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respectfully urged the justice and expediency of abolishing this vestige of barbarism within the Spanish dominions.

The communication was closed with the avowal of a desire for the happiness of the king and queen, and a belief that with such a country, and so fine a people, nothing was wanting but a series of arrangements, which the king had power to make, to enable Spain to give an example to surrounding nations of what may be done, when the spirit of industry is roused, encouraged, and judiciously applied.

Whether this report was productive of any salutary influence on the measures of government, it does not appear to have given offence; for our friends were soon afterwards invited to visit the king and queen at their palace, where they were kindly and respectfully treated, though nothing remarkable occurred. They also received a written permit to visit the prisons of Valencia and Barcelona.

The road between Madrid and Valencia being much infested by banditti, who frequently plunder the travellers, the authorities at the former place offered to send a company of horsemen with our friends to protect them; but this offer they were not free to accept. At Valencia they were escorted to the various prisons by officers of government, apparently to protect them from the insults, to which the singularity of their appearance and manners might otherwise have exposed them.

Allen remarks: "In our visit to this country we have met with divers valuable individuals, and with much to claim our sympathy; the retrospect of the opportunities which have been afforded for religious communication, with persons of various classes, and under different circumstances, is attended with peace; and we have been fully convinced of the importance of personal association in order to prepare the way for future usefulness. The foundation has been laid for correspondence in the parts that have been visited, and we hope that the opening will be wisely and cautiously improved. It is encouraging to believe, that, though much hidden from outward observation, there is a precious seed scattered through this nation; and we trust that the Lord of the harvest will, in his own time, cause it to spring up yet more conspicuously, and bring forth fruit. We learned that a considerable number of the Roman Catholics in many parts of Spain, maintain the principles of Archbishop Fenelon, and are acquainted with the nature of true spiritual worship; but such is the overwhelming influence of the priests, and there is so much gross ignorance among the people, that great prudence and care are requisite in any attempts to diffuse knowledge, or to promote the cause of truth."

Our friends left the Spanish dominions on the 28th of 3d month, with a thankful persuasion that they had been divinely guided in their journey through this dark and bigoted land, and from subsequent information it appeared that their visit was paid at the only time when it could be done; for there were obstructions which were just removed, and the popular tumults which arose soon after their departure, would unquestionably have closed their way, had they been still in the country.

In this city and its institutions they found some things to commend, but much to deplore. The venality of the officers of government, which has been long and generally known, was such that almost all who were wealthy, however criminal, might escape by bribery. The oppression to which the peasantry of the country were subjected, from tithes and imposts, left them very little to support their families, and stimulate their exertions. A fine country, with a genial climate, is thus, by bigotry and oppression, filled with a miserable population. Yet a number of interesting friendships were formed, and some op-in which the subject of negro slavery was portunities were found for religious communications.

After leaving the Spanish dominions, our friends occupied about three weeks in travelling through France, visiting schools and religious persons on their way. At Paris they had two interesting interviews with the Duke de Broglie,

brought under discussion; and though nothing very specific appears in the narrative, we may readily believe that the zeal for meliorating the condition of the negro race, for which the Duke is conspicuous, was somewhat quickened by his intercourse with such men as S. Grellet and W. Allen.

In a little less than three months from the time of leaving home, W. Allen was favoured to return in safety to his residence at Stoke Newington.

After visiting the different institutions at Barcelona, our friends addressed a second communication to the king and queen, in which they exposed the condition of the country, the causes of some of the evils existing among the people, and the remedies which ought to be applied, with a freedom and honesty which are probably too seldom the accompaniments of addresses designed for the royal ear. Yet such is the Christian spirit evidently pervading the communication, that it seems impossible even for the pride of royalty to be offended by it. These communications appear to have been prepared by W. Allen, but submitted to the revision of his The Chinese proverb says, "A lie has no companion. legs, and cannot stand; but it has wings, and On a retrospect of their labours in Spain, W. I can fly far and wide."-Hochelaga.

(To be continued.)

From the North American Review. JOHN HUSS AND JEROME OF PRAGUE.

