by calling upon the Right Hon. Secretary to retract-which he refused to do did also Mr. Brougham. as ; The Opposition did at last what they should have done at first. Mr. Canning had before explained that he had taken office in a mixed ministry, because he believed that an absolutely agreed ministry was not necessary to carry the Catholic reliefand now his word was accepted.-In the session of 1824 the Catholic Duke of Norfolk was enabled to exercise his office of Earl Marshal by a bill exempting him in that capacity from the oath of supremacy. Nothing more was done in Parliament that year, but much in the country. The Catholic Association had begun to hold its public meetings, at which O'Connell and Shiel mingled fiery invectives against Protestant ascendency, with stern denunciations of those agrarian conspiracies which had kept the country for some years in a frightful state of alarm. It was the most formidable feature of this organization, not that it levied a regular taxation upon the population it had numbered and parcelled out, but that it delivered the country from lawlessness. It is an intolerable thing for a government to find its primary functions superseded—but it was so now. It was in vain that the bigot Viceroy, Talbot, and his yet more bigoted Attorney-General, Saurin, tried to quiet the disturbed districts of the country by suspending the Habeas Corpus, proclaiming martial law, scouring mountain and morass with soldiery-bands of White-boys and other outlaws besieged the fortified mansions of the gentry, pillaged obnoxious farmers, fought pitched battles, or executed sentence of death upon the proscribed. It was equally in vain that Wellesley and Plunket combined conciliation with firmness, suppressed Orange processions, impartially administered the laws, and did their best to mitigate the distress occasioned by potato-rot. The Association had only to adjure the people by the "hate they bore the Orangemen, their natural enemies," to abstain from all secret and illegal societies, from all White-boy and similar outrages,—and, lo! Ireland was pacificated. It was felt by even the pro-Catholic portion of the Cabinet that this could not be endured. The royal speech on opening the session of 1825 was therefore made to express regret "that associations should exist in Ireland which have adopted proceedings irreconcilable with the spirit of the constitution, and calculated, by exciting alarm and by exasperating animosities, to endanger the peace of society, and to retard the course of national improvement." The Association sent over a deputation—the chief of whom, O'Connell, had just defeated the Government in a prosecution for sedition-to watch its interests: and, through Mr. Brougham, they asked to be heard at the bar of the House. But the House would not recognise the Association. It was pretended that the speech included Orange clubs in its condemnation of political societies; and the bill introduced by Mr. Goulburn, as Irish Secretary, had for a general object "to amend the Acts relating to un

lawful societies in Ireland." The first reading of the bill was carried by 278 to 123, and within a month it became law. It forbad political societies to continue their sittings, even by adjournment, for more than fourteen days, to levy contributions, to have different branches, to hold mutual correspondence, to make religion a qualification of membership, or to administer oaths or declarations. O'Connell, pursuing his policy of strict adherence to the letter of the law, instantly dissolved the Association; but no sooner had Parliament risen, than a new mode of action was at work, and a central committee was directing the movements of the whole Catholic body without visible connexion with any part of it. The Government had destroyed the Association, but greatly advanced its object-as Mr. Canning had intended-by fixing upon it the gaze of the general public, who had hitherto left the matter chiefly to the religious bodies. The speech delivered by Mr. Canning in the course of the debate was itself of infinite service to the cause. He gave the House and the listening nation, in his magnificent style, a history of the question, and of his own connexion with it. One passage, in reply to the charge of lukewarmness and selfish tampering, had a great effect at the time, and was soon to receive a striking illustration :-" I have shown that in the year 1812, I refused office rather than enter into an administration pledged against the Catholic question. I did this at a time when office would have been dearer to me than at any other period of my political life-when I would have given ten years of life for two years of office, not for any sordid or selfish purpose of aggrandisement, but for other and higher views. But is this the only sacrifice I have made to the Catholic cause? From the earliest dawn of my public life-ay, from the first visions of youthful ambition-that ambition has been directed to one object above all others. Before that object all others vanished into comparative insignificance: it was desirable to me beyond all the blandishments of power, beyond all the rewards and favours of the Crown. That object was, to represent in this House the University in which I was educated. I had a fair chance of accomplishing this object when the Catholic question crossed my way. I was warned, fairly and kindly warned, that my adoption of that cause would blast my prospects: I adhered to the Catholic cause, and forfeited all my long-cherished hopes and expectations. And yet I am told that I have made no sacrifice! that I have postponed the cause of the Catholics to views and interests of my own! The representation of the University has fallen into worthier hands. I rejoice, with my honourable friend near me (Mr. Peel) in the high honour which he has obtained; long may he enjoy the distinction; and long may it prove a source of reciprocal pride to our parent University and to himself! Never till this hour have I stated, either in public or private, the extent of this irretrievable sacrifice; but I have felt it not the less deeply. It is past, and

