as a grand political question, to be argued on political grounds, but as a theological point, to be discussed with nasal intonation and hypocritical slang, and to be decided by a faction of presumptuous priests, and the old women, male and female, whose political opinions and feelings are in their holy keeping.

This fanaticism is equally dangerous, whether affected or sincere, but not equally revolting. That it is, with the leaders at least, counterfeit, is demonstrated by the fact that, among the most vociferous of the preachers of abolition, are men, whose lives constitute but a halting commentary on their doctrines. How heartless must be the impiety of the man, who can use the gospel of peace to forward a plot that must move, if at all, axle deep in blood!

"No sound," says the immortal Burke, "should be heard in the church but the healing voice of Christian charity. Those who quit their proper character, to assume what does not belong to them, are for the most part ignorant of the character they assume, and of the character they leave off. Wholly unacquainted with the world in which they are so fond of meddling, and inexperienced in all its affairs, on which they pronounce with so much confidence, they have nothing of politics but the PASSIONS they excite. Surely the church is a place, where one day's truce ought to be allowed to the dissensions and animosities of mankind.'

The men who renounce all Christian fellowship with one half of the members of the American Church, for maintaining, as Christ himself did, the existing institutions of the country, can scarcely expect that their course of treason, incendiarism and violence, will be regarded in a more charitable spirit. But we are willing, even by a violation of probability, to suppose that, at least some of these bigots have really at heart the advancement of the

cause of religion; and will ask them, if they can deceive themselves into a belief that the course which they have adopted, is calculated to promote that cause. Do they not know that it must divide the Christian church into two bodies, those approving, and those opposing, the legal institutions of the South; that these parties must regard each other with feelings of no Christian character; and that the house, thus divided against itself, is in danger of falling? Are they not aware, that by thus interfering with the politics of the country, they not only expose themselves to dangerous political errors from their ignorance and inexperience, but that they are exciting against themselves and against the clergy in general, a wide-spread and popular feeling of distrust, suspicion, prejudice, and aversion? Do they not know that they, by their present course, assume the awful responsibility of endangering the cause of religion itself; of exciting even against its holy and beneficent influence, that prejudice which is and must be attached to an intermeddling, ambitious, and selfish priesthood, whatever political course they may pursue; and which, when that course endangers the rights of the people, and the honour and union of the country, cannot but be intense and general? How can they answer these questions to themselves? How can they answer them to the great Master, whose holy name they have thus abused-whose holy cause they have thus betrayed and injured? The prudent, the pious will shrink and tremble, before they incur a responsibility so fearful. They will hesitate before they throw by the shepherd's crook, to grasp the weapon which must be reddened in the blood of our brethren; and ponder deeply and solemnly, before they sanction those who thus dangerously pervert the religion of Him who came into the world "not to destroy, but to fulfil."

CHAPTER XXIV.

Ability of the South to hold its Slaves-Increase of Slaves-Slaves contented--Impossibility of successful insurrection-Security of the South, &c. &c.

IN extenuation of their lawless encroachments on the rights of the South, the abolitionists plead the great dangers which must arise from the existence of slavery. This danger, if it exists at all, menaces only the inhabitants of the South. Now they are neither destitute of mental nor physical resources to foresee or meet the alleged danger. They are fully capable of the task of caring for themselves; and the thankless interference of the abolitionists is equally ill-timed, pragmatical, and unnecessary. The South wants no protection, and, least of all, the protection of the abolitionists. Their charity is altogether obtrusive; and it would be well if, in their discursive and knight-errant benevolence, they would seek other subjects for the exercise of their virtues.

These raven counsellors calculate the increase of the slaves, and come to the conclusion that they are gaining gradually upon the whites; that their power will be thus regularly increased, until at length, in future times, they may outnumber the whites, and fall upon and massacre them. They, therefore, appear to think that it is more prudent that the slaves should be excited to this massacre at once; that the "question should be met," and that the throats de

is received by the merchants of the North, and shipped to Europe; its value in imports is returned, and flows, in a thousand channels, back upon the people. The South gives employment to our merchants, our manufacturers, our sailors, our storekeepers, and tradesmen. Let the South be cut off, and what will be the consequences to the North? We will answer in the language of an able writer on this subject-the editor of the Courier and Enquirer, of New York. "Our exports and our imports would be reduced NINE-TENTHS; NINETENTHS of our shipping would be rotting at our wharves; NINE-TENTHS of our population now supported by commerce and the wealth it produces and the industry it diffuses, would be driven to agricultural pursuits; the staple articles of Northern Agriculture command but small prices abroad, and they would find but few customers at home; grass would grow in the streets of our cities and villages, and a general scene of poverty and desolation would follow our present unexampled prosperity and generally dif fused wealth."

In case of separation, the South might raise up a commerce, might create and foster manufacturesfor which her slave-labour is so well adapted; or if she failed in this, might, with profit, throw both into the lap of England, and find her sources of prosperity undiminished. But the North would be unable to supply the loss of the South. How would she find employment for her ships, her artizans, her labourers? How could she maintain her business activity, how pay her debts? She could not raise cotton or tobacco, and without the resources of the South, would shrink into poverty. Her great cities would be added to Tyre, Venice, and other desolate monuments of the fluctuations

of trade; and her impoverished people would im precate the madness of those who sundered the holy tie that knit them to the South.

But is pecuniary ruin the only, or the worst con sequence of disunion? How is it possible to tear asunder the limbs of this confederacy, without convulsion and bloodshed? Or, if it be possible, how long could a good understanding be maintained be tween people so peculiarly situated, and with so many causes of difficulty? We cannot pourtray the thousand evils, which must flow from the fratrici dal blow that dissévers the Union. It is enough to know, that misery and shame must follow it; that poverty and want would stalk abroad, and. violence and crime dog their footsteps; and that civil war, to fill the measure of our country's wretchedness, would run riot, its tiger. tooth dripping with the best blood of our land.

"The picture of the consequences of disunion," said the illustrious Madison, "cannot be too highly coloured, or too often exhibited. Every man who loves peace, every man who loves his country, every man who loves liberty, ought to have it ever before his eyes, that he may cherish in his heart a due attachment to the Union of America, and be able to set a due value on the means of preserving it."

It is painful to know, that there are men, who regard the prospect of disunion, without emotion, and who are determined to urge their insane projects, indifferent what barriers are broken down, what altars overthrown, what sacrifices made. To them the recollection of our common war of indepen dence, where the North stood breast to breast with the South, when they poured out their blood, like water, beneath the same proud flag, and in the same holy cause appeals in vain. The glory of the