upon him, shot himself during the investigation. His second in command accused the magistrates of gross cowardice and incompetency; but the mayor was acquitted, and the prosecutions were abandoned.-There was no more serious rioting. There were disturbances at Bath, Coventry, and Leicester; but they were quickly and bloodlessly suppressed. Several of the bishops were hissed in public and others burned in effigy; but everyone agreed that they could scarcely expect other treatment from a people whom they had made personal enemies. A threatening danger was got over by the good sense of two parties-the Government and the ultra-Radicals. On the 31st of October, the London Political Union held a great meeting in Lincoln's Inn Fields; when a secession of a number of working men took place, and a separate Union was formed on the basis of universal suffrage and annual parliaments. The new association put out an address deducing these claims from the natural rights of man, and develop. ing them to their logical result, the abolition of all hereditary distinctions and political inequalities. They also convened a monster meeting of democrats at White Conduit House, for the 7th November. The Govern ment, feeling that after what had just taken place nothing must be risked, surrounded the city with soldiery, swore in special constables, and intimated to the leaders of the Union that they were doing an illegal and dangerous thing. They, bold in their consciousness of right intentions, requested an interview with the Home Secretary, which was granted. Lord Melbourne pointed out to them, with a conciliating politeness very shocking to the old Tories, that certain portions of their address were even treasonable; and they at once agreed to abandon the intended meeting. On the 22nd, a proclamation was issued against the Unions in general; an act which, though quite impotent, staggered the confidence of the people in the Ministers, until it was known that they were overruled in the matter. Parliament re-assembled on the 6th of December. It was occupied for the first week with debates on the recent disturbances; in which the Ministry were of course severely censured by an Opposition to which the usual consolation of defeat was liberally allowed. On the 12th, Lord John Russell re-introduced the Bill, with such alterations in detail as were suggested by the returns of the census, which had been taken in the Spring. The second reading was carried, after a tedious debate, early on Sunday morning, by 326 to 162. The House then adjourned, for the Christmas recess, until the 17th of January, when the Bill was at once got into committee. The only important division was taken on the question of the eight additional members allotted to the metropolitan district, which was objected to as giving the capital an undue preponderance in the representation, and affirmed by a majority of only 80. On the 19th of March, when the third reading was moved, the opposition made yet another effort-Lord Mahon moving the usual negative. In the three nights debate that ensued, there was something of solemnity in the leading speeches on either side-" on the brink of the most momentous decision to which any legislative assembly, in any country, ever came," was Lord Mahon's exordium; "the imminent peril of a struggle in which blood would be shed, and the constitution must perish," Lord John Russell perorated. The final division was 355 to 239, giving a majority of 116 for the "Bill to amend the Representation of the People in England and Wales." It was seen immediately on the re-appearance of the Bill in the upper House, that a change had taken place there. Although strenuous exertions had been made by the anti-reformers to buttress their resolution (Lord Roden had presented to the King a petition from 230,000 Irish Protestants), it was evident that many were wavering. Several peers declined to vote against the second reading, on the ground that the Bill might be modified in committee; and the Duke of Buckingham promised, with ludicrous self-complacency, that if their lordships would throw out the Government measure, he would introduce one that would be satisfactory to the people. The debate extended from the night of the 9th, to the morning of the 14th of April; when, at seven o'clock, a ministerial majority of nine was announced. The minority of forty-one had been changed into this majority by the conversion of seventeen peers (five spiritual and twelve temporal), the absence of ten who had voted in the former majority, and the votes of twelve who before were absent. The Duke of Wellington entered a vehement protest on the books of the House, which was subscribed by 74 other peers, including the royal Dukes, Cumberland and Gloucester, and six of the prelates.-Great was the popular exultation, but it took the form of determination to complete the victory. During the Easter recess, meetings of unparalleled magnitude and spirit were held throughout the country. The Birmingham Union convened a meeting of all the neighbouring associations at Newhall-hill. Edinburgh had a meeting 80,000 strong, under the walls of Holyrood, from which the exiled Charles the Tenth looked on with feelings of mingled wonder and terror. London, and every great town in every part of England, had its monster meeting, and adopted very bold resolutions, petitions, and memorials. The National Union, in a meeting held in London on the 3rd of May, declared in a petition to the Lords, that if the Bill were rejected, "there was reason to expect that the payment of taxes would cease, that other obligations of society would be disregarded, and that the ultimate consequence might be the utter extinction of the privileged orders." On the day of the re-assembling of Parliament (May the 7th), the great Midland Counties' meeting came off. It numbered 150,000 men-the greatest number, probably, that had ever assembled in