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gratefully and gracefully declined this offer. Early in January, 1894, Emperor Wilhelm sent his aid-de-camp to Friedrichsruh to invite Prince Bismarck to pay him a visit at Berlin, and the old Chancellor fixed the 20th day of January for that purpose. Immense crowds greeted the prince on his arrival in Berlin, where he was received at the station by Prince Heinrich of Prussia in the name of his imperial brother. The meeting between the young Emperor and his old Chancellor was very cordial, the Kaiser kissing the prince several times, and embracing him in full view of the public. The prince stayed in Berlin as the guest of the Kaiser until the evening, when he went back to Friedrichsruh, the Emperor accompanying him to the station and at parting promising to visit the prince at his home. The return visit by the Emperor was paid on Feb. 19, 1894, and the whole German people celebrated the reconciliation as an important historical event.

Emperor Wilhelm's Speech.-For nearly two years Germany's Emperor had been extremely conservative in his public utterances, but in the fall of 1894 he laid caution aside and delivered a speech in which he warned the nobility not to go too far in their opposition to the Government. A large number of the nobility are members of the Agrarian League, and the Agrarian League was the principal opponent of the Russian commercial treaty. The speech was delivered on Sept. 6, 1894, at a state banquet of East Prussia in Königsberg, the old historical capital of the province and the center of the old landed gentry. The Emperor, after thanking those present at the banquet for the reception accorded to him and the Empress while in East Prussia, called attention to the fact that the province was chiefly dependent on agriculture, and had, above all, to maintain an energetic peasantry, to be the pillar and stay of the Prussian monarchy. Then, after alluding to the unsatisfactory condition of agriculture for the past four years, the Emperor continued:

It seems to me as if under the influence of the hard times doubts had arisen as to whether promises which had been made would be fulfilled. Yes, to my sorrow, I have noticed that in the circles of the nobility which stand nearest my throne my best intentions have been misconstrued and sometimes even combated. The word "opposition" has come to my ears. Gentlemen, opposition of Prussian nobles to their King is a monstrous thing. Opposition is only justifiable when the King himself stands at its head. So much the history of my house can teach us. How often have my ancestors been compelled to withstand the misguided members of a single class for the good of the whole community! The successor of him who of his own right became the Sovereign Duke of Prussia will tread in the footsteps of his great forefather. Even as once the first King of Prussia said, “Ex me mea nata corona," and as his son molded the royal authority into a rocher de bronze, so do I, like my imperial grandfather, represent the monarchy by right divine.

After reminding the guests that he was the largest landowner in the state, and as such participated in the burdens, and was well aware of the hard times, the Emperor called on the nobility to assist him in his exertions "not by clamor and not by the means employed by the professional Opposition parties which you have so often and so rightly combated, but by trust

ful intercourse with your Sovereign. My door is ever open for every one of my subjects, and to every one I lend a willing ear. Turn your steps thither, and I will let bygones be bygones." Recalling the unveiling of the statue of Emperor Wilhelm I, the Emperor concluded:

Kaiser Wilhelm I stands before us holding in his right hand the imperial sword, the symbol of justice and order. It reminds us all of other duties, of the serious battle which has to be fought against those whose attacks threaten the very foundations of the state and of society. Now, gentlemen, my summons rality, and for order against the parties of revolution. goes forth to you: Up and fight for religion, for moAs the ivy twines itself round the gnarled stem of the oak, adorning it with its foliage and protecting it when storms roar through its branches, so must the ranks of the Prussian nobility close up round my house. May it, and with it the whole nobility of German stock, be a shining example for those sections of the people which still hang back. Let it be so; let us march together to this struggle. Forward, with the help of God, and lost to honor be he who deserts his King! In the hope that East Prussia will be the first province in the line of battle I raise my glass and drink to the prosperity of the province and its inhabitants.

