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could see the white cap of the snow mountain | The odour of sulphuretted hydrogen is the most of Toluca, and towards the South our view ex- distinct and unpleasant. From many different tended over a vast succession of hills and valleys, circumstances we all agreed in rejecting, as pergradually growing less and less distinct, until at fectly absurd, the idea of any body's ever having length all seemed to vanish in a boundless sea, decended by any means whatever to the bottom

At this elevation the snow lay a few inches of this crater. The only foundation for such a deep. We were about one mile in distance, and story is Carter's statement that he procured about seven hundred feet perpendicularly, below sulphur from a mountain that burned with fire the Pico del Frayle. At half-past eight o'clock and smoke. But as a mountain may mean any we reached that point. From it we could see mountain, we are quite sure that Popocatapell the extreme peak_about a thousand feet above was not the mountain. We had splendid views us. Leaving the Frayle, we followed, for about towards the east and north, but clouds had begun two hundred yards, the ridge on which it is situat- to accumulate around the mountain, and were ed; then, quitting this ridge, we descended to hanging over the other quarters.

We saw the small valley, or rather ravine, which sepa- Orizaba very plainly, and had it not been for rates the ridge of the Pico from the next ridge heavy clouds flying about its summit we believe towards the East, and followed this ravine to its that we might have seen the Gulf. Our view head. This brought us to the 6nal ascent. of Mexico was intercepted by clouds, but we The snow was now much above our knees, and I could see Puebla as if at our very feet. The this, with the extreme rarefaction of the air, unpleasant effects of the gases did not permit caused our progress to be very slow. It was us to remain long on the edge of the crater, and not possible to walk more than twenty steps a few minutes after eleven o'clock we commenced without stopping to recover breath. We felt no our descent, and at half-past two were again at difficulty or pain whatever in breathing when our camp, having been just twelve hours in acnot exerting ourselves.

complishing the ascent and descent. The On reaching the final slope of which I have thermometer stood at 26 Fahrenheit on the just spoken, we directed our steps towards a highest peak--that is warmer by several degrees black rock, situated near the edge of the crater, than it had been two thousand feet lower down about the middle of its south side. At about ten on the day that we failed. Others who have minutes past ten o'clock, Lieut. Stone was stand- ascended to the crater were either less fortunate ing on the edge of the crater, and before the rest in their route than we, or else they magnified of us had arrived he had already fastened the the difficulties of the ascent vastly; but we folstars and stripes to his staff, and planted them lowed their descriptions exactly, and, therefore, on the very loftiest peak of the mountain--the could not have gone far out of their way. They highest point of our continent. Mr. Baggally speak of having to pull themselves over crags arrived soon after, and placed close by, the cross and precipices with ropes. We met no such of St. George.

obstacles. They did not encounter snow until Now for a peep at the crater. It appears to after passing Frayle ; we fell upon it nearly a be perfectly cylindrical in form, and nearly half thousand feet below, therefore we had more to a mile in diameter. The plane of its mouth contend with. They also give nearly double inclines from the south to the north, making the what we give as the dimensions of the crater. northern side about sixty feet lower than the They call it nearly a mile iu diameter, and twelve southern. Its depth is from six to eight hundred or fifteen hundred feet deep. We place both feet, and its sides are as perpendicular as the these dimensions at about half, and think it grand walls of a house. In its bottom on the north enough at that, without needing exaggeration. side are fifteen or twenty chimneys, apparently There are no traces or signs of the crater havabout five feet high, and a foot in diameter at ing undergone any material change for centuries their mouths. From these there is constantly back. The elevation of the crater above the emitted a dense yellowish smoke. The chim- valley of Mexico is about ten thousand feet. neys appear to be pure sulphur, and all that por. This is about equally divided by the parts above tion of the crater is covered with a crust of the and below the limit of vegetation. Without same. From a great many crevices and fissures becoming at all stunted in their character or apin the sides of the crater, sınoke and gaseous pearance, the pines cease suddenly at- about vapors are ascending. From some they pour in iwelve thousand feet; very good and luxuriant continuous streams; from others they come in grass grows also at this point. Beyond vegetaregular and sudden puffs, as though caused by tion, and to about the line of eternal snow, is a water dripping on burning matter. The smoke belt of deep volcanic sand; and above the sand which comes from the chimneys is generally so hard compact lava extends to the crater. The dissipated before it reaches the mouth of the elevation of the crater above the level of the sea crater that it is not distinctly perceived there; is, according to various measurements that have but I have on some occasions seen it from the been made and which agree very closely, about valley of Puebla ascending quite densely. There 17,840 feet. is a suffocating stench of gases about the crater. The precautions that we had taken this time

