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are sufficiently assured that a large per centage, quent charge of their support during their senile
population is supposed to indicate a milder sysThis waste of human life is, therefore, one tem than that which exists in some other places part of the cost, at which the slave grown sugars —it has been shown from statistical facts
, and of Cuba and Brazil are brought into the market. unquestionable arguments, that slaves do not But this is not the whole, nor perhaps the worst. reach the ordinary limit of human existence." The Cuban slave is said to be urged, by the This view of the subject appears to be too most cruel treatment, to labour on an average little regarded by the opponents of slavery as seventeen hours in the day; so that the usual well as by its advocates. We are accustomed duration of life, while labouring in the field, is to look on the evils and oppressions of slavery, estimated at about ten years. If this is an ap- as they affect the rights and comforts of the proximation to the truth, it is evident that the re- slaves, and here we have an ample field on which duced price, at which the slave-grown sugar of to expatiale. that island is obtained, when compared with the On this . subject, the remarks of a valuable product of compensated labour, is actually the Friend, who a few years ago travelled through price of blood. Does not this present a motive several sections of this country, may be approtoo forcible to be resisted, for using our best ex- priately introduced. ertions to turn the stream of commerce into a " In being a little in contact with slavery, in its less polluted channel ? Could we consent to re- sad reality, in observing its effects, and ponderceive sugar at any price, when its production is ing them in my heart, I see that it is not simply known to involve such an appalling destruction cruel and debasing, but calculated to retard the of human life?
consummation of those blessings which the But without professing an acquaintance, which Saviour of men came and died to secure. (The we cannot possibly obtain, with the interior slave] cannot indeed be entirely deprived of the arrangements of the planters in Cuba and Brazil, benefits of a Saviour's deaih, or the gift of that we may form a tolerable conception of their Spirit and Life which visits all hearts, the proof general procedure, from the examination of un- of which some of them strikingly evince; but questionable facts. That an active trade in Afri- the slaveholders too often succeed in bringing can slaves is prosecuted from the ports of Cuba men and women, in the nineteenth century, into and Brazil, in defiance of law and the faith of a state of spiritual perception, little better than treaties, is clearly ascertained. Such a trade that of the Gentiles, who lived before the coming indicates a pressing demand for slaves, and in- of Christ in the flesh; of whom it might be said deed could not exist without it. This demand' that gross darkness covered them. Had these is an evidence that the labouring class is not kept considerations more place, would not some who up by natural increase, or that the culture of love Him who has begotten them again into a slave-grown produce is extending too rapidly to lively hope, more continually and prayerfully be sustained without a foreign supply of labour- remember these children of oppression and dark
Under these circumstances, the demand ness, whom He calls to be partakers of this for labour evidently presses hard upon the supply; lively hope; that the prayers of such would be and the treatment io which the slaves are sub- heard, and the present darkness of many be jected, will necessarily be calculated to render turned into light in the Lord! Great as is the the quantum of their labour as nearly adequate severity often exercised upon their physical as possible to the pressing demand.' The life frames, I consider the spiritual bondage of the and strength of a negro slave, become the sub- slave the heavier crime.” ject of mercantile calculation. Hence, unavoida- But we do not often reflect upon the absolute bly arises the question, whether it is most econo-destruction of life which slavery occasions on its mical to raise a slave from infaney, liable to all native soil. Yet this is one of its darkest feze the casualties of childhood and youth, or to pur- tures. Of the children born among slaves, a chase one already grown from the hold of a much greater proportion unquestionably perish slaver. Or whether the interests of the planters during infancy than among the free. The proof are most advanced by imposing an amount of of this fact must be deduced from reasoning on toil which in a few years will exhaust the strength the nature of the case, rather than statistical of the labourer, and leave a vacancy to be filled statements. The labours to which slave mothers by fresh importation, or by affording to the servile class a reasonable opportunity of reaching
Non-Slaveholder, vol. i. p. 5, and African Obthe usual limits of human life, with the conse- server, p. 117.
