Sickness, were scourged by various other epidemics, of longer duration, but not quite so fatal.

“It was (says our author) an inflammatory rheumatic fever, with great disorder of the nervous system. This assumption is supported by the manner of its origin and its especial characteristic of being accompanied by a profuse and injurious perspiration. From the judgment that we are now capable of forming of the pernicious influences which prevailed in the year 1485, it may, without hesitation, be admitted that the humidity of that and of the preceding years affected the functions of the lungs and of the skin, and disturbed the relation of this very important tissue to the internal organs of life. This is the usual commencement of rheumatic fevers, which bear the same relation to the sweating sickness as slight symptoms bear to severe ones of the same kind. The predominance of affections of the brain and of the nerves, however, gave to the English epidemic a peculiar character. The functions of the eighth pair of nerves were violently disordered in this disease, as was shewn by oppressed respiration and extreme anxiety with nausea and vomiting, symptoms to which the moderns attach much importance." 191.

It is scarcely worth while to notice this fanciful pathological hypothesis, since neither Hecker, nor any one else, can form the slightest idea of this mysterious malady. Between Sweating Sickness and Acute Rheumatism, there certainly is very slight analogy. Rigors usher in almost all fevers of an inflammatory nature, and perspiration is far from being common in the first day's rheumatic fever.

SECOND VISITATION.

In 1506, this Epidemic again appeared. Great revolutions were now taking place in Europe. Printing was invented to dispel the clouds of darkness-a new world was discovered, to excite the energies of mankind -the circumnavigation of Africa opened golden prospects in the East-regal power was fixed on a firmer basis-standing armies were established as the pillars of civil order, but at the same time as the instruments of tyranny and oppression. It was at this time, too, that syphilis raised its mysterious head, and spread over Europe, with the rapidity of lightning. Meantime, in the Summer of 1506, the Sweating Sickness suddenly broke out in London, and, after a few weeks, again disappeared. In this second visitation, as in the first, "the malignant fever was left to the curative powers of Nature, and no powerful medicines administered." The result was extremely favourable-" in few houses did any fatal cases occur." As usual, medical histories of the Epidemic are nowhere to be found; and whether it penetrated through England, or was confined to London, does not appear. Cotemporary with this mild epidemic in England, however, there were many prevalent scourges, of different kinds, on the Continent, as the petechial fever in Italy, &c. &c.

In July, 1517, the third eruption of the SWEATING SICKNESS occurred in London, under the mild sway of our Eighth HENRY.

"On this occasion it was so violent and so rapid in its course, that it carried off those who were attacked, in two or three hours, so that the first shivering fit was regarded as the announcement of certain death. It was not ushered in by any precursory symptoms. Many who were in good health at noon, were numbered among the dead by the evening, and thus as great a dread was created at

this new peril as ever was felt during the prevalence of the most suddenly destructive epidemic: for the thought of being snatched away from the full enjoyment of existence without any preparation, without any hope of recovery, is appalling even to the bravest, and excites secret trepidation and anguish. Among the lower classes the deaths were innumerable. The city was moreover crowded with poor; but even the ranks of the higher classes were thinned, and no precaution averted death from their palaces.' 210.

Although very fatal, it subsided in September, and was followed by the Plague. This visitation appears to have spread through England. In Oxford and Cambridge it carried off many distinguished scholars. Scotland and Ireland were spared.

No particular atmospheric or telluric phenomena preceded this epidemic, or threw any light on its etiology. Its contagious character was, of course, believed in, but if contagion existed, it is rather strange that the disease never penetrated into Scotland or Ireland.

The fourth devastation of the Sweating Sickness in England, took place in 1528-9. But, at this time, Europe itself was scourged by the same pestilence, which began in France, after the disasters of their army before Naples, and spread in all directions. In London it broke out in the latter end of May, and spread rapidly over the whole country. The mortality of this outbreak cannot be even guessed at, though it must have been prodigious.

"As soon as the occurrences of this unfortunate year could be more closely surveyed, a conviction was at once felt, that it was one and the same general cause of disease which called forth the poisonous pestilence in the French camp before Naples, the putrid fever among the youth in France, and the sweating sickness in England, and that the varying nature of these diseases depended only on the conditions of the soil and the qualities of the atmosphere in the countries which were visited." 240.

We need not follow Dr. Hecker in his account of the Sweating Sickness, which now spread over Germany, the North of Europe, &c.

