' he refers to men who have been enhave been generated more opposition to this

been true to your flag.' It is not encouraging gaged in this wicked and infamous attempt to than any other, and it being a proposition I || loyalty; it is crushing out those men who alone destroy our Government. He goes on: regard as one of the most vital of all.

were true during the war, and putting the con "It becomes the good people of Tennessee to preIt is, sir, perhaps as well to go back a little trol of the State governments in their hands.

pare at once to dispute the further encroachment to look at the opposition and to examine into

upon their rights by the wretched despotism now in For this cause alone, if for no other, I should the record of this House. On the 14th of

power nt Nashville. Let the State have restored to say, do not strike out the proposition.

it the constitution which existed before the war, and December last, after the meeting of the two

But, sir, it is perhaps true that the carrying

which has not, up to this time, been properly, legally, Houses, a resolution was introduced into this

or constitntionally supplanted by any other organic out of this law might meet with some difficulty. House by the gentleman from Oregon [Mr.

system. What now professes to be the constitution But we find, in the disturbed state of our coun of Tennessee is but an assumption, the creature of a HENDERSON] in these words: try which has resulted from the effects of this

mere mob, a dirty thing, having a dirty emanation,

to which a brave and chivalric people have, because Resolved, That treason is a crimo and ought to be great war, that we must meet difficulty in all

of their misfortunes, been compelled to submit, but punislied."

our efforts to restore peace, harmony, and quiet which they loatho and despise from tho utmost And on calling the yeas and nays not a sol. || throughout the whole land. We are told that

rocesses of their noble but broken hearts." itary Representative in this House who anit is not fair nor just that the great mass should

This is the class of men to whom we are swered to that call but voted in the affirmative, be disfranchised. Now, sir, in doing this we

called upon to-day to extend our sympathies, including every Democratic member, with the

are but following the principles laid down by and to place upon an equal footing with those exception of four who were absent. What the lamented President Lincoln. His idea in who have never faltered in their devotion to did that mean? Did this House then vote regard to reconstruction was, if there were only

the Union. But I read on: their sentiments, or did they not? Since that one tenth of the people in any State who were

“The time has now come when further endurance time, sir, from the Democratic side of the | loyal, as in Louisiana, that one tenth should re

will entail upon the people additional and more House I have not heard a word that would

humiliating oppressions.' construct, rule, and control. And the idea was tend in the least to induce the country to be announced over and over again by his successor

Hear the language of these men, who to-day lieve they would carry out the resolution for

we are called upon to enfranchise, and to place who to-day occupies the presidential chair. which they then voted. On the contrary, the Following out that great principle the peo

upon an equal footing with ourselves. I de. whole drift of their argument is that these ple of Tennessee, one of the States declared to

sire to make one other quotation to show the men, having submitted, are now as loyal as be in rebellion, organized a State government

spirit which animates these reconstructed rebthose who fought on the side of the Govern

els. I read from the Louisville Journal-a under the direction of President Lincoln and ment, and entitled to the same rights. Is under the sanction of Andrew Johnson, then

paper published in the interests of the Con. this the manner in which they propose to pun. military governor of that State, and they have

servative-Johnson-Union party' —on the 2d ish treason? Is this the proposition for which succeeded in enacting a law by which those

day of May, 1866, describing the convention we voted? It would have been better had the

of reconstructed rebels and Democrats for the who engaged in the rebellion are disfranchised resolution read in this manner: and prohibited from exercising any of the

State of Kentucky, held in the city of Louis

ville the preceding day. That paper uses this Resolved, That treason is a crime, and that traitors rights of electors in the State which of right should be rewarded for its commission. belong only to the loyal.

language: The course of this whole Democratic side Now, sir, how do we hear this proposed || harmony, and safety of the State are more seriously

