the rebellion had hurled their power against it for more than four years; and now, when peace has once again visited the land, we imperatively demand that all the rights, privileges, and obligations of the Federal Constitution be evermore reinstated in their full force and effect.

Resolved, That the right of suffrage shall be limited to the white race in this country, and, while we unhesitatingly declare this shall be the law in our State, we fully recognize the right of the people in each and every State to determine for themselves, free from any outside interference, from any power whatever. Resolved, That the intended and designed political effect of the so-called reconstruction measures of the

present and last Congress is to deliver over the political control of the Southern States to the lately emancipated negroes therein, and thereby thus aid, by the utter prostration of the white men, citizens thereof, to retain the lease of power the ruling party have so long held, and which they have so flagrantly abused, all of which we will resist as freemen by every means which is given us by the Constitution of the country. Resolved, That the vast bulk of the indebtedness of the country, known as 5.20's, are lawfully payable in legal-tender notes of the Government, and should be so paid, as the said obligations are within the power of the Government to relieve and discharge; and that whereof the faith of the Government is pledged to pay in gold, we will so fulfil, and beyond this we will not go.

Resolved, That the present system of national banks can and should be abolished at once, and the notes of the said institutions redeemed, and their place relieved by non-interest bearing notes of the Government, thus saving annually to the people twenty mill

ions of dollars.

Resolved, That all the wealth of the country, whether invested in Government securities or other wise, should sustain its full and fair share of taxation. Resolved, That the present attempted impeachment of the President of the United States exhibits to the world the malignancy of the representatives of a party, part of whom were repudiated by their constituents at the last expression of their views, and who, to secure a partisan advantage, would destroy in their power a coordinate branch of the Government.

Resolved, That the nation is deeply indebted to the soldiers and sailors who gallantly defended it in the late war of rebellion, and that the memory of those who perished in the conflict should and will be held in grateful remembrance, and their widows and children should be tenderly cared for by the nation;

that those who returned and are in our midst we con

gratulate, and tender them the assurance of our honor and regard, and trust they will aid in perpetuating the liberties of the Constitution of the country they periled their lives to save.

Resolved, That, recognizing the doctrine that allegiance is alienable, our national Government should protect American citizens abroad, whether native or foreign-born, and any outrage committed on the person of an American citizen by a foreign government should be resisted at every cost, and at all hazards.

Resolved, That, in the opinion of the Democracy of Illinois, we find in the political life and character of Hon. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, the assurance of his entire accord with the principles we have here declared; and, recognizing in him the possession of every quality fitting for that station, we do declare him to be the choice of the Democracy of this State for President of the United States, and do instruct

the members from this State to the National Conven tion to vote as a unit, and to use all honorable means in their power to secure his nomination by that body for that position.

The following was also reported by a minority of the committee, but was laid on the table, and the majority report adopted without amendment:

Resolved, That our delegates to the National Convention are instructed to insist upon the policy of paying 5.20 bonds in the lawful money of the country as a part of our national platform; and while we recognize in the Hon. George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, a statesman of the first order, and a pure patriot, we deem it inexpedient at this time to trammel our delegates in their choice of candidates, but desire that they shall, after a full and fraternal conference with the delegates of other States, favor the nomination of those candidates best suited to the positions, and most likely to be elected at the polls.

The nominations for the State ticket were: John R. Eden, of Moultrie, for Governor; W. H. Van Epps, of Lee, for Lieutenant-Govfor Secretary of State; Jesse J. Phillips, of ernor; Gustavus Van Hoersbeck, of Clinton, Montgomery, for Treasurer; and Robert E. Williams, of McLean, for Auditor.

The Republican State Central Committee published a call for a Republican Union State Convention, to be held at Peoria on the 6th of May, representing the voters of Illinois "who support the congressional plan of reconstruct ing the disorganized States; who are in favor of their speedy admission to a participation in the Government; who are in favor of retrenchment of public expenditures; of honest and economical administration of government; of reducing taxes to the greatest practical extent; of maintaining the national faith and honor inviolate; who are opposed to paying the rebel debt or damages for loss of slaves caused by treason and rebellion; who are in favor of the protection of all American citizens, native and adopted, everywhere; and who are in favor of the election of a President and Vice-President whose faith to the loyal people of the nation will not be broken."