"The alarm which prevailed in Germany surpasses all description, and bordered upon maniacal despair. As soon as the pestilence appeared on the continent, horrifying accounts of the unheard-of sufferings of those affected, and the certainty of their death, passed like wild-fire from mouth to mouth. Men's minds were paralysed with terror, and the imagination exaggerated the calamity, which seemed to have come upon them like a last judgment. The English Sweating Sickness was the theme of discourse everywhere, and if any one happened to be taken ill of fever, no matter of what kind, it was immediately converted into this demon, whose spectre form continually haunted the oppressed spirit. At the same time, the unfortunate delusion existed, that whoever wished to escape death when seized with the English pestilence, must perspire for twenty-four hours without intermission. So they put the patients, whether they had the Sweating Sickness or not, (for who had calmness enough to distinguish it?) instantly to bed, covered them with feather-beds and furs, and whilst the stove was heated to the utmost, closed the doors and windows with the greatest care to prevent all access of cool air. In order, moreover, to prevent the sufferer, should he be somewhat impatient, from throwing off his hot load, some persons in health likewise lay upon him, and thus oppressed him to such a degree, that he could neither stir hand nor foot, and, finally in this rehearsal of hell, being bathed in an agonizing sweat, gave up the ghost, when, perhaps, if his too officious rela

tives had manifested a little discretion, he might have been saved without difficulty." 258.

One physician, whose name has sunk in oblivion, opposed this barbarous mode of treatment, and went about from house to house, dragging the smothering patients from their beds of torture with his own hands-and thus preserving more lives than he could have done by physic.

We must now bring our notice of Hecker's work to a close. It is greatly and unnecessarily swelled out by matters very little relevant to the chief subjects. His researches into the causes of the diseases, moral, physical, religious, or political, are not merely unsatisfactory, but, in most cases, futile. Thus, in speaking of the Sweating Sickness in Germany, he endeavours to connect its etiology with the Reformation!

"The excitement was beyond all bounds. The new doctrine took root in towns and villages, but nevertheless, the most mortal party hatred raged on all sides, and, as usually happens in times of such impassioned commotion, selfishness was the animating spirit which ruled on both sides, and seized the torch of faith, in order, for her unholy purposes, to envelop the world in fire and flames." 259.

It is much more consonant with observation and experience, to find times of moral, political or religious excitement and perturbation, preventive of, rather than conducive to, epidemic diseases. It is not during the bustle of a campaign that the soldier is liable to illness, but after the hurly-burly is over.

We may remark, in conclusion, that the Epidemics of the Middle Ages, are merely matters of curiosity; and we do not believe that they do, or ever will, throw a single ray of light on the etiology, pathology, or therapeutics of epidemics in general, or of themselves in particular.

REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED TO TAKE THE CENSUS FOR IRELAND FOR 1841. (With Classified Tables of Deaths, and Report thereon). By William Robert Wilde, Surgeon. Dublin, 1843.

ANY surprise we may have felt at the publication of the Irish Census being delayed so much beyond the appearance of that of Great Britain, was completely removed upon the reception of this portly tome; and upon examination of its contents and passing the eye over its seven or eight hundred folio pages of minutely elaborated tables, we only wonder that any diligence or perseverance could have prepared it so soon, especially when the additional difficulty the imperfect character of some of their materials entailed upon the Commissioners is considered.

The important benefits conferred upon England by the Registration Act, are now generally acknowledged, and will become more and more apparent as the accumulated figures give a larger field for examination and

inference; and it may well be inquired, why Scotland and Ireland, (that is eleven out of the twenty-seven million of our population,) should be excluded from benefits which, although now only realising, were well known as inevitable prior to the passing of the act. While this exclusion continues, the demonstration of the condition of this country, as a whole, is of course impracticable, much to the disappointment and, sometimes, to the deception, of foreign staticians; and the comparison of it parts, so essential to its welfare and improvement, must be imperfect.

The present Census is a laudable attempt to remedy some of the evils the great neglect of statistical inquiries in Ireland has given rise to; and to place before the public information respecting some of the points as regards Ireland, which the Registrar's Reports have so beneficially diffused concerning England. The Commissioners were well aware of the importance of their task, but also found it attended with some considerable difficulties. Alluding to the various collateral subjects into which they had endeavoured to inquire,—they say—

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'Many inquiries of a similar nature might, no doubt, have been pursued with advantage to a correct, knowledge of the condition of the people. We felt, in fact, that a Census ought to be a Social Survey, not a bare Enumeration. But we were restrained by the apprehension that jealousy and prejudice might be excited, if we made our inquiries too searching and too minute. People are slow to see that questions relating to themselves and their households can have any bearing upon the general good, and forget that, in accounts of large numbers, the individual is wholly lost sight of in the average, but that the average can only be obtained by an accurate knowledge of all that pertains to the individual.”