And why unpro
are subjected, at a period when their attention duty in enforcing order and obedience to the law. ought to be chiefly devoted to their children, If I understand the proposition of the honourable renders it impossible to afford the aid which their Senator from New Hampshire, he intends nohelpless condition demands. A greater mortality thing more than to give security to property. among the infantile class appears the inevitable He proposes nothing beyond this. This is the consequence of the system. But with regard to whole matter under consideration. But gentle. those who arrive at maturity, the decennial men say this is an unpropitious moment to introenumerations fully sustain the conclusion that duce a question of this sort. the numbers who reach the later periods of life, pitious ? Because, if I understand them rightly are much below what they ought to be, if slavery --and I learn the fact for the first time—a mob and freedom were equally conducive to lon- has assailed the office of a newspaper in this gevity.
city, and has rendered it uninhabitable. Well, Connecting this fact with the undeniable one, how does this connect itself with the question of that slave-holding and slave-trading, foreign and slavery? Why, it is said that from this office a domestic, owe their vitality to the market for newspaper issues, which is called an abolition slave-cultured products; we are naturally led to paper. Suppose all this to be true, it is added inquire upon whom the guilt and responsibility by the Senator from New Hampshire, that this of this curtailment of human existence must ulti- paper is conducted in a temperate manner, that mately rest. Slavery is an extended system, it employs temperate language, addresses itself to composed of various parts, yet all connected and the reason and the understanding of the public, and dependent upon each other. It is marked in its no complaint has been made againstitby the public. incipient stages with blood, literally and actually Well, how far this mobocratic action is to be shed ; in subsequent periods it shortens the lives attributed to another event which has happened of its victims, in a less obvious, but not less cer- in this District, is not for me to say. Some tain manner. The first acts of the tragedy are gentlemen seem to suppose that it has some conadmitted to be criminal ; can those which follow nection with it. If it has, I am unable to see it. be innocent? If they are not, at what point The Senator from New Hampshire then introdoes the guilt disappear? If the African slaver duces a measure, and proposes to make the corpois guilty, can the inerchant who supplies the ration liable for the damages committed, in case capital, or the consumer who supports the mer- they refuse to do their duty and enforce the law. chant, plead entire innocence?" The answers Well, such a law exists in many of the States. to these questions, refine and sublimate them as But it is said that this is a very peculiar state of we may, indicate the importance and the neces- things. Here was an abolition press at work in sity of the work in which this Association has this building. Let me ask gentlemen whether engaged.
they propose to stop the operations of the press(To be continued.)
whether, in other words, they propose to take away
from it its freedom ? It seems to me that EXTRACT FROM SENATOR DAVIS'S SPEECH.
we might learn a lesson; if we would, from what I am not very apt to be carried away by any is going on on the other side of the Atlantic. of the excitements that sometimes have existence The agitation of this question alone--the freedom in this chamber; and I cannot say, at this mo- of the press—has overthrown many of the ment, that I participate at all in the excitement thrones of Europe. which seems to exist in the minds of many gen- Do you propose by measures of violence, or tlemen here. What is the question that is pre- by any other mode, to put an end to the discussented for this body to decide ? A stranger, sion of the subject, either by speeches or through coming into this chamber, would suppose that the medium of the press? Whoever undertakes we had some measure under consideration which a work of this description has an herculean concerned the deepest interests of slavery—that task upon his hands—a task which he will find we were about to pass judgment upon some ques himself wholly incompetent to accomplish. Well, tion affecting that great interest—that we were why is it that the Senate flies in the face of this about to legislate upon the subject in some way measure, and objects to its reception ? And I that would affect it in a manner injurious to the put it to the calm consideration of the Senator rights of those who own property of this descrip- from South Carolina, and those who think with tion. Now, I think that whoever has listened him, whether the inference I have made will not to the reading of this bill, must be satisfied that be made throughout the country, and whether it there is no such thing contained in it. If I un- will not be considered everywhere an assault derstand it, it proposes nothing which has any upon the liberty of the press and of speech ? special reference, under any construction that Whether it will not be irresistible, and whether can be given to it, to that particular description it will not make a lasting impression upon the of property. We have laws which make muni- public mind ?. I think the people will reason in, cipal corporations liable for damage resulting this way upon the subject, and that they will from violence done to property by popular hold out to us, as the duty of this body, to take tumults, where such corporation is remiss in its the subject into consideration. Send it to a