This remarkable speech created a storm in the German press. The Conservatives, however, against whom this warning was principally directed, tried to hide their embarrassment and to excuse their opposition to the commercial policy of Count von Caprivi, but, on the whole, only succeeded in showing repentance and submissiveness to the orders of their King: while the Liberal press prophesied coercive measures against free thought and speech, which events proved to be not without foundation.

Count von Caprivi's Resignation.-Ever since the Emperor's speech at Königsberg rumors had been rife throughout the empire that measures were under consideration tending to repress the spreading doctrines of socialism. Under Prince Bismarck repressive legislation against the Socialists had been adopted, but in spite of it socialism had gained ground throughout Germany, and it was considered wise to repeal those laws and deal openly with the revolutionary party. The growing feeling of unrest and dissatisfaction in the German Empire, the constant gains of the Socialists at the polls, the misdeeds of the anarchists in foreign countries, and the formation of the Agrarian League and its opposition to the Government reminded the Emperor of the dangers ahead, and it was decided to formulate laws that could effectually check the progress of government by the people. It was known that Count von Caprivi, the German Chancellor, was not in favor of repressive laws, such as were demanded by the Emperor, but in this, as in many other important questions of state, he bowed down to his master and accepted his views. Early in October a conference of the Bundesrath was called, and Chancellor von Caprivi submitted his proposed legislation to that body. The Bundesrath was, however, by no means unanimously in favor of repressive laws, and the representatives of several of the states insisted that their local laws were sufficient to deal with the disturbing elements. Count von Caprivi was by no means in an enviable position; on the one hand was the Emperor urgent for the most repressive laws, on the other

the delegates of the states denying the necessity for such laws, while in the ministry opinions differed as to what should be done. There had long been a secret enmity between Count von Caprivi and Count Botho zu Eulenburg, the Prussian Prime Minister, who was appointed to that office at the time of the withdrawal of the primary education bill, when Count von Caprivi resigned, but was prevailed upon to retain the chancellorship, giving up the premiership of Prussia, thus separating these two of fices which had been united and held by Prince Bismarck formerly. The misunderstanding between the two ministers had lasted for some time, but the friction became acute, and their differences on the question of the repressive laws made harmonious action impossible. It was known that Count zu Eulenburg tendered his resignation to the Emperor on Oct. 23, 1894, but was prevailed upon to remain in office until his successor could be conveniently selected. In the mean time Count von Caprivi succeeded in winning a majority of the Bundesrath for the repressive legislation, and was congratulated upon his success by the Emperor. The conference of the Bundesrath was adjourned, and the members left Berlin for their homes under the impression that everything had been arranged satisfactorily, when suddenly, on Oct. 26, Count von Caprivi resigned, and his resignation was accepted by the Emperor, and at the same time the resignation of Count zu Eulenburg was announced and likewise accepted. The immediate cause of the resignation of the former is not known; but that the crisis came on suddenly and unexpectedly is shown by the fact that the Emperor was just on the point of going to hunt at Blankenburg and the preparations that had been made for a week's hunt were canceled. Although the true reason of the Chancellor's resignation is not known, the better opinion is that it was due to the intrigues of several members of the Federal ministry, and the strained relations existing between Count von Caprivi and Count zu Eulenburg, which could no longer be compromised, and that when both offered their resignations, the Emperor dismissed them both. Count von Caprivi was the nominal head of the new régime, as it was styled by his critic, Prince Bismarck. Under him Germany entered into a new commercial policy.

The new army bill was the most important measure that he carried, only by a dissolution of the Reichstag. Count von Caprivi's position on assuming office was very difficult, inasmuch as he had not only to combat the ordinary opposition, but was constantly opposed, and his course criticised by his predecessor, Prince Bismarck. Count von Caprivi took his directions solely from the Emperor, and was thus often placed in a false position through having measures forced upen him which were averse to his personal and political opinion. He thus estranged many who had been disposed to support him, while he failed to conciliate his adversaries. For the same reason, his policy seemed also half hearted and wavering. Personally, Count von Caprivi left the reputation of a distinguished and honorable man, a fluent talker, and a dexterous and highly qualified parliamentarian. The attempt to separate the two offices of Ger

man Chancellor and of Premier of Prussia had proved unsatisfactory, and so Emperor Wilhelm decided to reunite them under one head. On Oct. 28 he appointed Prince von HohenloheSchillingsfürst to succeed Count von Caprivi as Chancellor of the German Empire and Count Botho zu Eulenburg as Prussian Prime Minister; the office of Prussian Minister of the Interior, which Count zu Eulenburg had also occupied, was given to Baron von Koeller, who was Under Secretary of the Interior for Alsace-Lorraine.