I shall speak of it no more." The right honourable friend sitting near him could scarcely have heard these affecting words without a prophetic twinge. We know now that he had gone to Lord Liverpool about this time desiring to resign his office; so convinced was he that "something ought to be done about the Catholics," but not yet feeling that he was the man to do it. He knew not the greatness of his destiny.

Another service was done to the Catholic cause before the Houses were prorogued. Sir Francis Burdett introduced, immediately after the passing of the bill suppressing the Catholic Association, a set of resolutions, which, being carried, he made the foundation of a Catholic Relief Bill, including three objects—the repeal of Catholic disabilities, a state provision for the Catholic clergy, and the raising of the Irish electoral qualification from 40s. to £10. The second provision was obviously intended to appease the very reasonable fears of English politicians, that if the priests were to be left to poverty and independence, Irish members would be little better than their nominees -the third was prompted by the complaint that the Protestant voters were completely swamped by the Catholic freeholders. Mr. O'Connell had boasted that he had drawn up the bill, which was emphatically denied by the parties in charge of it. Still more damaging than this first public impeachment of his veracity, was the effect of this avowal of authorship upon his own followers-by whom the forty-shilling franchise was justly regarded as too precious to be given up for the right to return Catholic members. So loud and general was the outcry, that the agitator saw his mistake, and hastened to recant-which he did, with professions of sorrow, appeals to his God and country for pardon, devotion of his soul to perdition if he again so sinned, that seemed at the time very solemn, but came to be regarded rather as awful, when such adjurations were seen to be a part of the machinery of his power. The second provision of the bill-for taking the priesthood into the pay of the Government-greatly excited many in England who were well disposed to the main object of the measure; and stimulated the frantic zeal of the Protestant Ascendency party. The bill, however, passed the Commons, after long and highly animated debates, by 268 to 241. Its appearance in the House of Lords was anticipated by an extraordinary declaration from the Duke of York, the heir presumptive to the throne. Speaking on a petition, he took occasion to attribute "the severe illness and ten years of misery which had clouded the existence of his illustrious and beloved father," to the struggle of his conscience between the obligations of his coronation oath and the claims of this question; and he ventured further to say for himself, that "these were the principles to which he would adhere, and which he would maintain and act up to, to the latest moment of his existence, whatever might be his situation of life-so help him God!" Of

course, the declaration was seized upon, as was probably intended, by the Protestant party, as an appeal from the Throne itself against a treasonable conspiracy that reached even to the councils of the unhappy sovereign-that now afflicted the sons as it had done the father. The Duke's words were gilded and framed for parlour walls and scrawled in rude characters on way-side fences, repeated from pulpits and dwelt upon by the anti-Catholic press. The other side were stimulated to greater exertions. They, too, had just been furnished with that great necessity in a political agitation-a good phrase. In the late debate Mr. Plunket had said, in reply to the charge of innovation:-"Time was the greatest innovator of all; while man would sleep or stop in his career, the course of time was rapidly changing the aspect of all human affairs. All that a wise government could do was, to keep as close as possible to the wings of time, to watch his progress, and accommodate his motion to their flight. Arrest his course they could not; but they might vary the forms and aspect of their institutions so as to reflect its varying aspects and forms. If this were not the spirit which animated them, philosophy would be impertinent, and history no better than an old almanack." The Lords flung out the bill by 178 to 130-greatly to the exultation of one party, but not to the dismay of the other.