"We assure the people of Kentucky that the peace, of the House since the vote on the 14th of De amendment responded to by those who oppose imperiled now than they have been sinco the ruthcember has been in strict accordance with the it? We hear one of the gentlemen on this side less hordes of Buckner and Bragg were trampling proposition as I have read it; and I regret to of the House, from Ohio, [Mr. Finck,] calling

down our soil. The same men whose treachery to

the Commonwealth and the nation involved the counsay that even on the Republican side I find upon the people of the South to have inde

try in civil war five ycars ago; the same men who men to-day who are willing, aye pleading that | pendence of spirit enough to rise up and reject robbed and encouraged the robbing of our banks, these men having laid down their arms are now it with scorn. And, as has been said by the

the destroying our railroad bridges, the firing of the

dwellings of our citizens, and sought to establish entitled to all the rights which we who stood gentleman from New York to-day, no matter rebel provisional governments over our people, by by the flag of our country during the late strug. what may be said of these people we may say

which to cocrce them into the whirlpool of treason, gle for our existence possess. They have set this for them, that they are not fools, and they

are perfecting a political organization in tho Stato

for the purpose of placing her political power excluaside their own work, abandoned their own are not going to accept it. The inference, then, sively in the bands of men who, having been whipped record. It is very fashionable in these days, may be that we are tools in proposing it.

at their own game of powder and ball, are now seokI believe, to do that.

ing to use the ballot for tho achievement of their Well, sir, if we are to judge by their actions

revengeful political schemes." Perbaps we can gain nothing by going back for the last five years, I think we should not to men's records, but I would ask gentlemen make up our opinion very rapidly that they have

I ask the Representatives of the people tothis question. They are well aware that by not acted very foolishly in some things at least.

day if they are willing to turn over the loyal our laws treason is declared a crime, and a

men in these States, who have passed these It appears to me that they exhibited very little

laws, to the tender mercies of men like these? high penalty is affixed upon it. Now, sir, the wisdom in going into the rebellion; it appears simple question comes to us to-day, have we, to me that they exhibited very little wisdom in

That is the question we have to meet now on the Representatives of the people of this great || its conduct; it appears to me that they exhib

this proposition. There may be some objec

tions to it; but if we can get nothing better it nation, moral courage enough to carry out that ited no wisdom whatever in bringing on a great law, or will we turn our back upon those who

is a good thing to go before the people of the war; for if they had looked into the subject at sustained our country in the great struggle for all, they might have been satisfied that they country with and the people will answer in its existence and say to the eighteen hundred could not destroy this Government. And they

tones that will be gratifying to the heart of thousand men who waged this war, “All your still show a want of wisdom, when, at the end

every loyal man who votes for it here. efforts to crush out treason amount to nothing; of the war, having been crushed and having that are made to this third section, I propose

But, sir, in order to obviate the objections these traitors to-day are entitled to all the rights || agreed to accept the issues of the war, to subthat you possess?" Sir, for one, I am tired of

to amend the motion made yesterday by the mit to the propositions by which we propose to that sickly sentimentality.

reconstruct the Government, under the influ- gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. GARFIELD,] to It appears to me that in order to uphold the

recommit the joint resolution with instructions ence of the powers at Washington they have

to the committee to strike out the third secloyal people of this land something must be come to the conclusion that they are to be again tion, by substituting therefor the following: done by a law ingrafted into the Constitution trusted with the management of the affairs

Recommit with instructions to strike out the third to protect them in their loyalty. Look, if you of this nation and are to be the rulers here. section, and insert in lieu thereof the following: please, at the States of Maryland, of West The sequel will show that they are misled and All persons who voluntarily adhered to the late Virginia, of Tennessee, of Missouri, of Arkan deceived.

insurrection, giving aid and comfort to the so-called Each one of these States during this

southern confederacy, are forever excluded from

Listen to what the Memphis Avalanche, one holding any office of trust or profit under the Govstruggle, or since its close, has passed laws of the reconstructed organs of the South, says ernment of the United States. by which they disfranchise forever those men in reference to a recent law passed by the Le That will obviate the objection that it would


He says:

be impracticable to enforce the provision de make laws for them. I desire that the loyal Constitution as may seem viso to Congress and the priving the men who were engaged in the rebel heart of the nation shall continue in power the

Statcs, acting freely and without coercion.".

So that his third proposition had no referlion of the right of voting. It will provide | great party which sustained our armies in the

ence to this. And in fact he precludes any that they shall vote for none but those who field, and I desire that that party shall not be have been loyal. The loyal men will be en prevented from rewarding the heroes who

such construction by using the term "law.” couraged, because the nation will say to them, survive with broken and maimed limbs and "You alone, who have remained true, shall

"We should provide by law for giving to the freedfeeble bodies; shall not be prevented from deal

men of the South all the rights of citizens, in courts hold office, following out the resolution of ing out pensions and bounties to the orphans of law and elsewhere." the House that“ treason is a crime, and ought of the slain soldiers of the Republic.