(Concluded from page 301.)

were Germans at Constance, some of whom had not forgotten the shame and confusion of the memorable secession from the University of Prague. Besides, the past and present troubles The way was now open for Huss. A dreary in Bohemia, with the fear of future disorders, winter and a joyless spring had passed away, urged the friends of peace to remove the author the smiting heats of summer had bowed him of them. We need only add the vague and down, and thus long he had waited for the poor slippery character of the crime of heresy, the boon of a public audience, which had been with- most intelligible definition of which is, a substiheld, as if the delay were a favour, instead of a tution of private opinion for the doctrine of the sentence of imprisonment, weariness, and sorrow. universal church, and it is evident at once how How ardently he longed for an opportunity to little was to be hoped from a body which, face his accusers appears in such phrases as calling itself the church universal, had only to these "O, why am I not led forth to the fu- declare its disallowance of an article to make neral pile, rather than thus prevented from being that article ipso facto heretical. The plaintiff heard?" "Rather than be thus basely stifled, I became his own judge, and wo to the defendant. prefer to have my body burned with fire; I am On the 5th of June, the cardinals, prelates, anxious that every Christian shall know what and a large body of the inferior clergy, met at are my last words." His time at last arrived. the Franciscan monastery, to which Huss had His public examination was appointed for the been brought back from Gotleben. The pri4th of June, though not till after an attempt had soner was introduced. Months of severe conbeen made to get him condemned without a finement, and the pains of sharp disease, had hearing. This scandalous manoeuvre was baf- deepened the paleness of those thin, but not fled by the prompt intervention of his faithful harsh features, whose mild expression so attracts countrymen, whose remonstrances had such an us in his portrait. But the signature of suffering effect on Sigismund, that he compelled the hasty on the human countenance, which more than judges to submit to the tedious process of an tears or moving speech goes straight to the heart open audience. A deputation had already been of a fellow-man, was lost upon these cruel insent to Gotleben, to examine the prisoner inquisitors. He was left to stand awhile in a corsecret, in order to draw from him a recantation, ner of the hall, till his judges had sated themor at least an avowal of heretical opinions. But selves with gazing on him. His books were though, as he tells us, he suffered greatly from then shown to him, and acknowledged to be his. the insults of his tormentors, he neither lost his The reading of articles against him commenced. temper, nor was betrayed into any imprudent But as soon as he attempted to reply, he was interrupted by such an uproar, that he could not be heard. "I thought," he said, "that the council possessed more good-breeding, charity, and discipline.' After waiting a little, he appealed to the Holy Scriptures. The outcry grew more furious. "That is not the question," was the clamour. The scene has been described by Luther in his rough way. "They all," says he, "began to rage like wild boars; the bristles of their backs stood on an end; they wrinkled their brows and whetted their tusks." The assembly broke up in confusion. After two days they met again, and this time, the emperor being present, preserved tolerable decency; though, when Huss declared that he would willingly have his soul where Wycliffe was, he was greeted with a roar of laughter. He was charged with holding Wycliffe's errors. he denied, not regarding as errors those doctrines of Wycliffe which he himself professed. On these and other points the examination continued for some time, and was finally adjourned to the next day. As Huss was retiring, Sigismund, still uneasy at his own equivocal position, called him back, and endeavoured by persuasions and threats to induce him to submit unreservedly to the authority of the council. He replied, that he was perfectly ready to retract, if any thing better than his own doctrine could be shown

concessions.

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Glad, however, as he was to obtain a public hearing, he was well aware of the change in his prospects since the day when the summons to Constance had lifted him, as by a miracle, from a bed of sickness. The question, as he clearly perceived, was no longer an open one. In a letter written about this time he says,-" All was decided by the council, previously to my being thrown into prison.' He knew, also, that he had been stigmatized in a document published by the commissioners appointed to examine his case, as a heretic and a seducer of the people. It was, indeed, too late for argument or rhetoric, or the persuasive power of simple innocence, to save him. He was surrounded by a network of hostile influences, too strong to be broken through. As a denouncer of clerical corruption, he had probably dealt too familiarly with the dignity of the order, to be forgiven. He was, moreover, a stumbling-block in the way of union, for he would not admit the infallibility of the council, the great instrument of union. He was a miniature Wycliffe; and the council, by the sweeping sentence passed on the master, had committed itself to the condemnation of the disciple. He was a Realist, and the Parisian Nominalists were not on that account disposed to look leniently on his other delinquencies. There