The convention met in accordance with this call, and proceeded to make the following nominations: for Governor, Major-General John M. Palmer, of Sangamon; for Lieutenant-Governor, John Dougherty, of Union; for Secre tary of State, Edward Rummel, of Peoria; for Auditor, General Charles E. Lippincott, of Cass; for Treasurer, Erastus N. Bates, of Marion; and for Attorney-General, Washing ton Bushnell, of La Salle. The platform adopted was in the following terms:

tinuing their great contest against the political action The Republican party of the State of Illinois, conwhich culminated in open rebellion against the Confrom the wreck of the rebel creeds and rebel armies stitution and the laws, and which now seeks to save the seeds of future wars and more intolerant despotism, do hereby appeal to the people in the following

resolutions:

Resolved, 1. That we congratulate the country on the assured success of the reconstruction laws of Conseceding States of the Union, under constitutions gress as evidenced by the return of six of the eleven securing equal civil and political rights to all; we hold that the policy of Andrew Johnson, supported by the Democratic party, which proposes to confer a monopoly of such rights upon conquered rebels and discontented slaveholders, was fraught with the gravest perils, both to the peace of the nation and to the freedom of individuals.

2. That it is the duty of Congress to restore the lately-revolted States to their practical relations in the

Union on a footing of equality with the other States, whenever the conditions imposed in the reconstruction laws should have been complied with.

3. That we denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime; and that the national honor requires the payment of the public indebtedness, in the utmost good faith, to all creditors at home and abroad, according to the letter and spirit of the laws under which it was contracted.

4. That it is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be equalized and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit, and that any surplus which may remain in the Treasury, after economical and necessary appropriations, shall be applied to the reduction of the public debt by purchase in open

market.

5. That the burden of the national debt should be extended over a fair time before redemption, and that it is the duty of Congress to reduce the rate of interest on such debt whenever and however it can be lawfully done.

6. That as it is probable that no form of Government indebtedness will be presented for many years, the principal of the war debt being the heritage of the future, it is premature to consider the question of calling in the loans; that, before the first issue of such indebtedness becomes payable, the currency of the country will be equivalent in value to gold, unless the enemies of the public credit should, in the mean while, destroy it.

7. That General Ulysses S. Grant, by his remarkable series of triumphs in the field of battle, and by his equally remarkable success in executing the reconstruction laws of Congress, has twice rescued the country from the greatest perils, that the consummate ability and loyalty which he has exhibited in every emergency of peace and war have made him the most illustrious exponent of the principles which triumphed in the late war for the Union, and is the natural successor of Abraham Lincoln in the affections of the people; and our delegates in the Chicago Convention are hereby instructed to cast their votes for him as nominee of the Republican party for the office of

President of the United States.

8. That the right of expatriation is a natural and inherent right, and is indispensable to "the enjoyment of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;" that while the citizen owes allegiance to the Government, the Government owes protection to the citizen; and that it is the duty of the Government of the United States to protect all its citizens, native-born and naturalized, in the full enjoyment of the same, and by whomsoever, and under whatever color or pretence, these rights may be invaded.

9. That the thanks of the American people are due to the soldiers and sailors of the army and navy who have perilled their lives in defence of their country and in vindication of the honor of its flag; that the nation owes to them a perpetual recognition of their patriotism and valor; and that ample and permanent provision should be made for those of their survivors who have received disabling and honorable wounds in the service of their country; and that the memory of those who have fallen in its defence will be held in grateful and everlasting remembrance.

10. That we reiterate and reaffirm the following resolutions of the recent Democratic Convention of Illinois, to wit: "Resolved, That in the administration of the present system of internal revenue a reform is loudly called for, and which, in our judgment, can only be effected by expelling from place the present horde of thieves and plunderers, who have rioted and fattened upon the substance of the people, and who, under the pretence of collecting the revenue for the Government, have succeeded in enriching themselves at the expense of the people;" and, inasmuch as the frauds here recited have been mainly, if not wholly, committed since Andrew Johnson betrayed his own party and sought the alliance and friendship of the Democratic party, by removing

the appointees of Abraham Lincoln, and filling their places with supporters of his policy of reconstruction, we can seen no end to the corruption prevailing in the collection of the revenue but in a change in the administration of the presidential office.