committee, let it be examined, and not presume, this subject go to the public in the form in which as the honorable Senator from South Carolina it now presents itself-as a bill presented here, does, that because its provisions do not cover the relating to nothing but the protection of property whole subject, it cannot be made to cover the against the violence of a mob, and denied admis. whole. If it does not answer the views of gen- sion to this hall and that table, because supposed tlemen, it can be made to do so. Then, why fly to have some indirect connection with the quesin its face? Why take ihis very unusual course tion of slavery. Let us take, sir, a more manly of refusing to receive the measure at all ? Why, view of the subject-one that accords better with simply because by construction and inference, it the character of high minded men. Let it take is supposed to have some connection with the its course here. Let it go to a committee, let question of slavery. Now, is this wise? Is it that committee examine it; and if it does not, prudent? Does it best accomplish the object from any cause, meet your approbation when it which gentlemen have in view, which is to pro- comes to be considered, then let other measures tect this kind of property? I hope a little con- take its place-let it take its fate. But nothing, sideration will induce gentlemen to change the sir, is to be gained by this unusual course. I course they have adopted on this subject, and to assure the gentlemen who represent this slave permit this measure to take the usual course of interest, that instead of gaining they lose much, legislation. Suppose we do come to a discussion very much. on the question, where, let me ask gentlemen, is Why, Mr. President, cannot every gentleman the harm of discussion? Why, gentlemen ask, see, and see plainly, that when this bill comes to what right have you to discuss our rights of pro- be published, when the terms in which it is conperty in slaves ? By what authority do you ceived come to be read and understood, it will claim the privilege of inquiring into this matter? be seen that it is a measure differing in no essenSir, we may have no right to disturb this right of tial point from laws existing in many of the free property, we may have no right to affect the States and free countries everywhere--and, as a title to it in any way; no such rights may be Senator near me says, in some of the slave stales claimed. Nevertheless, no one will deny to any -making corporations, under certain circumcitizen the right to discuss the character of pro- stances, liable for the violence of mobs ? And perty of this kind, and the effect which laws whoever takes the ground that this bill has been have upon such property. Who denies this brought in at an unpropitious moment, and for right, and where is it denied ? It belongs to that reason denies iis admission, assumes a refreedom of discussion, to the freedom of specula- sponsibility that he will sincerely wish by and tion which exists in every free and untrammeled by to get rid of. What have we to do with the mind. Men may advance very absurd notions ; present movement, sir, with the particular and they may reason very preposterously; they may peculiar circumstances which surround the ques. reach very absurd conclusions ; but while the lion? In my judgment, nothing at all. I do whole matter lies in discussion, very little, in my not undertake to say what the motives were of judgment, is gained by terming that discussion the Senator from New Hampshire, in introdneincendiary in its character. Why, do you ex- ing this bill; it does not become me to inquire pect to satisfy the public mind, when mankind into them. It is enough for me to know, that if discusses the question of slavery, however im- the printing office of the Union or National Inportant it may be to any portion of this country, telligencer were assailed and injured by a mob, and express their opinions in regard to it-do that it would be my duty to inquire how it hapyou expect to put them under foot by saying it pened, and whether further provisions were reis incendiary? If any gentleman flatters himself quired, in addition to the present laws of the with hopes and expectations of this description, District, in order to suppress such disturbances. he is doomed to be disappointed. This discus- The care and deliberation I should feel myself sion will go on—and the way to meet error is bound, under such circumstances, to exercise by confronting it with truth. Let the discussion with regard to the property of others, I should go on ; let it be free everywhere. My own exercise in this case. The same measure of jusopinion is, that all considerate minds, here and tice I should mete out in other cases, I would everywhere, are entirely disposed to adhere to mete out in this. The protection which I would the guarantees and compromises of the Constilu- feel it my duty to give to the property of others, tion, and, instead of being weakened by discus- under all circumstances, I would give in this sion, they are at every step strengthened; they case. And if it turns out that this care at every step become firmer and stronger honds is unworthily bestowed, that it has not reof Union. Let no one try, if he can, to sup- quired legislation, then let it take its destiny, press discussion. Every attempt to stop it will I think the question is a very plain one. result, as in Europe, in one general sentiment, Things are brought in and made to bear strongly which will trample under foot the power that on the minds of gentlemen which do not belong attempts to suppress it. This will be the effect to this question at all. I shall vote for the reof such attempts. I invite, then, my friends to ception of the bill, in order that it may take the meet this question boldly, fearlessly, and not let I usual course of legislation. Nat. Era.