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him. In the third audience, a long list of articles, professing to be taken from Huss's works, were read. Some he acknowledged, some he denied, and some he defended. An attempt was made to induce him to confess his errors, to abjure them, and swear never to teach them. He could not confess an error till it was proved to be such, and he could not abjure what he had been falsely charged with maintaining. The emperor, provoked by his obstinacy, declared, that, if he did not recant, he ought to be burned to death. Huss made no reply, and was remanded to prison, whither the faithful John de Chlum attended him. When he arrived there, he was so exhausted with illness and fatigue that he could scarcely stand. Thus ended the three audiences, throughout which all the arts and assaults of his adversaries had not been able to shake his firmness in the smallest point. As a man and a Christian he had no cause to blush for his bearing on those trying days. It was what might have been expected from the patient but determined tone of his letters. In these admirable writings, so full of piety, of affection, and of resignation, we see the genuine goodness of his nature. Never for a moment does he think of a compromise with his persecutors. Constant, but not obstinate, severe but not vindictive, ready to die for the truth, but not ambitious of the parade of martyrdom, he excites our admiration, while he hardly seems to need our pity. If his phrases are sometimes harsh, they do not seem to be the utterance of personal spite, but the plain, unmeasured speech of one who identifies himself with the cause for which he suffers. That they are not more bitter is amazing, when we remember his wrongs and his

woes.

His condemnation, though yet delayed in the hope of pressing him to an abjuration of his errors, was virtually decreed. How far he was a heretic, we will not undertake to say. Nor are we prepared to deny that some of his doctrines were erroneous, and possibly unsafe. But that he was an honest man, and a much better man than many of his judges, we have no doubt; and, as he said of Wycliffe, we are quite willing to say of him," We should be willing to have our souls where he is." Nor is it necessary to pass too severe a sentence on the acts of the council. The horror of heresy in those days was extreme, and perhaps most intense with those who felt themselves nearest its verge. To pursue it with all the terrors of the church was to make their own lapse less possible, and at the same time to vindicate their orthodoxy in the eyes of the world. The brutality, too, of public assemblies is proverbial, and, shameful as it is, must not be regarded as a fair index of private character. Be that as it may, these scandalous condemnations, like the old state trials for treason, leave one agreeable impression on the mind,-a sense of gratitude

that such things have had their day; and the consoling reflection that the blood of political and religious martyrs, in exciting the indignation of mankind against such enormities, has not been without fruit.

The sands of life were now running low, but the trials of the victim were not over. He was beset again and again with exhortations to recant, to which he ever returned the same constant refusal. He asked for a confessor, and chose Paletz, his greatest adversary. Instead of Paletz, a monk was sent, from whom he received absolution. Paletz, however visited him once more, to urge him to abjure his errors. The meeting was a very affecting one. Huss asked pardon of Paletz for some words which he had uttered before the council. Paletz pressed him to recant. Huss calmly refused, and in the most gentle manner reproved his countryman, once his friend, for his cruel treatment of him. Paletz was moved to tears. On the 24th of June it was resolved to condemn his books to the flames, in the hope that he might thus be induced to yield. But this sentence produced no effect. The day of his own condemnation not having been fixed, several of his last letters are written in the expectation of death, which might come upon him at any time. Though now and then his heart sinks within him, as he dwells on his approaching fate, these struggles are soon over, and his spirit returns to its wonted constancy. He takes the most affectionate leave of his friends, dividing among them his books and garments, giving kind advice to such as needed it, remembering with especial interest his Bethlehem flock. He prays God to forgive his enemies, and hopes that more vigorous champions of the truth will be raised up after him. His last letter, in which he takes his farewell of some of his friends, ends with the wish,-“ May Gallus (his successor at the Bethlehem chapel) "preach the word of God to you; and may all of you, my beloved, listen attentively to it and keep it in your hearts!"

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On the 6th of July he completed his fortysecond year. On the same day he was condemned and burned at the stake. The fifteenth general session of the council was held in the principal church of the city; a cardinal presided, and the emperor in full state was present. The occasion had drawn an immense concourse of spectators. Huss arrived while mass was celebrating, and was kept without, that the holy service might not be profaned by the presence of a heretic. Having been introduced, he was led to a high stool, that all might see him. Here he prayed for some time, while the preacher of the council was discoursing from the text,"That the body of sin might be destroyed." The reading of articles against him then began, to which he was forbidden to reply till the whole list was finished. They could not, however, entirely silence him. Being charged