11. That the wages of labor constitute, in this country, one of the strongest bonds of society; and as labor is confined to no race, nalionality, or creed, the rights of laboring men are everywhere the same. 12. That as those rights cannot be assailed anywhere by slavery or by any of its modifications without inflicting wrong upon labor everywhere, therefore, in the issue now before the American people, we most earnestly invite the cooperation of every laboring man in our efforts to shape the institutions of the Southern States, that the rule shall be universal and inviolable, " An honest day's wages for a faithful day's work."

13. That the Republican party, mindful of the truth that genuine national greatness and prosperity must always be founded upon public morality, recognize in perfect civil and religious liberty, in support of which our forefathers fought and bled, the most efficient means to raise the moral standard of the people.

The Legislature of 1867 made provision for submitting to the suffrages of the people the question of holding a convention to revise and amend the constitution of the State, the time of holding the election for delegates, in case the people decided in favor of the convention, to be fixed by the next Legislature, and the convention to be held within three months after such election. This was one of the questions before the people at the last election, and they decided that the convention should be held. The total vote cast was 444,860, of which 223,124 were for the convention, giving a majority of 704 in the whole State in favor of revising the constitution. The election on the general ticket resulted in a large Republican majority. The whole vote cast for presidential electors was 449,436, of which 250,293 were in favor of Grant's election, and 199,143 for Seymour. Grant's majority, 51,150. General John A. Logan was nominated by the Republicans, and Dickey by the Democrats for member of Congress at large, to represent the whole State in the House of Representatives at Washington. Logan's majority at the election was 55,987. Members of Congress were also elected from the thirteen congressional districts, nine of whom were Republicans, and four Democrats. The State officers elected were all Republican. The Legislature, which meets biennially, assembled on the 5th of January, 1869. Its composition is as follows:

IMPEACHMENT. Proceedings of the Senate sitting for the trial of ANDREW JOHNSON, President of the United States, on Articles of Impeachment exhibited by the House of Representatives.

ON Monday, February the 24th, 1868, the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States resolved to impeach Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, of high crimes and misdemeanors, of which the Senate was apprised, and arrangements were made for the trial. On Monday, the 3d of March, articles of impeachment were agreed upon by the House of Representatives, and on the 4th the following letter of Chief-Justice Chase was presented to the Senate:

To the Senate of the United States:

Inasmuch as the sole power to try by impeachment is vested by the Constitution in the Senate, and it is made the duty of the Chief Justice to preside when the President is on trial, I take the liberty of submitting, very respectfully, some observations in respect to the proper mode of proceeding upon the impeachment which has been preferred by the House of Representatives against the President now in office. That, when the Senate sits for the trial of an impeachment, it sits as a court, seems unquestionable: that for the trial of an impeachment of the President this court must be constituted of the members of the Senate, with the Chief Justice presiding, seems equally unquestionable. The "Federalist is regarded as the highest contemporary authority in the construction of the Constitution; and in the sixtyfourth number the functions of the Senate, sitting in their judicial capacity as a court, for the trial of an impeachment, are examined.

In a paragraph explaining the reasons for uniting the Supreme Court with the Senate in the formation of the court of impeachment, it is observed that, to a certain extent, the benefits of that union will be obtained from making the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court the president of the court of impeachment, as is proposed in the plan of the convention; while the inconveniences of an entire incorporation of the former into the latter will thus be substantially avoided. This was perhaps the prudent measure. This authority seems to leave no doubt upon either of the propositions just stated; and a statement of them will serve to introduce the question, upon which I think it my duty to state the result of my reflections to the Senate; namely, at what period, in the case of the impeachment of the President, should the court of impeachment be organized, under oath, as directed in the Constitution?

It will readily suggest itself to any one who reflects on the abilities and learning in the law which distinguished so many of the Senators, besides the reason assigned in the "Federalist," that there must have been still another for the provision requiring the Chief Justice to preside in the court of impeach ment. Under the Constitution, in the case of a vacancy in the office of President, the Vice-President succeeds; and it was doubtless thought prudent and befitting that the next in succession should not preside in a proceeding through which a vacancy might be created. It was not doubted that the Senate, while sitting in its ordinary capacity, must necessarily receive from the House of Representatives some notice of its intention to impeach the President at its bar; and it does not seem to me an unwarrantable opinion, in view of this constitutional provision, that the organization of the Senate, as a court of impeachment under the Constitution, should precede the actual announcement of the impeachment on the part of the House, and it may be thought a still less unwarrantable opinion that articles of impeachment

should only be presented to a court of impeachment, that no summons or other process should issue except from the organized court, and that the rules for the government of the proceedings of such a court should be framed only by the court itself.