The next session (that of 1826) being the last of this Parliament, was brief, and chiefly occupied with the business already related. Nothing was done in this question in either House beyond irregular discussions on petitions, which were chiefly affirmations on the one side and denials on the other of the danger to be apprehended from the divided allegiance of Roman Catholics between the Pope and the King of England. The elections turned chiefly upon this question, and the anti-Catholic party rather gained than lost-partly, it seems, because all but those among the Dissenters whose sense of right was stronger than their fears, held back from the Catholic cause. Lord Howick (Mr. Grey) failed in Northumberland, Mr. Brougham in Westmoreland, and even Lord John Russell, with the Bedford interest and his Reform reputation, lost Huntingdonshire. But in Ireland, the Protestant landlords and the Catholic priests pitted their influence against each other with unscrupulous rigour, and the terrors of the altar were found more powerful than those of the bailiff. The landlords had cut up their estates into forty-shilling holdings, nominally freehold, and thought again to command votes by the prospect of eviction for disobedience. But now the priests confronted them with influences stronger even than the fear of poverty, and the Association promised relief to the victims. The result was astounding-even the Beresfords were deprived of the representation of their own county of Waterford. In the autumn, the Duke of York resolved to supplement his last achievement, by a procedure still more extraordinary-he

ventured to urge his brother, the King, to get rid of Mr. Canning. The indolent sovereign is reported to have passed off with a jest his former escapade— 'York need not trouble himself about what he would do on the throne, for it would not be vacant just yet'—and he seems to have taken this second liberty with the same lazy good humour. But presently the Duke fell sick, and on the 5th of January (1827) he died. At his torchlight funeral in the royal chapel at Windsor, Lord Chancellor Eldon, we are told by his biographer, standing over the grave in which he declared the hopes of his country and his Church were buried, recollected that he might take cold, and therefore laid down his hat to stand upon. There were standing beside him, with very different feelings, no doubt-not less sad and solemn, perhaps, but loftier and unselfish-the brothers in age and adventure, Canning and Huskisson. They took no such precaution against the vault-damps and night air, but went home to sicken. It was a fortnight later (February 5th) when Parliament reassembled, and the colleagues were then ill a-bed, Canning at Brighton and Huskisson in London. Both were suddenly smitten with a heavier stroke-the intelligence that their chief, Lord Liverpool, had been found in his study on Friday morning (February 16th) in an apoplectic fit, which he could scarcely survive, and from which he could not recover. Το Canning the blow was the heavier, because Liverpool and he, born in the same year, and school-fellows, had been firm friends through life. When he reappeared in the House, it was with the deep traces of grief, anxiety, and sickness upon his face, to encounter a relentless opposition, and to discharge the uncongenial task of carrying the new Corn-bill, Mr. Huskisson being still a prisoner to his room.

On the 15th of March the Catholic question was raised for the first time in the new Parliament-and with an adverse result. The motion was simply to the effect, "that this House is deeply impressed with the expediency of taking into consideration the laws imposing civil disabilities on his Majesty's Catholic subjects." Mr. Canning could scarcely have dwelt more impressively on the then state of Ireland, and the consequences that were probable if the Commons were proved to have fallen back upon the subject, if he had known that that was to be his last appeal. But the decision was against him by a majority of four-showing that the Commons really had gone back. During the Easter recess, the necessary changes in the Cabinet were made. As Lord Liverpool remained in a state which rendered him unable even to send in his resignation, on the 27th of March the King summoned Mr. Canning, as the second man in the Cabinet. The interview disclosed this state of things-that while a wholly anti-Catholic ministry was quite practicable, in Mr. Canning's opinion, in either a mixed or a pro-Catholic Cabinet he must be the Premier. Mr. Peel had told him, frankly and without ill-will, that in the latter case he must secede; but at