Clovis Charles Victor, Prince von HohenloheSchillingsfürst, Prince of Ratibor and Corvey, was born at Rothenberg, Bavaria, March 31, 1819. He studied at Heidelberg, Göttingen, and Bonn, and began his career as an official in the Prussian administration. On coming into possession of the estate of Schillingsfürst, he entered into the service of the Bavarian Government, where he filled many high posts, being at one time Minister of Foreign Affairs, and eventually Prime Minister. In 1860 he made himself conspicuous in the meetings of the German Zollverein, of which he was Vice-President. His liberal government incited against him the ultraCatholic Bavarians. whose opposition finally forced him from power. In 1870 he was a strong advocate in the Bavarian House of Peers of supporting Prussia in the war against France, and of the union of the German states into one German Empire. In 1871 he was elected to the German Reichstag, and became Vice-President of that body. In 1874 he was sent to Paris as German ambassador, to succeed Count von Arnim, and found among the archives of the embassy the documents that assisted Prince Bismarck in introducing the state trial against Count von Arnim. In 1878 he was one of the German plenipotentiaries at the Congress of Berlin. In 1885 he was appointed Governor of Alsace-Lorraine, succeeding Marshal Manteuffel, which post he still occupied when he was appointed to the chancellorship. In spite of his age, Prince von Hohenlohe is still in full possession of all his mental and physical faculties. His choice gave a good deal of satisfaction to the south Germans, and, being a Catholic, he is likely to gain some of the Clericals as his supporters.

The Opening of the Reichstag.-The session of the Reichstag was opened by Emperor Wilhelm, in person, on Dec. 5, 1894. In his speech from the throne, the Emperor welcomed the Deputies to take up their labors in the new Reichstag building which had just been completed, and called attention to the social and economic tasks to be performed there. He said that he regarded the protection of the weaker classes of society and their higher economic and moral development as the noblest task of the state. In order to preserve and increase the feeling of content and solidarity of the people, it would be necessary to meet the dangers raised by those attempting to create disturbances in the country; that the state might have the power to do its duties, the present laws being insufficient for that purpose, a bill would be introduced extending the criminal laws for the increased protection of the state and the better maintenance of order. A bill was announced for the payment of damages to persons convicted and sentenced for offenses of which they were

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innocent; also a bill to do away with misuses of the bourse; one for the reparation of the abuses caused by dishonest trade competition; a bill for a tax on tobacco; and a bill for the readjustment of the financial relations between the several states and the empire. In closing, the Emperor paid a short tribute to the late Czar Alexander III of Russia, in whom, he said, he mourned the loss of a friend and a tried colaborer in the works of peace.

The new Reichstag building is situated on the Königsplatz, just outside of the Brandenburg gate, fronting the Thiergarten and opposite the triumphal column. It is considered one of the two handsomest buildings in the country, and was erected at a cost of 28,700,000 marks, which sum will probably be increased to over 30,000,000 marks before the building is entirely completed. It took ten years to build, and covers a space of 11,000 square metres. The architect was Paul Wallat. In the main, the Renaissance style of architecture has been adopted, but the building contains elements of a number of other styles. It is rectangular, with a tower at each end, and in the center an immense dome. The main entrance is a great stairway, at the top of which 6 huge pillars, 54 feet in height, stand out like those of a Greek temple. The session room of the Reichstag is on the first floor, which, not being very large, has, for that reason, better acoustics. An immense lobby, encircling this chamber, is one of the finest features of the inside. Commodious rooms are provided for the Bundesrath library, and there is a foyer, also a room for the Emperor, rooms for newspaper correspondents, telegraph operators, and visitors, and innumerable small offices.

