abolitionist suppose, for one moment, that the results of such a conflict would be favourable to the slave? A philosophical writer has justly observed, that "power can never be dislodged from the hands of the intelligent, the wealthy, and the courageous, by any plans that can be formed by the poor, the ignorant, and the habitually subservient; history scarce furnishes such an example." The slaves might ravage the South, and murder hecatombs of victims-but they would be at length subdued. And would their situation be improved? Would their masters feel more kindly to them after such a contest? Would their privileges be extended, or their condition improved? Would their cruelties plead in their favour? Would the remembrance of violated purity, and slaughtered feebleness stir up the gentle affections of the slaveholder; and, standing upon his blackened hearth-stone, would his breast flow out in kindness to the demons who had effected the ruin? A war with the whites must produce horrors unutterable. The whites would suffer terribly-but awful would be their retribution; and if the negroes survived the contest, it would be to curse the traitors who fomented the quarrel.

CHAPTER XXI.

St. Domingo before the revolution—Insurrection originated in the policy of France-Amis des Noirs-Agitation of the Colony by the French -Domestic Dissensions-Ogé-Insurrection -French Commissioners proclaim abolition of Slavery-Massacres-Cruelty of revolted Slaves-Touissant-Le Clerc lands-Evacu ates the Island — Dessalines — Massacres— Christophe-Petion-Boyer-Present state of Hayti-Government---Population-Character of Inhabitants-Agriculture-CommerceFree Labour-Finances-Army, &c.

In the present chapter, we will be enabled only to present the prominent features of the history of the revolution of Hayti, and its consequences as developed in the present condition of that island. It is to be regretted, that our citizens are not generally more familiar with that history. It abounds in truths highly important in the present political state of this country; and would do much, if understood, to dissipate the disastrous and malign influence of the abolitionists.

"The question," said Mr. Canning, when arguing this subject in the English parliament, "to be decided is, how civil rights, moral improvement, and general happiness are to be communicated to this overpowering multitude of slaves, with safety to the lives, and security to the interests of the white po

pulation, our fellow subjects, and fellow citizens. Is it possible that there can be a difference of opinion on this question? Is it possible that those most nearly concerned, and those who contemplate the great subject with the eye of the philosopher and the moralist, should look at it in any other than one point of view?"-Let the question alluded to by the great statesman be decided by a reference to the example of St. Domingo.

At the commencement of the French revolution, the island of St. Domingo was in the highest state of prosperity. Its inhabitants were tranquil and contented; its soil was cultivated with the greatest skill and assiduity. The sugar cane, the coffee tree, and other articles of tropical culture, were produced in abundance. "In the year 1791," says St. Mery, a writer of great credit, "there were in the French division alone, 793 sugar estates, 789 cotton plantations, 3117 of coffee, 3150 of indigo, 54 cocoa manufactories, and 623 smaller settlements. There were also 40,000 horses, 50,000 mules, and 250,000 cattle and sheep; and the quantity of land actually in cultivation was about 2,289,480 acres." Mr. Edwards and others state the amount of exports as follows: 163,400,000 pounds of sugar; 68,150,000 pounds of coffee; 6,286,000 pounds of cotton; 930,000 pounds of indigo; 29,000 hogsheads of molasses, &c. Walton

says, that the amount of exports was about six millions and ninety-four thousand, two hundred and thirty pounds, English money. The population was, at the same time, 40,000 whites, 28,000 free persons of colour, and about 455,000 slaves; and the valuation of the plantations in culture was about seventy millions sterling. This, it must be remembered, does not comprise the Spanish division-one third of the whole island.

The insurrection in St. Domingo did not com

mence with the blacks. They were tranquil and happy, until the madmen of the mother country, ignorant and fanatical, excited them to discontent and rebellion. Franklin, in his "Present State of Hayti," says "It has been erroneously thought by some persons, who feel interested in the fate of the slave population of the West Indies, or, at all events, they have, with no little industry, propagated the impression, that the revolution in Hayti began with the revolt of the blacks, when it is evident, from the very best authors, and from the testimony of people now living, who were present during its opening scenes, that such was not the fact; and that the slaves remained perfectly tranquil for two years after the celebrated Declaration of Rights was promulgated in France." This is an important fact, and should not be lost sight of.

The first cause of the Haytien revolution was the organization of an abolition Society in France, called "Amis des Noirs"-Friends of the Blacks. This society, with one of like character in London, by a systematic and vigorous course of agitation on the subject of slavery, succeeded in enlisting the French government in the support of their views, and of exciting the people of St. Domingo, particularly the mulattoes, to discontent. So strong was the excitement in France against the colonial planters that, says a writer on this subject, "their total annihilation was threatened." The resemblance between this menace and those of the anti-slavery men in this country will be recognised. We hope that the results will not bear an equal resemblance.

In 1789, a deputation of the coloured people of St. Domingo waited upon the Freneh National Assembly, to crave a recognition of their alleged rights. The assembly gave them a favourable answer; and some of the members individually expressed their

determination to advocate the emancipation of the slaves.

The free mulattoes in the colony were the first to catch the spirit of insurrection thus fomented by the French. They claimed a participation in the government, revolted, and, though subdued, were still encouraged by the French.

The commotions caused by the policy of the French government having endangered the colony to the crown, the National Assembly in 1790 disavowed the intention of altering the domestic institutions of the island.

The colony, however, continued in a disturbed state. The whites were divided; the mulattoes, a free and powerful body of people, were urgent in asserting their claims; and the administration and legislature were at open war. So high did these dissensions rise, that the governor dissolved the Assembly; the members of which sailed to France, to appeal to the king and National Assembly.

Ogé, a mulatto, educated in France, and filled by the French fanatics with insurrectionary principles and feelings, about this time arrived in St. Domingo, He raised the banner of insurrection, and was joined by a number of coloured people, but was defeated, taken, and executed. Ogé, it is said, was encouraged by the English abolitionists.

The slaves, during all these commotions, remuined quiet, neither dreaming of, nor desiring, a change of their condition.

The members of the Assembly were, on their arrival at France, arrested; the government of the colony was sustained in its policy; and troops were sent to St. Domingo, to protect the governor in his insidious efforts in favour of the coloured population. The news of the execution of Ogé also excited great indignation in the French legislature.