The following extract from the speech of Dr. Burden, speaker of the Pennsylvania Senate, in the debate on the Tariff, in January, 1833, gives the same view of the slave population of the South.

"The feelings of the Southern slave towards his master are but little understood in the North. Born and brought up in a family, he has no affections beyond it. He eats his master's food and is his master's friend; in sickness or decrepitude he is sustained and comforted; and when his days are drawing to a close, he finds in his master a friend and protector, without resorting to the tender mercies of an alms-house. Slavery is abhorrent to us all; yet in the fearful event of a civil war, the slave of South Carolina would be trusted with arms, and found, as on a former occasion, by the side of his master."

It is true, that the people of the North are unable to conceive the feeling which subsists between the master and the slave, the protector and the protected. The negro is a child in his nature, and the white man is to him as a father. The slave, it is true, regards him with awe, but that awe is mingled with affection. He shares in his master's pride, partakes in his prosperity, and feels, with sensibility, his reverses, his sufferings, or his death. The work already quoted gives the following account of a slave-holder's funeral.

rest each other. "Missus, deres a runaway back de garden," said hastily a young negress, as a party were sitting down to the tea table of a lady at whose house I was visiting. "Let me go catch him." "Let me go missus," said the waiters, and they could hardly be kept in the hall. Permission was given to one to go, who in a few minutes returned, leading up to the hall-door, a stout half-naked negro, whom he had caught prowling about the premises. "Here de nigger, missus," said he exultingly, as though he himself belonged to another race and colour."

"An irregular procession, or rather crowd of slaves in the rear of all, followed, with sorrowful countenances, the remains of their master, to his last, long home. When the heavy clods rattled upon the hollow sounding coffin, these poor wretches, who had anxiously crowded around the grave, burst into one simultaneous flood of tears, mingled with expressions of regret, sorrow, and affection. A group of slaves lamenting over the grave of their master!" The author of the work quoted says, "I am myself in favour of emancipation;" the fidelity of the statement cannot therefore be doubted. Can any one possessed of reason, suppose that the masters, thus beloved while living, and regretted when dead, by their slaves, are in danger from those slaves? If the slaves had all the power, they have not the disposition, to unsheath the knife against the breasts of their masters. That disposition is cherished only in the bosoms of the religious philanthropists of the North!

But, it will be asked, what will become of the South, should the abolitionists succeed in poisoning the minds of the slaves against their masters, and should the efforts of the negroes against the whites be aided by foreign powers? If such events were possible, the results would be what we have, in a former chapter described; but such a state of things is not possible. It is not possible, that the South will be so inert, so tame, so insensible to the dangers of her situation, as to allow the abolitionists of the North to tamper with her slaves. She WILL prevent it, at whatever sacrifice; and those who think otherwise deceive themselves. The slaves will remain what they now are; and should the South be assailed by a foreign power, her slaves will be her safety, her defence. As a labouring population, they would furnish the supplies necessary for such a

contest; as a portion of the wealth of the land they, would constitute "the sinews of war"— -or should men be wanted, they would fight by the side of their masters. But all these speculations are idle and ill-omened. What nation on the face of the earth, bearing a Christian name, and ranking among civilized communities, would thus assail the South? What nation would thus violate every law by which the civilized world is ruled, outrage every feeling of humanity, and seek to bring upon both races at the South, wanton and sanguinary destruction, without interest, or motive? Would the states of the North adopt so inhuman and savage a policy? Would the nations of Europe? The supposition is gratuitous and far beyond the limit of possibility.

It would be a singular instance of national weakness and folly, if the predictions of the abolitionists should succeed in frightening the people of this country, into a support of their views. Such appeals constitute one of the oldest and most effective arts of political quacks. Nations have been appalled by an eclipse; and empires shaken by an astronomical prediction. We are told that the solar system contains in itself the laws of its eventual destruction; that the planets are gradually drawn to the centre, and must at last shoot from their spheres to the sun, and make one massive central ruin of the system, which now moves in brightness and beauty around us. The dangers foretold by the

abolitionists are of a similar character-equally terrible and equally remote. He who can be shaken

by such predictions is unfit to deliberate on the concerns of a rational people.

CHAPTER XXV.

Course of the South vindicated-Duty of Congress-Post Office-Duty of Northern States -Freedom of the Press-Conclusion.

We have shown, it is hoped satisfactorily, that the fears entertained of the safety of the South are groundless; that the slaves have neither the disposition nor the power to rise against their masters; and that, neither now nor hereafter, are they likely to become a source of danger, or well founded apprehension.

The only danger which is to be apprehended, is from the agitation of this subject by the people of the North. The abolitionists may create danger to the slave and the master, to the North and the South. We have already shown that the paucity of their numbers, were they few, or their want of power, were they weak, does not prevent them from being extensively mischievous. Hitherto, it is hoped, their efforts among the slaves have been attended with no extended consequences dangerous to the South; but their agitation has, in its effects upon the sentiments and temper of our people, produced results which cannot be mistaken. The South is alarmed and excited. Throughout the whole of the slave-holding sections of our country, there prevails a conviction of great danger arising from the agitating measures of the abolitionists, and a stern determination to avert that danger, at whatever sacrifice.

In many cases, the sense of undeserved injury has excited intense and violent feelings of resentment. Those feelings have been freely expressed. Can it excite surprise, or justify censure, that the people of the South, smarting under their wrongs, express in terms of indignation, the sentiments which every manly heart must cherish? Or is it expected that the southron will see his rights violated, and the lives and honour of his wife and daughters endangered, and feel no throb of resentment—or that, feeling it, he will express his sense of the wrong in terms of meek regret and honied endearment? The South is wronged-deeply and dangerously wronged: she will not submit to that wrong: and it would be hypocrisy as well as weakness, to suppress her feelings, or conceal her determination. She must defend herself, or perish. Those who trample upon her have no right to complain that her remonstrances are not made in the whining and craven tones of supplication. Her very existence is endangered; and when she says that she will not allow her domestic institutions to be insidiously assailed, or her slaves tampered with, she means it. Those, whose incendiary measures excite these feelings at the South, have but little reason to complain of the fashion of her speech.

It has been complained, also, that the citizens of the South have punished such incendiaries as have been detected in exciting the slaves to mutiny, in an extra judicial manner. It is true that, when miscreants have been found engaged in the fiend-like task of persuading the slaves to murder the whites, they have been tried before tribunals which, though constituted with great care, and composed of the best citizens, have not been directly authorised by law. But who dares say that such tribunals have, in a single instance, exercised the powers conferred upon them unjustly or improperly?