FREEDOM OF THE PRESS.
For Friends' Review..
Z. ON EARTH, PEACE-GOOD WILL TOWARD Ephraim.
MEN. The man whose heart is in - measure brought under the mellowing influence of the love of God--which of necessity produces love toward British Parliament, in which the ministers were
A measure being under examination in the his fellow man-can scarcely contemplate a more cheering feature in the future history of the supposed to be attempting to encroach on the world, than that which indicates a fulfilment of those prophecies that point to the coming of a them a venal. House of Commons; give them a
“Give them a corrupt House of Lords ; give day, when the nations of the world shall beat tyrannical Prince; give them a truckling Court their swords into plough-shares--when the and let me have an unfettered press, and I will knowledge of the Lord shall cover the earth, as the waters do the sca-when the arts of peace liberties of England.
defy them to encroach one hair's breadth on the shall have thoroughly eradicated those of contention, and the kingdoms of this world shall have become the kingdoms of our Lord and of his « BE CLOTHED WITH HUMILITY.” Christ. When this day shall fully come, no “I prayed for direction, and saw clearly, that man knoweth; but we do know that it can only I plainness of dress and behaviour best became a be by individual submission to the Cross of Christian, and that for the following reasons : Christ, which will bring our wills into subjec- 1. The 'Apostle expressly forbids women protion to the Divine will, and introduce each one fessing godliness, to let their adorning be in of us into that harmony of the Divine nature, apparel, allowing them no other ornament than which John Woolman so beautifully speaks of, that of a meek and quiet spirit. and which will qualify us to join in the aspiration, 2. I saw the reasonableness of the command, placed at the head of this article.
and proved it good for a proud heart to wear the As individuals of the great human family be plain and modest livery of God's children. come leavened into the peaceable spirit and
3. It tended to open my mouth, for when I meekness of Jesus, they will be as salt in the appeared like the world, in Babylouish garments, earth, which will communicate its savour to those I had its ésteem, and knew not how to part with around them, and thus operate upon govern- it. But when I shewed by my appearance that ments, and give to the character of their admi. I considered myself as a stranger and foreigner, nistrations, a tone in full unison with this blessed none can know (but by trying) what an infludoctrine of the Gospel.
ence it has on our whole conduct, and what a In looking over an address recently issued by fence it is, to keep us from sinking into the spirit the people of Carlisle and its vicinity, in Eng- of the world. For there is no medium ; they land, to those of France, my attention was who are conformed to the fashions, customs and arrested by the following strong paragraph which maxims of the world, must embrace the spirit closes the communication:
also, and they shall find the esteem they seek, "Brethren of France! If in past times our fore- for the world will love its own. But let them fathers forgot that they were neighbours and also remember this word, • The friendship of the brethren, now when a generation of peace between world is enmity with God.' us has promoted the harmony and blessedness of
4. I saw myself as a steward, who must this relation, let no bitterness pain us, no jealousy render an acconnt for every talent, and that it divide; but let us unite in diffusing the blessings of knowledge and Christianity throughout the was my privilege to have the smiles of God on world. Let
us inscribe upon our banners the motto every moment of my time or penny of money of the Prince of Peace. Let the eagle and the which I laid out. lion be replaced by the dove and the lamb; and 5. I saw clearly that the helping my fellow for the future, and forever, let us eradicate from creatures in their need, was both more rational our minds every feeling of bitterness, which would and more pleasant than spending my substance destroy the mutual faith and confidence of interna- on superfluities; and as I am commanded to love tional friendship."