Now, sir, that proposition of the gentleman to be punished." As nobody expects now Permit these men to come back and assume is broader than the provision of the civil rights that any traitors will be hanged (which is the their places here again, and I tell you to-day bill. It involves the entire principle; and if punishment provided by law) let us cut off that having obtained equality for themselves we give a reasonable construction to the term their heads politically, and say to them, you you must go a little further and place their 6 elsewhere," we may include in that the jury-, can never hold office under this Government. widows and their orphans upon our pension || box and the ballot-box.

By this means we will affix the brand of list, or they will not vote for any pension to It does seem to me, sir, that the explanation treason upon the traitor's brow; and there I yours. I want to prevent all that. And when | given by the gentleman for his vote against the would have it remain until the snows of win the charge comes to me that I desire these prop civil rights bill cannot be supported upon this ter covered their graves.

ositions carried out in order to perpetuate the record. If the gentleman will say that he voted In my opinion, we are compelled to do one strength of a political party, I reply I do desire | against that bill because of the sections following of three things: we are compelled to adopt that party still to rule this land, because they || the first, that may raise a different questionsomething of this kind to prohibit these men, alone having been loyal, they alone should rule. The SPEAKER. The half hour of the who with treacherous hearts sought the very Now, in regard to the section which forbids | gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. McKee] has life of the nation, from again seizing the offices the payment of the rebel debt or compensation expired. of the Federal Government, by excluding them for slaves that have been emancipated, I most Mr. ELDRIDGE obtained the foor. forever from office; or we are to turn the loyal | heartily support it. Having already put myself Mr. RAYMOND. I will inquire of the men in all the border States as well as through upon the record in favor of such a proposition, || gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. Eldridge] out the whole South over into the hands of the it is not necessary I should now say anything whether be will not allow the gentleman from traitors, with the probability that the nation in regard to it. In order to secure the payment | Iowa to finish what he has to say and allow me itself will follow in the same wake. The second of the national debt, in order to prevent the to reply. It need not come out of the gentlefollows from the refusal to do the first; the first, payment of compensation for slaves who have man's time. Let it be regarded as an inde. in my opinion, being the only salvation for the become freemen, and the assumption of the pendent portion of the debate. Union and protection of Union men. There rebel debt, the control of this Government Mr. ELDRIDGE. I will consent to that if is one other course which might have the effect must be by the loyal men of the land.

the House will. of saving the nation with the Union men of Mr. Speaker, I now yield to the gentle The SPEAKER. If the gentleman from the South. That is, if you will enfranchise man from Iowa, [Mr. Wilson,) if he desires Wisconsin does not claim the floor now, the these traitors, then enfranchise all men; and to occupy the few minutes I have remaining. Chair will recognize the gentleman from Iowa. in that way the vote of the loyal man may The SPEAKER. The time of the gentle Mr. ROGERS. My information is that this counteract the vote of the traitor. Now, so man from Kentucky [Mr. McKee] will expire | bill is to be brought to a vote to-morrow. There far as I am concerned, I have not arrived at in four minutes.

are a number of gentlemen who wish to speak; the point yet when I can believe that all men Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. Mr. Speaker, I and I suppose it is desirable to give as many should be enfranchised. But if I am asked || desired, when the gentleman from New York an opportunity as possible. which I would the sooner trust, I would an [Mr. RAYMOND] was speaking, to interrupt The SPEAKER. The Chair understands swer that I prefer to trust the meanest black || him, in order that I might understand fully the that the bill is to be brought to a vote to-morman with a loyal heart who ever wore the chains position in which he placed himself concerning | row; and there are some thirty gentlemen who of slavery to the most intelligent traitor who his vote on the civil rights bill. I understood desire to speak. has waged war against my country.

him to say that he voted against that bill be Mr. ROGERS. I do not think it fair that But this House is not prepared to enfranchise cause, as he believed, Congress had not the time should be taken in this way. I do not all men; the nation, perhaps, is not prepared | power, under the Constitution, to pass the bill, || object myself; but I think as many members for it to-day; the colored race are not prepared and that it would require such an amendment as possible should be allowed an opportunity for it, probably, and I am sure the rebels are as is now proposed to clothe us with the power to speak. unfit for it; and as Congress has not the moral to pass such a measure. I could not at the Mr. RAYMOND. I think that when one courage to vote for it, then put in this provision time harmonize that in my mind with the record | gentleman makes a personal point against which cuts off the traitor from all political of the gentleman during this Congress relative another an opportunity should be allowed power in the nation, and then we have secured to the principle involved in the civil rights bill. for a reply. to the loyal men that control which they so The first section of that bill embodies its Mr. ELDRIDGE. I have no objection to richly deserve. We will then have rewarded essential and vital principle. All the other yielding to the gentlemen if I can have the them for their devotion, and punished treason sections provide merely for the enforcement floor as soon as this personal question is disas it deserves to be punished.