I have found myself unable to come to any other conclusions than these. I can assign no reason for requiring the Senate to organize a court under any other than its ordinary presiding officer for the latter procedings upon an impeachment of the President, which does not seem to me to apply equally to the earlier. I am informed that the Senate has proceeded upon other views, and it is not my purpose to contest what its superior wisdom may have directed. All good citizens will fervently pray that no occasion may ever arise when the grave proceedings now in progress will be cited as a precedent. But it is not impossible that such an occasion may come.

Inasmuch, therefore, as the Constitution has charged the Chief Justice with an important function in the trial of an impeachment of the President, it has able to concur in the views of the Senate concerning seemed to me fitting and obligatory, when he is unmatters essential to the trial, that his respectful dissent should appear. S. P. CHASE,

Chief Justice of the United States.

On the 5th the articles of impeachment were presented to the Senate by the managers on the part of the House, who were accompanied by the House, the grand inquest of the nation, as a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. Mr. Bingham, chairman of the managers, read the articles as follows: Articles exhibited by the House of Representatives of the United States, in the name of themselves and all the people of the United States, against ANDREW JOHNSON, President of the United States, in maintenance and sup port of their impeachment against him for high crimes and misdemeanors.

ARTICLE I.

That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, on the 21st day of February, in the year of our Lord 1868, at Washington, in the District of Columbia, unmindful of the high duties of his office, of his oath of office, and of the requirement of the Constitution that he should take care that the laws be faithfully executed, did unlawfully and in violation of the Constitution and laws of the United States issue an order in writing for the removal of Edwin M. Stanton from the office of Secretary for the Department of War, said Edwin M. Stanton having been theretofore duly appointed and commissioned, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, as such Secretary, and said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, on the 19th day of August, in the year of our Lord 1867, and during the recess of said Senate, having suspended by his order Edwin M. Stanton from said office, and within twenty days after the first day of the next meeting of said Senate, that is to say, on the 12th day of December, in the year last aforesaid, having reported to said Senate such suspension, with the evidence and reasons for his action in the case and the name of the person designated to perform the duties of such office temporarily until the next meeting of the Senate, and said Senate thereafterward, on the 13th day of January, in the year of our Lord 1868, having duly considered the evidence and reasons reported by said Andrew Johnson for said suspension, and having refused to concur in said suspension, whereby and by force of the provisions of an act entitled "An act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices," passed March 2, 1867, said Edwin M. Stanton did forthwith resume the functions of his office, whereof the said Andrew Johnson had then and there due notice, and said Edwin M. Stanton, by reason of the premises, on said 21st day of February, being lawfully entitled to hold said office as Secretary for the Department of

War, which said order for the removal of said Edwin M. Stanton is in substance as follows, that is to say: EXECUTIVE MANSION,

WASHINGTON, D. C., February 21, 1868. Š SIR: By virtue of the power and authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and laws of the United States, you are hereby removed from office as Secretary for the Department of War, and your functions as such will terminate upon receipt of this communication. You will transfer to Brevet Major-General Lorenzo Thomas, Adjutant-General of the Army, who has this day been authorized and empowered to act as Secretary of War ad interim, all records, books, papers, and other public property now in your custody and charge.

Respectfully yours, ANDREW JOHNSON. Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON, Washington, D. C.

Which order was unlawfully issued, with intent then and there to violate the act entitled "An act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices," passed March 2, 1867; and, with the further intent, contrary to the provisions of said act, in violation thereof, and contrary to the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and without the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, the said Senate then and there being in session, to remove said Edwin M. Stanton from the office of Secretary for the Department of War, the said Edwin M. Stanton being then and there Secretary of War, and being then and there in the due and lawful execution and discharge of the duties of said office, whereby said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE II.