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saved us from feeling any ill consequences, and preceded by a point of meandering water, pickwe came down unscathed and delighted. ing its way, like a thing of life, through the

STATEBURG. deepest parts of the dark, dry, and shady bed of

what ihus again became a flowing river. By my From the British Friend.

party, situated as we were at that time, beating THE FLOOD IN THE MACQUARIE.

about the country, and impeded in our journey

solely by the almost total absence of water, sufSir Thomas Mitchell, in his Journey into the fering excessively from thirst and extreme heat

, interior of Australia, in 1845-6, was witness to a I am convinced the scene can never be forgotten. natural phenomenon of a remarkable, and to his Here came at once abundance, the product of suffering party, of a peculiarly seasonable kind. storms in the far off mountains that overlooked The drought had been oninterrupted, and the our homes. My first impulse was to have wel. ground was so parched as almost to preclude comed this flood on our knees, for the scene travelling, and also to bring on severe aitacks of was sublime in itself, while the subject, an abunophthalmia. But on the 18th of the Second dance of water sent to us in desert, greatly month, 1846, an extraordinary change took heightened the effect to our eyes. Suffice it to place, which is thus related :

say, I had witnessed nothing of such interest in “ To my most important question, What all my Australian travels. water was to be found lower down in the rived,' “ 'The river gradually filled up the channel the reply was very satisfactory, namely, Plenty, nearly bank high, while the living cataract traand a flood coming down from the Turòn moun- velled onward, much slower than I had expected tains. The two policenien said they had tra- to see it, so slowly, indeed, that more than an velled twenty miles with it, on the day previous, hour after its first arrival, the sweet music of the and that it would still take some time to arrive head of the flood was distinctly audible from near our camp. About noon, the drags arrived my tent, as the murmur of waters, and the diain good order, having been encamped where pason crash of logs travelled slowly through the there was no water about six miles short of our iortuous windings of the river bed. I was finally camp, the whole distance travelled, from Can- lulled to sleep by that melody of living waters, nonbà to the Macquarie, having been about nine- so grateful to my ear, and evidently so unwonted teen miles. In the afternoon, two of the men in the dry bed of the thirsty Macquarie.” taking a walk up the river, reported on their return that the flood poured in upon them when

FAMILIES OF LITERARY MEN. in the river bed, so suddenly, that they narrowly escaped it. Still the bed of the Macquarie before The Quarterly Review, in discussing the cops: our camp continued so dry and silent, that I right bill of Mr. Sergeant Talfourd, which was could scarcely believe the food coming to be taken by Sir Edward Sugden, gives some very real, and so near to us, who had been put to so curious particulars about the progeny of literary many shifts for want of water. Towards evening, Í stationed a man with a gun a little way up “We are not,” says the writer, “ going to the river, with orders to fire, on the flood's ap- speculate about the causes of the fact, but a fact pearance, that I might have time to run to the it is, that men dis:inguished for any extraordipart of the channel nearest to our camp, and nary intellectual power of any sort, rarely leave witness what I had so much wished to see, as more than a very brief line of progeny behind well from curiosity as urgent need. The shades them. Men of genius have scarcely ever done of evening came, however, but no flood, and the so; men of imaginative genius, we might say, man on the look-out returned to the camp. almost never. With the Some hours later, and after the moon had risen, noble Surrey, we cannot at this moment point a murmuring sound like that of a distant water- out a representative in the male line, eren so far fall, mingled with occasional cracks as of break down as in the third generation, of any English ing timber, drew our attention, and I hastened to poet; and we believe the same is the case in the river bank. By very slow degrees the sound France. The blood of beings of that order can grew louder, and at length so audible as to draw seldom be traced far down, even in the female various persons besides from the camp to the line. With the exception of Surrey and Spenriver-side. Still no flood appeared, although its ser, we are not aware of any great English approach was indicated by the occasional rend- author of at all remote date, from whose body ing of trees with a loud noise. Such a pheno- any living person claims to be descended. There menon in a serene moonlight night was quite is no other real English poet prior to the middle new to us all. At length, the rushing sound of of the eighteenth century, and we believe no waters and loud cracking of timber, announced great author of any sort, except Clarendon and that the flood was in the next bend. It rushed Shaftesbury, of whose blood we have any iainto our sight, glittering in the moonbeams, a heritance amongst us. Chaucer's only son died moving cataract, tossing before it ancient trees, childless ; Shakspeare's line expired in his and snapping them against its banks. It was daughter's only daughter. None of the other