of the principle embraced in the first section, | posed of. But I do not wish the time to come Let me ask gentlemen here, why do you want which was simply a declaration that all per out of my thirty minutes. these men to vote? Why are you clamorous sons without distinction of race or color should Mr. HIGBY. I believe that we adopted, a for the support of men who have been engaged | enjoy in all of the States and Territories civil | day or two ago, a stringent rule as to the allotin treason, and whose hands are yet reeking rights and immunities. Now, sir, the gentle ment of time in this debate; and I shall object with the blood of more than three hundred man himself introduced early in the session a to any departure from that rule. thousand loyal slain? Simply that you may

bill, the second section of which provides as Mr. WILSON, of Iowa. I have said nearly turn out of power the great Union party who follows:

all I intended to say: alone haye upheld the Government in this grand “That all persons born, or hereafter to be born, Mr. HIGBY. I do not withdraw my objecand glorious struggle for liberty; simply that within the limits and under the jurisdiction of the tion. Gentlemen will have an opportunity to you may hand the reins of Government over to United States, shall be deemed and considered, and

be heard before this debate is closed. I have are hereby declared, to be citizens of the United the hands of that sickly, pale, copperhead party, States, and entitled to all rights and privileges as no idea of closing this debate to-morrow. I which was only the left wing of Jeff. Davis's

do not believe in it. army during the late war.

That is why you The first section proposes to amend our Mr. ROGERS. Nor do I. want to have them vote, and such would be the naturalization laws by striking out the word The SPEAKER. The gentleman from result of the policy if adopted. You do not "white;'' and the bill itself is intended to Wisconsin will proceed. want to have traitors punished. Why? Because confer upon negroes and all other persons Mr. ELDRIDGE. Mr. Speaker, I do not you want their aid; you desire that they shall born within the United States, without dis intend to make an argument on the merits of help you, just as you were willing to help them tinction of color, the rights of citizens of the this joint resolution on the present occasion. during the war which has just closed. United States.

On the 25th of January last I gave my views You talk about this question of State rights. After that bill had been introduced by the and made such arguments as occurred to me We thought the war had killed that dogma. I gentleman from New York he made a speech, against a similar proposition to one of these But you are now attempting to bring it to life in which I find one of the propositions which then reported from the joint committee of fifagain. And if you have power enough to do he laid down as proper to be enforced by this teen as an amendment to the Constitution. I it with the aid of the votes of traitors you are Congress against the people of the southern have not had occasion to change the views I willing to summon them here to these Halls States was in this language:

then expressed. I still believe, as I did then, and give them a share in our deliberations.

"I think, in the third place, we should provide by

that we ought not to amend the Constitution Now, for one, I want none of it. I desire that law for giving to the freedinen of the South all the so as to provide a fundamental law for a the loyal alone shall rule the country which rights of citizens, in courts of law and elsewhere."

people not represented in the action on that they alone have saved. I desire that the brave Now, he did not mean that such provision amendment. I believe now as I did then, and war-worn veteran shall be rewarded for should be made by a constitutional amend that all the States formerly composing the his toil and privation. I desire that the widows ment; for in his fifth proposition he goes on to Union were then and are now States of the and orphans of the slain soldiers of the Repub- say:

Union. I do not believe the rebellion was lic shall be spared the insult of having traitors "Fifth, I would make such amendments to the successful in any manner to accomplish seces




sion. I do not believe it had the effect to take What, then, has been accomplished? Do we third section or the people would be suspicious away any of the rights of the loyal citizens of understand from the committee to-day any bet that this thing was done in the interest of party. any of the confederate States, but that our ter the situation of these States than we did at Suspicious! "Does not the proposed amendsuccess was the preservation of all their rights the beginning of this Congress? Have they ment carry on its face the evidence that it under the Constitution in the Union.