That on said 21st day of February, in the year of our Lord 1868, at Washington, in the District of Columbia, said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, unmindful of the high duties of his office, of his oath of office, and in violation of the Constitution of the United States, and contrary to the provisions of an act entitled "An act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices," passed March 2, 1867, without the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, said Senate then and there being in session, and without authority of law, did, with intent to violate the Constitution of the United States and the act aforesaid, issue and deliver to one Lorenzo Thomas a letter of authority, in substance as follows, that is to say:

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, on the 21st day of February, in the year of our Lord 1868, at Washington, in the District of Columbia, did commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office, in this, that, without authority of law, while the Senate of the United States was then and there in session, he did appoint one Lorenzo Thomas to be Secretary for the Department of War ad interim, without the advice and consent of the Senate, and with intent to violate the Constitution of the United States, no vacancy having happened in said office of Secretary for the Department of War during the recess of the Senate, and no vacancy existing in said office at the time, and which said appointment, so

made by said Andrew Johnson, of said Lorenzo Thomas, is in substance as follows, that is to say: [Same as in Article II.]

ARTICLE IV.

That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, unmindful of the high duties of his office, and of his oath of office, in violation of the Constitution and laws of the United States, on the 21st day of February, in the year of our Lord 1868, at Washington, in the District of Columbia, did unlawfully conspire with one Lorenzo Thomas, and with other persons, to the House of Representatives unknown, with intent by intimidation and threats unlawfully to hinder and prevent Edwin M. Stanton, then and there the Secretary for the Department of War, duly appointed under the laws of the United States, from holding said office of Secretary for the Department of War, contrary to and in violation of the Constitution of the United States, and of the provisions of an act entitled "An act to define and punish certain conspiracies," approved July 31, 1861, whereby said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did then and there commit and was guilty of a high crime in office.

ARTICLE V.

That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, unmindful of the high duties of his office, and of his oath of office, on the 21st day of February, in the year of our Lord 1868, and on divers other days and times in said year, before the 2d day of March, A. D. 1868, at Washington, in the District of Columbia, did unlawfully conspire with one Lorenzo Thomas, and with other persons to the House of Representatives unknown, to prevent and hinder the execution of an act entitled "An act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices," passed March 2, 1867, and in pursuance of said conspiracy did unlawfully attempt to prevent Edwin M. Stanton, then and there being Secretary for the Department of War, duly appointed and commissioned under the laws of the United States, from holding said office, whereby the said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE VI.

That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, unmindful of the high duties of his office and of his oath of office, on the 21st day of February, District of Columbia, did unlawfully conspire with in the year of our Lord 1868, at Washington, in the one Lorenzo Thomas by force to seize, take, and possess the property of the United States in the Department of War, and then and there in the custody and charge of Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary for said Department, contrary to the provisions of an act entitled "An act to define and punish certain conspiracies," approved July 31, 1861, and with intent to violate and disregard an act entitled "An act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices," passed March 2, 1867, whereby said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did then and there commit a high crime in office.

ARTICLE VII.

That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, unmindful of the high duties of his office and of his oath of office, on the 21st day of February, in the year of our Lord 1868, at Washington, in the District of Columbia, did unlawfully conspire with one Lorenzo Thomas with intent unlawfully to seize, take, and possess the property of the United States in the Department of War, in the custody and charge of Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of said Department, with intent to violate and disregard the act entitled "An act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices," passed March 2, 1867, whereby said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did then and there commit a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE VIII.

That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, unmindful of the high duties of his office and of his oath of office, with intent unlawfully to control the disbursements of the moneys appropriated for the military service and for the Department of War, on the 21st day of February, in the year of our Lord 1868, at Washington, in the District of Columbia, did unlawfully and contrary to the provisions of an act entitled "An act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices," passed March 2, 1867, and in violation of the Constitution of the United States, and without the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, and while the Senate was then and there in session, there being no vacancy in the office of Secretary for the Department of War, with intent to violate and disregard the act aforesaid, then and there issue and deliver to one Lorenzo Thomas a letter of

authority in writing, in substance as follows, that is

to say:

[Same as in Article II.]

Whereby said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE IX.