exception of the

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dramatists of that age left any progeny; nor basis for an amicable adjustment of differences,
Raleigh, nor Bacon, nor Cowley, nor Butler. which would otherwise have been irreconcilable.
The grand-daughter of Milton was the last of his may be a vain hope to expect to harmonize
blood. Newton, Locke, Pope, Swift, Arbuthnot, those who are now so wide apart; but if it prove
Hume, Gibbon, Cowper, Walpole, Cavendish, a delusion, it may nevertheless be profitable to
(and we might greatly extend the list,) never indulge it. Il may, at least, serve to moderate
married.-Neither Bolingbroke, nor Addison, the tone of discussion.
nor Warburton, nor Johnson, nor Burke, trans- In the course of the debate on this and other
mitted their blood. M. Renouard's last argu- kindred topics, various propositions have been
ment against a perpetuity in literal property is, advanced; and they have been sustained with
that it would be founding another noblessee. distinguished ability.
Neither jealous aristocracy nor envious Jacobin- There is a question which lies beyond all the
ism need be under much alarm. When a huinan propositions, and which, if it can be satisfactorily
race has produced its bright consummate answered, must be decisive of them all, because
flower,' in this kind it seems commonly to be it includes them all. Has Congress the right,
near its end."

under the Constitution, to legislate for the terriPoor Goldsmith might have been mentioned tory of the United States, organize governments in the above list. The theory is illustrated in for the inhabitants residing in such territory, and our own day. The two greatesi names in science regulate within it all matters of local and domestic and literature, of our time, were Davy and Wal- concern? I believe this question can be satis

ter Scott.— The first died childless. Sir Walter factorily answered in the affirmative; that the 2 left four children, of whom three are dead; only power, to this unlimited extent, can be susve one of whom (Mrs. Lockhart) leaving issue, and tained—Ist, by cotemporaneous exposition of * the fourth (his eldest son) ihough living, and the meaning of the constitution and the intention -1: long married, has no issue. These are curious of its fraiers ; 2d, by judicial interpretation ; and e facis.-Dollar Paper.

3d, by the whole practice of the government,

from its foundation to the present day. EXTRACTS FROM THE SPEECH OF SENATOR

On the 13th of July, 1787, the Congress of

the Confederation passed the celebrated ordiOf New York, on the Oregon bill, 6th mo. 26th,

nance of 1787, in relation to the territory North

west of the Ohio river. 1848.

The opinion of Mr. Madison has been quoted The measure before us contemplates an act to prove the illegality of this ordinance. This of legislation ; it proposes a law containing pro- being conceded, it cannot by any supposed contil visions to be enforced and to control the inhabi- sequence or analogy have any bearing on the

tants of a district of country more than two hunc power of legislation by Congress, under the condred thousand square miles in extent. By this stitution, in respect to the prohibition of slavery act we are literally laying the foundations of a in the territories of the United States. The orfuture empire.

dinance, as we know, was passed by Congress The questions to which the discussion of the under the Articles of Confederation, though it bill has given rise, are of the highest moment. was ratified by the first Congress which asThey concern the power of Congress over the sembled under the constitution. Any inference territory belonging to the United States, and es- from the proceedings of the one, so far as the pecially in regard to slavery in such territory. question of power is concerned, would be wholly Nor is this all

. They involve not only the au- inapplicable to the other. But I hold, and shall thority of Congress, under the Constitution, to endeavour to show, that the very argument in regulate the domestic concerns of the persons in which Mr. Madison denied the authority of habiting or occupying the public domain beyond Congress, under the Articles of Confederation, the limits of the States, but they may affect, for to pass the ordinance of 1787, had for its object an indefinite period, the social and political con. 10 prove the necessity of such a power in Condition of entire communities. They may vitally gress under the constitution, and that it proconcern the prosperity of the future millions who ceeded upon the supposed existence of the are to fill the valleys and cover the hills of power. Oregon; and it is due to the magnitude of the Let me now call the attention of the Senate to subject, that it should be discussed with calmness the acts of Congress by which this construction and without asperity either of feeling or of lan- of the Constitution is supported, for the purpose guage.

of exhibiting the force it derives from legislative Conducted in such a spirit, discussion, even precedents. if it were unnecessary, could do no harm, how- I. The ordinance of 1787 was recognized by ever widely we may differ, or however delicate chapter 8, 1st session, 1st Congress. The prethe questions with which it has to deal. Indeed, amble recites that “it is requisite certain proit is always possible the very conflict of opinion visions should be made," &c., in order that the may strike out light and truth, and furnish a said ordinance“ may continue to have full effect.”