enlightened us upon the question whether those originated in the interest of party? It is reBut, Mr. Speaker, I am opposed to the re States are entitled to representation in Con- || ported and speeches are made upon it in the committal of this joint resolution, and I believe gress? I say, as I said before, the committee interest of party and for party purposes. that is the pending question before the House. have not only stood in the way of the repre The chairman of the committee (Mr. Sre. I do not wish to express any sentiment of dis sentation of those States in this Congress, but VENS] tells us that these States are not nerespect for the individuals composing that they have stood in the way of proper informa cessary to be counted in the submission of committee. I entertain for them entire re tion to this House. If the members from the this constitutional amendment. He scouts spect as individuals, but I do aver that that southern States applying for admission at the and scorns the idea that they are entitled to committee has utterly and entirely failed to per beginning of the session had been admitted to the right of rejecting or approving it. And form its duty, and has disappointed the country seats on the floor of Congress, we should have | here is another inconsistency on the face of in the action it has taken. That committee gained some information. They would have the resolution itself, which in the preamble to-day stands, in my judgment, between the been able to give us official information of the reads, "that the following article be proposed representatives of the late so-called confeder wants and necessities of those States in their to the Legislatures of the several States as até States and the resumption of their proper character as Representatives, upon their honor an amendment to the Constitution.” These duties and functions in the Union and in this as such. But this committee has not deigned States are recognized in ihe resolution itself; Congress.

to give us a single fact, not even their conclu every section, line, and sentence recognizes That committee, sir, was raised and organ sion upon the facts, if perchance there are facts, them as States in the Union. The word "State" ized in the spirit of party. The resolution by as I suppose there are, in that testimony which is used in the first section, which says, which it was raised did not originate in the they have taken.

shall any State deprive any person of life, House of Representatives, but in a party cau I ask, then, and I ask sincerely, has the com liberty, or property without due process of cus outside of this Hall, and for party purmittee entitled itself to have this matter recom

That has reference only to the southern poses. And the committee in what it has done mitted to it for further action, and for what | States, for there was never any necessity to has acted in the interest of party. It has done purpose, what action, is the recommitment to apply it to the northern States. perhaps what that caucus and those composing be made? Is it that the committee may go on So in the second section the word “State" it expected.

ad infinitum to take testimony of such per is used in the same sense, and also in the third What has it done? It has deliberated for sons as they may see fit to be used in the com section, admitted on all hands to apply not to five months. It was by the resolution creating ing election, without giving us the benefit of the northern but to the southern States excluit organized for a special and specific purpose, their conclusions, of their consultations, and of sively. And yet the gentleman from Pennsyl. distinctly and clearly expressed in the resolu their examinations? When this committee was vania [Mr. STEVENS] tells us that the southern tion, and I allege that after having performed at first raised it was professedly for the pur States are not to be counted in adopting or that duty as required by the resolution, it ought pose of aiding in the restoration of the Union, | rejecting this proposed amendment. to have reported and then been discharged. and providing for the representation of the ab The second section of the joint resolution is

The resolution organizing the committee is sent States, but it has become only a partisan || also inconsistent with the action of the comas follows:

machine in the interest of the Republican | mittee. They reported the bill known as the "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives party. Its effort and purpose, if we may judge "civil rights bill," which has become a law. in Congress assembled, That a joint committee of fif from the reports which it has made, have been, What necessity is there, then, for this amendteen members shall be appointed, ning of whom shall be members of the House and six of the Senate, who

not to furnish a way of restoration, not to as ment to the Constitution if that bill was conshall inquire into the condition of the States which certain if they were entitled to representation, | stitutional at the time of its passage? Is it not formed the so-called confederate States of America, but to prevent or delay indefinitely both rep an admission that it was not? Ay, but the and report whether they or any of them are entitled to be represented in either House of Congress, with

resentation and restoration. Every report that gentleman from Pennsylvania gives us here leave to report at any time by bill or oth wiso; and has been made has shown upon its face the another party reason.

He tells us that the until such report shall have been made and finally evidence of a determination to delay, if not to time may come when the Democrats will get acted upon by Congress, no member shall be received into cither House from any of the said so-called con

destroy. And the chairman of the committee, || possession of Congress, and if you depend upon federate States; and all papers relating to the rep in his speech of yesterday at the opening of a mere act of Congress, that it will be repealed; resentatives of the said States shall be referred to the this debate, said that the southern representa and he seeks to evade the popular will and to said committee without debate."

tives must not be permitted to come in until thwart the popular desire by placing in the Mr. Speaker, it appears that the duties of that we will it.