That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, on the 22d day of February, in the year of our Lord 1868, at Washington, in the District of Columbia, in disregard of the Constitution and the laws of the United States, duly enacted, as Commander-inchief of the Army of the United States, did bring before himself then and there William H. Emory, a majorgeneral by brevet in the Army of the United States, actually in command of the department of Washing ton and the military forces thereof, and did then and there, as such Commander-in-chief, declare to and instruct said Emory that part of a law of the United States, passed March 2, 1867, entitled "An act making appropriations for the support of the Army for the year ending June 30, 1868, and for other purposes," especially the second section thereof, which. provides, among other things, that "all orders and instructions, relating to military operations, issued by the President or Secretary of War, shall be issued through the General of the Army, and, in case of his inability, through the next in rank," was unconstitutional, and in contravention of the commission of said Emory, and which said provision of law had been theretofore duly and legally promulgated by general order for the government and direction of the Army of the United States, as the said Andrew Johnson then and there well knew, with intent thereby to induce said Emory, in his official capacity as commander of the department of Washington, to violate the visions of said act, and to take and receive, act upon, and obey such orders as he, the said Andrew Johnson, might make and give, and which should not be issued through the General of the Army of the United States, according to the provisions of said act, and with the further intent thereby to enable him, the said Andrew Johnson, to prevent the execution of an act entitled "An act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices," passed March 2, 1867, and to unlawfully prevent Edwin M. Stanton, then being Secretary for the Department of War, from holding said office and discharging the duties thereof, whereby said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, did then and there commit and was guilty of a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE X.

pro

That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, unmindful of the high duties of his office and the dignity and proprieties thereof, and of the harmony and courtesies which ought to exist and be maintained between the executive and legislative branches of the Government of the United States, designing and intending to set aside the rightful authority and powers of Congress, did attempt to

bring into disgrace, ridicule, hatred, contempt and reproach the Congress of the United States and the several branches thereof, to impair and destroy the regard and respect of all the good people of the United States for the Congress and legislative power thereof (which all officers of the Government ought inviolably to preserve and maintain), and to excite the odium and resentment of all the good people of the United States against Congress and the laws by it duly and constitutionally enacted; and, in pursuance of said design and intent, openly and publicly, and before divers assemblages of the citizens of the United States convened in divers parts thereof to meet and receive said Andrew Johnson, as the Chief Magistrate of the United States, did, on the 18th day of August, in the year of our Lord 1866, and on divers other days and times, as well before as afterward, make and deliver, with aloud voice, certain intemperate, inflammatory, and scandalous harangues, and did therein utter loud threats and bitter menaces, as well against Congress as the laws of the United States duly enacted thereby, amid the cries, jeers, and laughter of the multitudes then assembled and within hearing, which are set forth in the several specifica tions hereinafter written, in substance and effect, that is to say:

[Here are set out three specifications, quoting parts of speeches alleged to have been made by the Presi dent, August 15, September 3, and September 8, 1866.]

Which said utterances, declarations, threats, and harangues, highly censurable in any, are peculiarly the United States, by means whereof said Andrew indecent and unbecoming in the Chief Magistrate of Johnson has brought the high office of the President of the United States into contempt, ridicule, and disgrace, to the great scandal of all good citizens, where States, did commit and was then and there guilty of by said Andrew Johnson, President of the United a high misdemeanor in office.

ARTICLE XI.

the

That said Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, unmindful of the high duties of his office and of his oath of office, and in disregard of the Constitution and laws of the United States, did heretofore, to wit: on the 18th day of August, 1866, st the city of Washington, in the District of Columbia, by public speech, declare and affirm in substance that the Thirty-ninth Congress of the United States was not a Congress of the United States authorized by the Constitution to exercise legislative power under the same, but, on the contrary, was a Congress of only part of the States, thereby denying and intending to deny that the legislation of said Congress was valid or obligatory upon him, the said Andrew Johnson, except in so far as he saw fit to approve same, and also thereby denying and intending to deny the power of said Thirty-ninth Congress to propose amendments to the Constitution of the United States; and, in pursuance of said declaration, the said ADdrew Johnson, President of the United States, afterward, to wit: on the 21st day of February, 1865, st the city of Washington, in the District of Columb did unlawfully and in disregard of the requirements of the Constitution, that he should take care that the laws be faithfully executed, attempt to prevent the execution of an act entitled "An act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices," passed March, 2, 155 by unlawfully devising and contriving, and attempting to devise and contrive, means by which he shouldpre vent Edwin M. Stanton from forthwith resuming the functions of the office of Secretary for the Departmen of War, notwithstanding the refusal of the Senate t concur in the suspension theretofore made by Andre Johnson of said Edwin M. Stanton from said office of Secretary for the Department of War, and also by further unlawfully devising and contriving, and tempting to devise and contrive, means then ar there to prevent the execution of an act entitle "An act making appropriations for the support of