At the first session of the Reichstag an incident occurred which created a good deal of excitement in as well as out of Parliament. When Herr von Leoetzow, the President of the Reichstag, had finished his opening speech, he called for cheers for Emperor Wilhelm; all delegates arose and cheered lustily with the exception of the Socialists, who remained seated and refused to cheer. This discourtesy awakened a storm of indignation, and the other members roundly abused them; the President of the Reichstag also considered it his duty to reprimand the offending delegates. Herr Liebknecht, one of the leaders of the Socialists, replied, defending the action of his party, and further declared the speech from the throne to be a hypocritical document. Another uproar ensued, and Chancellor von Hohenlohe requested that the Reichstag adopt rules to punish Herr Liebknecht for lese-majesty. A committee was appointed to consider such a resolution, which reported against it, and when the matter was brought up in the Reichstag that body rejected the proposed punishment by a vote of 168 to 54.

The Anti-revolution Bill.-As was intimated in the Emperor's speech at Königsberg, and was announced in the speech from the throne at the opening of the Reichstag, a bill was duly laid before that body containing important amendments to the criminal code, with the view of repressing the spread of revolutionary doctrines. All sorts of rumors had been circulated as to the severity of the measure, but when the desired changes were made known it VOL. XXXIV.-21 A

appeared that the amendments were worse than had been feared by all, except, perhaps, the Socialists. The bill itself is called the revolution bill. The most objectionable and really repressive clauses are those amending paragraphs 130 and 131 of the criminal code. Paragraph 130, without the amendment, reads:

Whoever publicly, and in a manner dangerous to the public peace, incites different classes of the population to acts of violence against each other, is punishable by a fine not exceeding 600 marks, or with imprisonment not exceeding two years.

The proposed amendment adds this:

The same punishment may be inflicted on any one who, in a manner dangerous to the public peace, publicly attacks religion, the monarchy, marriage, the family, or property with expressions of abuse.

Paragraph 131 of the criminal code, as amended, would read:

Whoever publicly asserts or disseminates invented or distorted facts which he knows or (according to circumstances) must conclude to be invented or distorted, having in view to render contemptible institutions of the state or decrees of the authorities, is punishable with a fine not exceeding 600 marks, or with imprisonment not exceeding two years.

Another paragraph of the bill makes not only the commission of a crime punishable, but also the intention to commit it, although the intention may not as yet have become manifest in acts involving the beginning of a criminal act. The judge alone is to decide whether the criminal intent exists.

These amendments are the principal ones. If the paragraphs should be construed to apply only to the revolutionary parties, the objection would not be so great; but as these amendments read they may be applied against any party or individual who dares to criticise the Government in speech or print. Freedom of speech and the liberty of the press would be virtually abolished, although the Constitution secures both of these important rights of a free nation to the German people. The opposition to the bill is therefore not confined to the Socialists, but all liberal parties see in it a danger to the spreading of liberal tendencies, and even the Conservatives fear that they may be brought under the head of opponents to the monarchy, having in mind their late opposition to the commercial treaty with Russia and the reprimand they received from their Emperor.

The International Miners' Congress.-The International Miners' Congress was opened in Berlin on May 14, 1894, and the conference lasted until May 19. To this conference Germany sent 39 delegates, Great Britain 38, France 4, Austria 2, and Belgium 3; and they represented, respectively, 193,000, 645,000. 100,000, 100,000, and 70,000 miners. The reports prepared by the nations represented, and read to the delegates, are interesting as showing the wages earned by the miners in the different countries. The report of the representatives of Great Britain for Durham and Northumberland shows that the miners of Durham earn $1.52 a day, while the Northumberland miners only earn about $1.32 per day. The miners work on an average seven hours and a half, counted from bank to bank, ten days out of eleven in Northumberland, and nine days out of eleven in Dur

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