with giving himself out as the fourth person in the Trinity, he repeated aloud the. Athanasian creed. Being accused of having appealed to Jesus Christ, he repeated the appeal. Having occasion to speak of "the public protection and faith of the emperor," he looked Sigismund full in the face, and the false man blushed deeply.* At length sentence was pronounced, first against his books, and then against himself. His books were to be burned, and himself to be degraded. Huss fell on his knees, praying,-"Lord Jesus, pardon my enemies! thou knowest that they have falsely accused me. Pardon them of thy infinite mercy!" The ceremony of degradation immediately followed. He was first dressed in full canonicals, and a sacramental cup placed in his hand. They then exhorted him to retract. Again he refused. The cup was taken from his hand, and the vestments drawn off one by one, with a curse for each. They then clipped his hair to efface the tonsure, and placed on his head a paper cap of a cubit's height, painted over with shapes of devils, and bearing the word "arch-heretic," and so devoted his soul, as they said, to the infernal spirits. "And I," he replied, "commit my soul to Thee, who didst wear a crown of thorns." He was now delivered over to the secular power, and led out to execution. He was followed by the princes of the empire, with a band of eight hundred armed men, at whose heels came an immense multitude. The train took the way of the bishop's palace, that Huss might see the burning of his own books. He smiled at the sight. When he reached the stake he fell upon his knees and recited some of the penitential psalms, and often repeated the words," Into thy hands, O God, I commend my spirit." As he was about to speak to the people, he was forbidden by the imperial vicar, and ordered to be burned. Then he prayed aloud," Lord Jesus, pardon all my enemies!" After speaking a few kind words to his jailors, he was bound to the stake, unbound again, and rebound, that the face of the heretic might be turned from the east. Fagots and heaps of straw were then piled up about him, and the fire was ready to be set. Another offer was made to him to recant, which with a loud voice he rejected. The nobles of the empire withdrew, and the pile was lighted. As the wind caught the flames and wrapped them around him, the crowd could no longer see his face, but he was heard thrice to say," Jesus, son of the living God, have pity on me!" The fire was kept up till every part of the body was consumed; the ashes were then scraped together and thrown into the Rhine. But the Bohemians hollowed out the ground where he was burned, and sent the precious earth to Prague.

*The remembrance of that blush lasted for a century,

for when Charles V. was urged to violate Luther's safeconduct,-"No," replied he, "I should not like to blush like Sigismund."

The death of Jerome was delayed till the next spring. Worn out with the sufferings of a long imprisonment, his courage had given way, and he consented to recant. But he withdrew his abjuration, and, after undergoing an examination in which his firmness and eloquence were the admiration even of his enemies, he went to the stake with a noble magnanimity worthy of the friend of Huss. Hear what Eneas Sylvius, afterwards Pope Pius II., says of the martyrs :-"They went to the stake as to a banquet. Not a word fell from them which showed the least faint-heartedness. In the midst of the flames they sang hymns to the last gasp without ceasing. Never did any philosopher suffer death with so much constancy as they endured the fire."

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A pamphlet of sixteen pages, with this title, has just been issued by the Editor of the Review. It is abridged from a larger pamphlet published in 1846. The subject is not discussed as a doctrinal question; but as one of morality and expedience. Probably the information contained in the following extracts may be interesting to some of our readers:

In the years 1830 and 1831, (1 and 2 William 4) Acts were passed by the British Parliament, abolishing a number of oaths which had been previously exacted; and in 1834, a committee of the House of Lords was appointed to inquire into the expediency of substituting a Declaration instead of an oath in certain cases. This committee called before them a number of witnesses, who were requested to give information in regard to the operation of the acts above mentioned, and their opinions, founded on their experience, in various official stations, of the expediency of substituting more extensively Declarations, with penalties annexed, instead of the oaths then required by law.

This testimony was given in the spring of 1834. It occupies collectively, between forty and fifty folio pages. The subject of oaths is examined as a question of expediency. The witnesses appear to have been extensively acquainted with the use of oaths. A few of them were of opinion, that in some cases the cause of truth was promoted by the use of the oath ; but it does not appear that any disadvantage had been experienced from the substitution of a Declaration, so far as the experiment had been tried. And the general tenor of the testimony was, that very little, if any security to the utterance of truth or the fulfilment of promises, was attainable by the administration of oaths, which could not be derived from Declarations, with the penalty of perjury annexed to their violation.