Constitution now, while a portion of the States committee were simply to inquire “whether The committee stands, therefore, resisting are unrepresented, an amendment to the Conthe so-called confederate States of America the restoration of this Union, and I hope that stitution, so that the people cannot have their are entitled to be represented in the two no further business will be referred to it. It way about it. This is of itself an admission that Houses of Congress.” I ask, how have they dis has rendered itself unworthy of the high duty | the whole scheme is in the interest of party charged that duty? Have they reported to the with which it was charged by the resolution || alone, to preserve and perpetuate the party House upon the subject referred to them, that which I have read. It has not sought to give || idea of this Republican disunion party. any one of those States is or is not entitled to us information. It has not sought to furnish us But there is one thing about this resolution representation? Have they inquired, and if with the evidence whether these States were which is most remarkable if those eleven States they have inquired, what information have they fit for or entitled to representation. But it is are out of this Union, and it is this: that notgiven us on that subject? Nothing, absolutely reporting measure after measure that must withstanding the proposition here to amend the nothing. Their sessions have been secret; their cause not only delay during the present session Constitution in three particulars there is not yet acts and doings have been kept from the pub of Congress, but delay even beyond this Con any plan or proposition whatever reported by lic and from this House. And when they have gress. To adopt the remark of the gentleman this committee for the restoration of this Union, reported, it has been only a mass of testimony from Pennsylvania (Mr. Boxer] the committee or for those States to be represented in ConI presume no Representative upon this floor has been seeking how not to restore rather gress. If the gentleman froin Pennsylvania is has had time or patience or opportunity to than to restore the Union. Every obstruction, right, and these eleven States are still out of read, if he has had the inclination. It has every obstacle which they could contrive, they the Union, adopt this amendment without their not yet been printed. It has not been laid have placed in the way of restoration.

voice being heard, if you please, adopt it by before the House yet for any available pur Now, is it proposed to restore the Union by the vote of nineteen States, and still these pose. There is no opportunity for us to judge adopting this amendment to the Constitution? | States, according to the gentleman's theory, what is the nature and character of that testi I do not believe that the proposition looks to will be out of the Union. Where, then, is mony. The Public Printer has not been able

any such purpose; it has no such object. But your reconstruction, where your restoration to print it before we are called upon to act the committee, seeing the hand-writing on the in this joint resolution? Where has the comupon measures said to be shown to be a neces wall, seeing the public sentiment of the coun mittee shown any disposition, any desire for a sity by it.

try in favor of restoration, seeing the disrepute restoration of the Union? Have they up till The committee report no facts whatever and into which it was falling, seeing the character to-day reported any measure whereby a restogive us no conclusion. They simple report which it had attained before the country, sought || ration of the Union is to be accomplished, amendments to the Constitution. Was that to appease and allay that popular sentiment by | whereby these States are ever to be restored the purpose for which the committee was organ a compromise in regard to these questions of dif and recognized as in the Union? How, under ized ? Was it to change the fundamental law ference among themselves.

the theory of the gentleman that they are not of the land under which we of the loyal States Why is it that the gentleman from Pennsyl to be counted or considered, because out of assembled here? Was that the duty with which vania (Mr. STEVENS] gives up universal suffrage? | the Union, are they ever under this measure to the committee was charged? Were they to Why is it that he and other gentlemen give up become members of this Union? If they are inquire and report an entire change of the fun universal confiscation? Why is it that other not now members will the adoption of this damental law of the nation which would de gentlemen give up universal butchery of that amendment to the Constitution make them stroy the States and create an empire? I say people? It is a compromise of what they call members of this Union ? Certainly not. They they were charged with no such'duty. The principle for the purpose of saving their party are no more in the Union then or entitled to resolution cannot fairly be construed as giving in the next fall election.

representation in Congress then than now. to the committee any such power, any such The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. GARFIELD] Here, then, is another gross inconsistency, jurisdiction.

said yesterday that they must strike out the || showing the purpose and the object of this




The third section is admitted even Mr. WINDOM. Will the gentleman allow tleman from Wisconsin [Mr. ELDRIDGE] has by the friends of the other two to carry upon

me to read half a dozen lines from his home made some remarks in derogation of the joint its face the purpose of disfranchising the peo- organ?