my neighbour as myself, and to consider all done Were the spirit of the dove and lamb suffered to the household of faith as done to Christ, surely to prevail in every one, over that of the eagle I ought not only to suffer my superfluity to give and the lion, how incalculably would the general way to their necessity, but also (as occasion may good be promoted, and how gloriously would be require,) my necessities to their extremities. ushered in that blessed day, which the annointed 6. But it is not only the talent of money, but eye of the Prophet so distinctly beheld, though of time, which is thrown away by conformity to afar off, and the prospect of which constrained the world, entangling us in a thousand little him to “cry out and shout,"-great is the Holy engagements, which a dress entirely plain, cuts One of Israel-Jehovah is my strength and my through at once. song-Praise the Lord, for Ephraim shall no! 7. The end usually proposed by young per
sons in their dress, is such as a devout soul But the establishment of sound religious senti-
preparatory to their future engagements in life. FRIENDS' REVIEW.
This suggests a consideration, which is probably
worthy of more attention from those who have the PHILADELPHIA, FIFTH MONTH 13, 1848.
oversight of youth, than it has vsually obtained.
The declaration of our Saviour; the poor ye In our 29th number, an article was introduced, have always with you, must, from the nature of Sketches of the history of education," -Thich things, be unalterably true. The great mass of from its length, may possibly have deterred some
men must be dependent on the labour of their of our readers from its careful perusa). The im- hands for their daily support, and this ought not to portance of the subject appears sufficient to justify
be forgotten in the establishment of our systems the editor in submitting a few observations, though of education. It is usually admitted that in every a little out of season, to the consideration of his seminary, a part only of the hours which are not readers.
devoted to sleep, can be advantageously employed In every community the proper education of the in literary and scientific pursuits. What then is to youth must necessarily be considered an object of be done with the rest of the day ? In schools there primary importance. Among the Carribs, the most are generally several hours in each day that are savage tribes of the western world, we are told that unoccupied in any rational engagements. When at an early period the food of the boys was sus boys spend the intervals of study in any kind of pended aloft, and the hardy urchins were required play, we may reasonably enquire, whether they to pierce it with their arrows, before they were
are then learning what they ought to practice when permitted to eat. Among uncivilized nations, in they become men. Are they acquiring a capacity general, the endurance of pain without flinching, for future usefulness in life? The exercise may or evidence of weakness, usually constitutes a part be conducive to health ; but diversion, not health, of the education of youth. With them, as with is the object of pursuit
. Would it not be much the most civilized and refined, the object is to pre- more rational to furnish the exercise essential to pare them for the sphere in which they are expected health, through the medium of some useful occupato move. In a community of Christians, the pri- tion? If active employment, for acquiring the mary object of parents and teachers ought un- means of support, is to constitute the business of questionably to be, to impress on the minds of the man, can the habit of industry, judiciously ditheir youthful charge, both by precept and ex. rected, be too early established ? If we look into ample, the great principles of christianity; and to the history of the great men who have instructed inculcate those habits of rectitude which the and edified the world, and inquire in what trait of spirit of the gospel, when followed and obeyed, their character they all agree, we shall probably never fails to establish. It was the testimony of the find it was their indefatigable industry. If, while Most High respecting his servant Abraham, that the opinions and habits of a child are forming, he would command his children and his household under the eye of the parent or tutor, care was taken after him, and they should keep the way of the to impress the conviction, that time is not to be Lord, to do justice and judgment; that the Lord wasted, but regularly directed to some useful and might bring upon Abraham that which he had reasonable object; if they were taught that the inspoken of him. And a prominent part of the tervals of study are to be filled by useful labour, mission of John, the forerunner of the Messiah, was and the recesses from labour occupied by attention to turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, to study, there is reason to apprehend that the and the disobedient to the wisdom of the just, to succeeding generation would exhibit a great im. make ready a people prepared for the Lord. provement upon the present, and the number of