being in involuntary bondage, is (according to scripture) a man stealer.*

"All those laws which are now in force, admitting the right of slavery, are, before God, NULL AND VOID."

This, is must be admitted, is distinct and intelligible enough.

If the South could be given up to the slaves, and the Union still preserved, the abolitionists would probably be content. But we have every evidence of their determination, that the Union, with its present institutions, shall not continue. Their whole policy betrays this sentiment. Their violation of the rights of the South; their efforts to irritate the people of the slave-holding states into acts of hostility against the Union; their anxiety to agitate the distracting subject of slavery in the United States Districts, and their thousand different schemes of incendiarism and agitation, evidence,-not an indifference to the Union-but a fixed and stern determination to overthrow it.

We have not been left to infer the existence of this disposition from their course; they have directly avowed it. The Human Rights, a paper published by the A. S. Society, says

"Abolitionists are probably as fond of the Union as slave-holders; BUT NOT OF A UNION TO OPPRESS THE POOR. If this Union is severed, slavery will be to blame for it."

This declaration is only one of innumerable expressions of a like character. It cannot be doubted that the abolitionists, instead of feeling disposed to

* If there be any such declaration in Scripture, in relation to "American citizens," or any other citizens, we have been unable to discover it. We have already shown that the scripture sanction of slavery is ample and distinct.

abandon their schemes, because dangerous to the Union, are opposed to the Union from prejudice and feeling, and determined, if possible, to overthrow it, as the great obstacle in the way of accomplishing their own mad designs.

The abolitionists have disclaimed a desire to excite insurrection among the slaves. If a man should thrust a lighted torch into a powder magazine, he would find it difficult to convince the world that he did not design to produce an explosion. The abolitionists studiously pursue a course which they know must have a tendency to excite insurrection; a course for which we can assign no other rational object— and yet assure us that it is innocent. Their Southern emissaries, their inflammatory papers, and their still more inflammatory devices, are all intended for the slave-holder! Such assertions exhibit a degree of bold presumption, of brassy assurance, for which it would be difficult to find a parallel. While they pronounce the restraints of the law upon the slave "null and void," while they own that their love of union does not extend to the present union, which "oppresses the poor"-while their professed principles and acknowledged practice all join to prove that servile insurrection, instead of being inconsistent with their sentiments or feelings, is a part of their policy-while all this stands manifest before us, we canot but marvel at the boldness which dares to deny their desire to see the slaves rise upon their masters, and assert their freedom at the point of the sword. Let the following extracts from their official publications speak for them on this subject:

"How long can the smiles of Heaven rest on a people who boldly and shamelessly avow their determination at all hazards to uphold the most foul and crushing system of tyranny that ever disgraced this tyrant-trodden world? But hush! we must not

speak of tyranny, lest the word should penetrate the sealed ear of the bondman! Mark the reason-aye, MARK THE REASON. It is not because your charge is FALSE but because your words may arouse the victim. Heavens! is there in free America a class so basely, cruelly trampled in the mire, that their ears must never be saluted with a word of sympathy, that their rights must never be called in remembrance, lest they should be goaded to uncontrollable and murderous vengeance? IF SO, WE SAY, BETTER MEET THEIR VENGEANCE THAN GOD'S."

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"A very important TRUTH' it is indeed, that the slave-holders are united as one man in the fixed and unalterable determination to maintain their RIGHTS, and defend their PROPERTY!' Who attacks their rights' or their property? Nobody. We only ask that they should restore to other people their RIGHTS' and 'PROPERTY.' 'Be the consequences what they may,' we will not, say the slaveholders. THEN YOU MUST TAKE THE CONSEQUENCES. We have done our duty.

"THE LAWS ADMITTING THE RIGHT OF SLAVERY ARE A COMPLETE EXTINCTION OF ALL THE OBLIGATIONS OF MANKIND.

"Suppose the intelligence should reach this city to-day, that the slaves had risen in insurrection, and were scattering dismay and death through the South, would not the veriest child know the cause? THEY ARE FIGHTING for their FREEDOM,' would be the universal cry."

"It may be supposed that the press can be shackled, and made to say nothing seriously offensive to slave-holders-the wildest nonsense. To effect it the nation must pass through the crucible of anarchy into a new mode of existence."

The following is the conclusion of a narrative of the efforts of a slave to escape from bondage. The cause of the negro is described with apparent appro

bation.

"They went on board a vessel; and, during a serene evening in that delicious climate, the trader reposed himself upon the deck. In the dead of the night, the slave contrived to rid himself of his handcuffs, and groped until he grasped an axe; and, thus armed, stood over the sleeping man. He waked him and told his purpose. 6 Then God have mercy on me,' said the slave-trader. God will not have mercy on you, neither will I,' said the slave, and beat out his brains."

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We will not, by multiplying our extracts, aid in giving circulation to their ravings. We have presented sufficient to satisfy the candid reader, that the abolitionists, so far from entertaining a repugnance to insurrection, have directed their efforts to that object, and pursued a course which has, and can have, no other motive.

Resources and power of the abolitionists—Number of Societies-Collections-Publications, &c.

It requires no profound investigation of the character, progress, and resources of the abolitionists to convince us, that the cause of union and order has, in them, dangerous opponents. It will be seen by the following statements, mostly derived from their own publications, that their past progress has been rapid almost beyond parallel. But a few years have elapsed, since their black banner was given to the breeze. At that time the scheme was novel; and its advocates were regarded with universal contempt. To what must we ascribe their advance? To the justice of their cause, answers the abolitionist. The crusades then are to be regarded with admiration; and Mahomet and his fanatical followers, whose progress was even more rapid than the abolitionists, are also to be considered as triumphing in the justice of their cause. Joanna Southcote,

too, was a true prophetess; and Matthias, by the same rule, is entitled to all the reverence which some of the fanatics of New York manifested towards him. Human nature is not always to be depended on. Few schemes of imposture or fanaticism are too gross for popular credulity; and when talents, wealth, and religious zeal or hypocrisy unite to urge a cause, it must bear features singularly repulsive if it fails to make proselytes.