committee on reconstruction. I do not purple of these eleven States and preventing them Mr. ELDRIDGE. No, sir, because I have pose to reply at length to those remarks. He from taking part in the representation of this | already said that we do not recognize it or any has said that the action of the committee is a country. It is said by the gentleman from other paper as the representative of the Dem failure. We knew very well from the beginOhio that if that section is not stricken out | ocratic party. We recognize no one person as ning that so far as he and his friends were the people will come to the conclusion that this authorized to speak for the Democracy. We concerned the labors of the committee would is a party measure. Sir, I have said no one speak by our acts; we are for the Union and be a failure. He puts, however, in behalf, I can doubt it in the light of the history of this always have been, and do not propose to let suppose, of himself and his Democratic friends, committee. It was organized in a party caucus. you prevent a restoration of the Union if we one question which I feel bound to answer. The resolution authorizing it was brought into can help it.

He says, “ The committee have not told ns the House by the man selected to do it by that Mr. WINDOM. I will ask the gentleman if when our troubles''--meaning, I suppose, the

It was presented to the House and he himself considers Jeff. Davis a traitor. His troubles of himself and his Democratic friends supported solely by the caucus party; and im home organ says he is not.

-óówill cease. mediately everything brought into the House Mr. ELDRIDGE. You work it in in that Mr. ELDRIDGE. Oh, no; the gentleman having relation to the representation of the way, do you? [Laughter.] Well, I will say that || certainly misunderstood 'me. I meant the southern States in this Congress was consigned I think he is. So you see the organ, as you call troubles which the Republicans themselves without debate to this vortex of ruin, of de it, and I do not always agree.

were making. struction, and of disunion. We have therefore Mr. WINDOM. I did not know how that Mr. BOUTWELL. The troubles of the been able to gain no information from any

gentleman and his friends are very likely to source on the subject of reconstruction or Mr. ELDRIDGE. Now will the gentleman increase. restoration or representation of those States. tell me whether he thinks that any one who But, Mr. Speaker, the chief object which I

The resolution may have been differently seeks to prevent a restoration of the Union is have now in view and I trust that in seeking intended; but from its face no one can come a traitor?

to attain that object I shall not go beyond the to the conclusion that it intended anything Mr. WINDOM. In some certain circum line of parliamentary debate into the domain more than that the committee should be au stances I think he is.

of partisan controversy-is to show how the thorized to inquire into the fact as to whether Mr. ELDRIDGE. Well, “in some certain proposition now before us from that committee these States were legally and constitutionally | circumstances” I think he is, too. [Laughter.] traverses the policy of the Democratic party entitled to be represented in either House of Mr. WINDOM. Will the gentleman allow with reference to the reconstruction of the Congress; and yet the committee, arrogating me to read something from the papers in his Government. to themselves all power upon this subject, have own district?

I admit that the policy of the Democratic repeatedly reported amendments to the Con Mr. ELDRIDGE. No, sir.

body is a simple policy. It is a policy easily stitution without giving us one fact or one rea I believe, Mr. Speaker, I have said pretty | comprehended. It is a policy in which for son for it, or any information as to when our much all I desired to say. Much is said for the ten years, within my observation, they have troubles will be ended and the Union restored. purpose of prejudicing the public mind about been consistent. It is a policy which they laid

The people of this country, as I remarked the readınission of red-handed traitors into the down as early as 1856, in the platform made at in the beginning, are dissatisfied with that com councils of the nation, and the question often Cincinnati, wherein they declared substantially mittee. It has disappointed the country. Go suggested as to whether we can become rec --for I cannot recite the precise language of to-day, if you dare, and submit to the people | onciled to them. Sir, the war is ended; peace the declaration as it is many years since I read of the United States the question whether that | has been agreed upon; and men who have been those resolutions—that it was the right of a committee should longer be intrusted with this in arms have laid them down. There is an Territory to be admitted into this Union with subject, and what do you think the vote would agreement that we will forgive them, and if the such institutions as it chose to establish, not be? I tell you that it would be ten to one that fraternal union of our fathers is ever restored even by implication admitting that the reprethe committee had disappointed the expec

we must. Do you expect that those people will sentatives of the existing Government had any tations of the country; that it should be dis ever become reconciled to you if you do not right to canvass those institutions, or to concharged; that its duties were ended ; that it become reconciled to them? And can that | sider the right of the Territory to be recoghad been a failure; that it had stood in the ever take place if you talk as the gentleman | nized as a State. way of restoration and peace.