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There was no division in either house upon its | in 1787, and in continuing it in force in the first passage. There seems to have been no ob- Congress under the Constitution of 1789. jection to it.

Whatever doubt there may be as to the origiThe first precedent which I cite, has all the nal validity of the ordinance, I believe its auforce of cotemporaneous exposition. It is coeval thority has always been respected by responsible with the birth of the new governinent. It may tribunals. I will read a decision from the Sualmost be denominated the work of the framers preme Court of Louisiana, in the case of of the Constitution. It is recorded among the Merry vs. Chexhaider, 8 Martin's Reports, (new earliest acts by which that instrument was put series,) 689. in operation. It is one of the first footsteps by Appeal from the Court of the First District. which the movement of the new government is “Porter, J., delivered the opinion of the to be traced out of the darkness in which its court. The plaintiff sues in this action to redawn was enveloped, into the clear, broad sun- cover his freedom, and from the evidence on light of its stability and strength. The act was record is clearly entitled to it. He was born in signed by General Washington.

the northwestern territory since the enactment That the ordinance was not deemed by its of Congress, in 1787, of the ordinance for the framers, or by the Congress which continued it government of that country, according to the in force, incompatible with any degree of freedom 6th article of which, there could be therein from restraint, which may be justly claimed as neither slavery nor involuntary servitude. This essential to political liberty, is apparent from the ordination fixed for ever the character of the terms of the instrument itself. The articles, of population in the region over which it is erwhich the sixth and last prohibited slavery, were tended, and takes away all foundation from the expressly declared to be adopted, “ for extending claim set up in this instance by the defendant. the fundamental principles of civil and religious The act of cession by Virginia did not deprive liberty, which form the basis whereon these re- Congress of the power to make such a regupublics, their laws and constitutions, are erected ; | lation. to fix and establish those principles as the basis “It is therefore ordered, adjudged, and deof all laws, constitutions, and governments, which creed, that the judgment of the district court be forever hereafter shall be formed in the said ter- affirmed with costs.” ritory; to provide also for the establishment of

This decision was pronounced in 1830, and it states, and permanent government therein, and fully sustains the view of the subject I have for their admission to a share in the Federal taken. councils on an equal footing with the original

On the 26th of March, 1804, an act was states, at as early periods as may be consistent passed dividing Louisiana into two territories, with the general interest.” Several considerations suggest themselves in thereof. All that part of the territory south of

and providing for the temporary government connection with this subject :

the 33d parallel of latitude, now the southern 1. Neither the framers of the ordinance nor boundary of Arkansas, was erected into the terthe first Congress considered the perpetual pro- ritory of Orleans. hibition of slavery in the northwest territory The 10th section of the act had three proinconsistent with the admission of the states to visions in respect to slavery in the territory: be formed out of it into the Union on “an equal 1. The importation of slaves from any place footing with the original states.” Neither the without the limits of the United States, was actual tenure of slaves, nor the right to hold prohibited ; 2. The importation, from any place them, could have been considered essential within the limits of the United States, of slaves to the full fruition of the political liberty imported since the 1st of May, 1798, was prowhich the states possessed as members of the hibited ; and, 3. The importation of slaves, esUnion.