If the Registrar-General has been fortunate in meeting with such an able coadjutor as Mr. Farr, the Irish Census Commissioners have been no less so in securing the services of Surgeon Wilde. His elaborate analysis of the deaths which occurred during the ten years preceding the taking the Census is a masterly performance, and his Report a most interesting document, as exhibiting the defective condition, or rather the entire absence, of registration of death in Ireland, for even Bills of Mortality seem scarcely to have existed there, a candid exposition of the amount of information derivable from this ex post facto registration by means of the Census, and as opening new ground for, and smoothing many of the difficulties of the subject to future inquirers.

To this part of the publication we intend chiefly to confine ourselves; but may just state, previously, some of the general results arrived at by the Commissioners.

In the first place, we have to remark the small increase of population which has taken place between 1831-41, compared to 1821-31: the numbers being, for the year 1821, 6,801,827; for 1831, 7,767,401; i. e. an increase of about 144 per cent.; and for 1841, 8,175,124, or an increase of only 5 per cent. There is some season to believe that the Census for 1821 was rather under, and that for 1831 rather over-stated. Emigration has been the principal cause of the diminution, for Ireland being solely an agricultural country, has not the means of employing an increasing population. In Scotland, the population increased 10% per cent: 27 per cent. in the manufacturing districts, and 4% in the agricultural.

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The state of house accommodation is one element for measuring the prosperity of a people. In 1821, there were 1,142,602 inhabited houses; in 1831, 1,249,816, or an increase of 9 per cent., and in 1841, 1,328,839 or an increase of 7 per cent. "Nearly one-half of the families of the rural population, and somewhat more than one-third of the families of the civic population, are living in the lowest state, being possessed of accommodation equivalent to the cabin, consisting of but a single room. In the third class, but little removed in comfort, are nearly the same proportion, while of the other class (the house accommodation is divided into four classes) the number is extremely small."

Occupation.-Two-thirds of the male and more than one-third of the whole community are engaged in producing, preparing, and selling food. It is well observed that juvenile labour is in nowise confined to factory or mechanical employments. "It is a feature of the age, and pervades every class of society, arising doubtless, from the fact that greater numbers render both subsistence and destination more difficult than formerly."

Education. The state of education in different parts of Ireland (as in different parts of England) exhibits great varieties, from the one extreme of 25.16 per cent. of population in Dublin five years old and upwards who can neither read nor write, to 79 per cent in Mayo. So, too, in Dublin, 25 per cent. of the population from 5 to 15 are attending schools, but only 8.3 in Mayo. At the period of returning the Census 1821, 394,814 children were in actual attendance at schools, and in 1841, 502,491.

Marriages. Of the proportion of the married to the unmarried, taking all Ireland into account, we have the following statement. Of 100 males above 17 years of age in the rural districts there are 44 unmarried, 51 married, and 5 widowers in the civic districts, 41 unmarried, 53 married, and 6 widowers. Of 100 females in the rural districts there are 38 unmarried, 50 married, and 12 widowed; and in the civic districts, 41 unmarried, 43 married, and 16 widowed. These and other tables, made for a population of more than eight million, confirm the results arrived at by Quetelet, in Belgium, that the unmarried are two-thirds of the community (about are under the age at which it is usually contracted), most numerous in rural districts, and among the male sex; and that the widows are twice as numerous as the widowers, and most so in civic districts.

As to the Age at which marriage is contracted, 7 per cent. of the males, and 19 per cent. females in rural districts; and 13 per cent. males and 21 per cent. females in civic districts, are married between the ages of 17 and 25. "The average age at which people marry is found to vary with the mortality of the district, and the short-lived populations of unhealthy towns are, in their early marriages, merely following the same law which operates upon the longer-lived rural population, who marry at a later period, each seeking the renewal of his race towards the middle period of his existence." By far the greatest number of marriages of both sexes occur between the years 26 and 35. Prior to the perusal of these statements we certainly believed that early marriage was far more prevalent in Ireland than it proves to be.

By 100 marriages in which neither parent had been married before, 228