from Kentucky [Mr. McKee] has talked this Now, sir, from that doctrine, which probably I tell you further that the people of this afternoon? If you would hang them all; if you had its origin in the resolutions of 1798, the country demand the present, immediate resto would crush them all; if you would hate them whole of their policy to this day has legitiration of this Union. And you will find, when forever, do you think they can shake hands mately followed. First, we saw its results in the elections come around again, that they with you, and live upon terms of amity and the doctrine of Mr. Buchanan, announced in will speak in thunder tones to you politicians. friendship with you? You wonder that they | 1860, that, while the Constitution did not proYou cannot compromise with them by surren are not instantly reconciled to you ; you wonder vide for or authorize the secession of a State dering principle for mere expediency, for mere that they do not at once forgive and forget the from this Union, there was no power in the party purposes. You will have to face the

past. But who here of the prominent politi- | existing Government to compel a State to music, for the people will demand it of you. cians of the Republican party has ever been remain in the Union against its own judgment. They have struggled long and ardently for the able to forgive? You are the conquerors ; you Following that doctrine they come legitimately Union; they have sacrificed lives and treasure have triumphed. You can afford to be mag. to the conclusion of to-day, in which they are for the Union; they have been ardently devoted nanimous. You can forgive without mortiti supported, as I understand, by the President to the Union, and they will not surrender it | cation. But can they do the same? Consider of the United States upon the one side, and, for party purposes; they will not consent to what they must suffer. I expect that it will be as I know, by the testimony of Alexander H. keep the people of the southern States in bond long years before these bloody days will be for Stephens, late vice president of the so-called age, such as Ireland has suffered so long, for gotten either in the North or in the South. But i confederacy, upon the other. That doctrine is the mere purpose of retaining a party in power. we must live together as one nation, as one that these eleven States have to-day, each for

I do not wonder that the gentleman from people, and the sooner we can forget and for itself, an existing and unquestionable right of Pennsylvania [Mr. STEVENS] prophesied the give the better; the happier, the more prosper representation in the Government of this countime as not being more than three or four years ous and happy shall we be as a nation. try, and that it is a continuous right which has distant when the people will place in power I did hope that a better and a kindlier feeling not been interrupted by any of the events of men who will respect the Constitution, who was growing up in the North ; but when I hear

the war. will respect the Union and the sacrifices that men talking about branding traitors and mak This is a simple policy. It is a direct polhave been made for it, and who are willing to ing them wear the brand upon their foreheads || icy. It is a policy which can be comprehended. restore, preserve, and perpetuate that Union. until the snows of winter shall lie upon their | It is the policy of the Democratic party. Now,

Mr. WINDOM. Will the gentleman from graves, such hatred, such malignity, it seems whether the President of the United States or Wisconsin [Mr. ELDRIDGE] yield to me a mo to me, will not only keep alive, but perpetuate the humblest citizen of the country accepts or ment, for a question ?

forever, sentiments of alienation and hostility. avows it, he has no right whatever to call it Mr. ELDRIDGE. Certainly, for a ques.

The Union of our fathers was a Union of fra his policy. It is the policy of the Democratic tion.

ternal feeling and mutual interest, and we must party. Mr. WINDOM. I desire to ask the gentle restore that Union, or the duty resting upon I wish to lay before the House a proposition, man, as he has spoken of the Democracy of us will not be performed. If you are unable and I beg the attention of Democratic genhis district, whether his home organ, the Fond to forgive and forget the past you cannot expect tlemen to it. I have written out the propdu-Lac Press, represents the Democracy of the the people of the South to forget and become osition with some care, and I think that I state State of Wisconsin.

reconciled to you. They may have been wrong; exactly, and I hope not unfavorably, the posiMr. ELDRIDGE. It does not. There is they were wrong ; but this fact does not change tion of the Democratic party on this question. no paper on earth which represents the De the nature of men. Human nature is the same The proposition is this : mocracy of this country.

everywhere. I am prepared to forgive, in the 1. The Democratic party maintains that a Mr. WINDOM. Will the gentleman allow interest of country and Union. Upon no other State of the American Union cannot by its own me to send to the Clerk's desk, to have read, condition are we promised forgiveness by di acts separate itself from its associates. an extract from that paper? vine authority.

2. That the events of this war, including the Mr. ELDRIDGE. No, sir.

Mr. BOUTWELL. Mr. Speaker, the gen. Il individual, organized, and public acts of the

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