cept by a “ citizen of the United States ré 2. The prohibition was not considered incon- moving into said territory for actual settlement, sistent with the terms of cession of the territory and being at the time of such removal bona fide by Virginia in 1784, which required that the owner of such slaves,” was probibited. States to be formed out of it should be “repub- There cannot be a stronger case to show the lican states, and admitted members of the Fede- control Congress has exercised over the subject. ral Union, having the same rights of sovereignty, Slavery existed in Louisiana when it was ceded freedom and independence.” These rights of to the United States. Congress did not impose sovereignty, freedom, and independence, there any restriction on the tenure of slaves then held fore, which the members of the Federal Union in the territory, that might have impaired rested enjoyed, were by the Congress of the Confede- rights of property under the local law, which ration, and the first Congress, deemed fully pos- the United States had covenanted in the treaty sessed, although the right to hold slaves was of cession to maintain and protect. But Conprohibited. Virginia concurred in passing the gress not only proceeded, at once, to prohibit ordinance in the Congress of the Confederation the importation of slaves from foreign countries, but to prohibit their introduction from the States believed to be wholly inconsistent with all the of the Union, excepting when accompanying received laws of population. The tendency of and belonging to citizens of the United States the human race is to increase in a compound moving into the territory to become residents. ratio of the extent and productiveness of the This was to impose restrictions upon its ex- surface on which it is sustained. The highest tension, even within the territory in which it possible impulse is given to this in an unoccuexisted. It was a direct prohibition of the do- pied country, distinguished for its fertility, and mestic slave trade. It was an exercise of power, offering certain rewards for the products of in respect to the territories, which Congress did labour. This is the character of our own soil. not possess in respect to the States. It was an Wherever slave labour can be carried, it will, anticipation, by four years, of the time at which for a time, be productive. Missouri affords a Congress was authorized to prohibit the importa strong illustration of the truth of this proposition of slaves into the original States. This acttion. That State lies wholly north of 36° 30, was signed by Jefferson.

north latitude, excepting a strip about thirty I intend to say nothing in regard to private miles wide on the Mississippi, running down to interests excepting this—that there is no propo- the thirty-six parallel, and yet, though so far sition before us to interfere with slavery where north, slavery made rapid progress there after it exists—no restriction on the exercise of pri- her admission into the Union. By the census vate or personal rights within the sphere of the of 1820, there were 10,222 slaves; in 1830, local laws under which they arise. The ques- 24,820, an increase of one hundred and forty tion before us is, whether slaves shall be per- per cent. in ten years; and in 1840, 58,240, mitted to be introduced into Oregon, or whether an increase of one hundred and thirty-five per their introduction shall be prohibited. It is a cent. in ten years. For several years, the slave remote territory, generally conceded (though in population increase more rapidly than the free. this I do not concur, as I shall hereafter explain | In all new and fertile soils, where the demands more fully) as not likely to be occupied by for labour are urgent, this will be the inevitable slaves, if they were allowed to be carried there. result. The multiplication of the human species The fact that it is generally admitted to be unfit is governed by laws as inflexible and certain as for slave labour must divest the question of all those which govern the reproduction of vegepractical infringement of private rights, even in table life. In both, the stimulus, whatever it

the estimation of those who take extreme views may be, constitutes the law of the increase. I s of the subject. I shall therefore consider it am aware that the ratio of increase in Missouri,

only in its bearing upon great public interests. both in respect to the white and the black race, bio

I consider this question, in the form it has was materially modified by immigration; and assumed, as involving the extension of slavery. to that extent the result is independent of the I consider it so under the motion to strike out application of the principle I have stated. But the 12th section, which substantially prohibits it can hardly be denied that surface, productive the introduction of slaves into Oregon. But it surface, is the great element in our extension. is made so more particularly by the amendment It is this alone which has carried the ratio of offered by my friend from Mississippi, which our increase far beyond that of any other people. provides

If we had been restricted to the area of the “ That nothing contained in this act shall be thirteen original States, how different would so construed as to authorize the prohibition of have been the result of our decennial enumeradomestic slavery in said territory whilst it re- tions! The same principle governs the white mains in the condition of a territory of the and the black races. The laws of labour, subUnited States."

sistence, and population, act on both, though I understand this as an assertion of the right

not everywhere with the same intensity. to carry slaves into Oregon both against the

(To be continued.) interference of Congress, and the desire of the inhabitants to exclude them. I understand it as maintaining the right to introduce domestic slavery into Oregon. This is extension, and The editor of the Commercial Review, in a against the wishes of the inhabitants who have note appended to Mr. Meek's paper, attempts prohibited its introduction. Let me, then, pre-some statistical computations of the value of sent some considerations concerning this whole property annually swept away by fire. He subject of extension.

gives a list of great fires (omitting all where the Those who oppose the extension of slavery loss did not exceed $50,000) that occurred, in o wider limits, believe that such extension pro- all parts of the world, during ten years—from notes the multiplication of slaves. On the 1836 to 1846: and although the list, as may other hand, it is contended that it makes no well be supposed, is far from being a perfect ddition to their numbers, but merely spreads one, it represents the total value of property hem over a broader surface. This position is annihilated to an amount of $137,362,950.


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