"In the early part of 1835, the committee produced their first report. In this they express

their disapprobation of the prevailing practice of exacting oaths, on so many trivial occasions; especially in fiscal matters and the qualification for petty offices. They say, "The committee cannot hesitate to lay down the position, that recourse ought never to be had to the sanction of an oath, where it can safely be dispensed with; that it is not justifiably used where the object for which it is employed is not of sufficient importance to warrant a direct and solemn appeal to the Deity; nor in any case, however important, where those objects can be equally well attained by any other means."

"The committee feel it incumbent upon them to recommend, that for the future no bill should be permitted to pass your Lordships' House, requiring the administration of an oath, except in cases where it shall manifestly appear that the security sought for cannot be attained by means of a Declaration, with penalties attached to falsehood. Let the law continue its own sanctions, but let it spare the solemnity of an oath. And where, for want of something better to depend upon, it is necessary to accept men's own word or own account, let it annex to prevarication, penalties proportioned to the public mischief of the offence."

"The Legislature is undoubtedly bound, not only to forbear for the time to come, from imposing unnecessary and frivolous oaths, but also to take measures for the gradual diminution and ultimate abolition of those which, from a want of due attention to the principles above laid down, have been already imposed to an almost indefinite extent."

The Act of 1 and 2 William 4, has considerably lessened the number of oaths taken in the department of Customs, by substituting a Declaration for an oath, except in certain cases specified in the Act. It has appeared to the committee that in some, if not all, the cases so excepted, a Declaration or satisfactory proof would be sufficient; but the evidence on this point was not so conclusive as to produce an entire unanimity of opinion in those who heard it." An Act soon afterwards passed the British Parliament, by virtue of which a Declaration is to be substituted by the Lords of the Treasury for all oaths, solemn affirmations, or affidavits, hitherto required in the public departments, relating to the collection of revenues, auditing of accounts, &c. &c. A copy of such Declaration as may be agreed upon by the Lords of the Treasury, is to be published in the London Gazette, and to come into operation in twentyone days after publication, and no oath afterwards to be administered.

Declarations are also to be substituted in lieu of oaths, in a number of other cases.

The Act, however, does not affect the taking of the oath of allegiance, nor the administering or taking of any oath in judicial proceedings in courts of justice.

The same penalties which are annexed to the taking of false oaths in certain cases, are annexed to the making of false Declarations; and in all cases under the Act, where Declarations are substituted for oaths, any person making or subscribing a false Declaration, is held to be guilty of a misdemeanor.

This Act, we observe, was passed during the session of 1835; and in the same year a committee of the House of Lords was appointed to pursue the inquiry assigned to the committee of the preceding year. That committee sat frequently in the spring of 1837, and examined at number of witnesses, in order to ascertain the effect produced by the substitution of a Declaration for an oath, as far as the experiment had been tried. The following is an extract from their report printed in 1837.

"It appears by the evidence, that many hundred thousand Declarations have been taken during the last year, where oaths would heretofore have been required; and that no practical inconvenience has been found to arise from the change. The committee are strongly of opinion, that it is expedient to proceed still further, to carry into execution the recommendations of the committee of 1834, and to abolish every unnecessary oath."

As the committee of the House of Lords have come to the conclusion, after minute and extensive inquiries of men well qualified to furnish information, that no inconvenience has arisen in the collection of their complicated revenue, from the substitution of a Declaration, with adequate penalties in case of fraud, for the oath formerly exacted; we may safely conclude, that a similar expedient would as effectually guard the revenues of the United States from depredation or loss. The share of the results of productive industry, which is claimed by the government, is incomparably greater in Great Britain than in the United States, and, of course, stronger guards to prevent evasion or embezzlement in the collection and disbursement of the revenue, must be required with them than with us. But they have experienced neither inconvenience nor loss from the change; they find a Declaration as effectual, in practice, as an oath. Upon what principle of correct ratiocination can we then found a conclusion, that a Declaration in lieu of an oath, would be less effectual here?

As long as the proceedings in the collection of the government duties continue as they are at present, to be entrenched in oaths, we may rationally expect a custom-house oath to be what it long has been, a proverb and a by-word. The imposition of oaths which are not expected to be kept, besides their obvious impiety, must unavoidably contribute to sink the standard of morals, particularly in relation to veracity. If the encouragement of virtue, as well as the restraining of vice, is a legitimate object of governments, we may reasonably question whether it

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