Great Britain. The position of the hustings, at the foot of a sloping hill, and the admirable organization adopted, rendered the whole of the vast assemblage intelligent actors in the proceedings. Two hundred bands of music headed the processions; and more than seven hundred banners waved over the multitude. Silence was produced by sound of trumpet, and nearly every voice joined in "the Union Hymn"-the national anthem of the time, though forgotten now :— "Lo! we answer! see, we come, Quick at Freedom's holy call, We come! we come! we come! we come! God is our guide! from field, from wave, God is our guide! no swords we draw, By union, justice, reason, law, We claim the birthright of our sires. We will, we will, we will be free!" Nor were these earnest men content with spirit-stirring song. At the invitation of one of their leaders, Mr. Salt, they uncovered their heads, and repeated, every man, the solemn words, "With unbroken faith, through every peril and privation, we here devote ourselves and our children to our country's cause." On this same 7th of May, with an almost sublime audacity, the Lords, thus counselled and menaced, overthrew the Ministry. On the very first clause of the bill, now in committee, there was a majority of thirty-five against them. They asked for, and with difficulty obtained, a delay of three days. At a Cabinet Council held the next morning, it was determined, at last, to do what the country had been urging for six months past, but which it went to the very heart of the aristocratic Whigs to do-ask the King to create new peers. Earl Grey and Lord Chancellor Brougham went at once to Windsor, and proffered their demand. The King hesitated, lamented, it is said wept, and refused! The Ministers tendered their resignation, and the next morning a royal letter informed them that it was accepted. The Reformer King had dismissed his Reform Ministers ! It was soon known that this was the result of an intrigue between the Conservative leaders and the ladies of the Court. The poor old King was much under the influence of his wife and other feminine relatives; and while his Ministers were holding their anxious posts in London, was frequently visited by men high in the Opposition. He had been frightened into believing that, after all, reform meant revolution; that the avowed doctrines of the suppressed London Union were the disguised sentiments of all the political associations; that the loyal and respectable part of the nation would be well satisfied with a few alterations in the representation, and as for the rest, the Duke of Wellington would quiet them. The Duke had authorized this representation by at least one speech. He had said, in the previous October, "the people of England are quiet enough if let alone; and if not, there is a way to make them." It is appalling to think that he who had spoken so pathetically three years before of the horrors of civil war, was now prepared to risk them; but there is no avoiding the conclusion. He was ready when called upon by Lord Lyndhurst-who was first sent for by the King-to sacrifice himself, as he said, to the service of his sovereign in this hour of desertion, " or he should have been ashamed to show his face in the streets.” On the next night to that on which it was announced that Ministers had resigned, and Lord Althorp had distinctly stated the cause, the Commons adopted, on the motion of Lord Ebrington, an address to the King, expressing deep regret at the dismissal of advisers in whom they had unabated confidence, and declaring the absolute necessity of an extensive measure of reform. This had the effect of inducing the King to stipulate with Lord Lyndhurst that the new Ministry should introduce such a measure-a condition on which the Duke would not take office; but he busied himself none the less to induce others to do so. It was the wisdom of Sir Robert Peel which averted the disastrous attempt. He steadily refused the Premiership, and without him a cabinet could not be constructed. On the 15th, when the country had been nine days without a Government, the King was informed he must submit to the humiliation of recalling Earl Grey, and consenting to the creation of peers. Admirable was the patient self-possession of the people during these nine days. If he be a great man who is master of his enthusiasm, what shall we say of the nation that is master of its just anger? There was mourning, indignation, resolve-but no passion. Business was suspendedthe streets were crowded, as in expectation of a meteor-public-house signs of the King's Head were hung with crape, and the Queen's effigies blackenedbells were muffled or dismally tolled. The National Union declared its sessions permanent, added 3,500 members to its roll in two days, proclaimed him a public enemy who advised a dissolution of Parliament, and petitioned the Commons to refuse supplies and put the Exchequer in Commission. The Common Council and the Livery of London adopted just the same course; and every suburb had a monster meeting, Daniel O'Connell haranguing 20,000 people at one place, Mr. Hume at another, and Colonel Evans at a third. A run upon the Bank commenced at the biddings of placards, "To stop the Duke, run for gold!" and in one week ment. more than a million was drawn from the Bank of England in small sums. Manchester sent up a petition signed by 25,000 persons, in four hours, praying for the stoppage of supplies; and instructed the member who presented it to say, no more taxes would be paid there till the bill became law. Birmingham was placarded with notices to the same effect. Another and still vaster meeting was held at Newhall-hill, resolved on the non-payment of taxes, on arming, marching on London, and sending round to all the Unions a declaration of inappeaseable hostility to the new GovernThroughout England, Scotland, and Ireland, there were similar scenes. From the northern and southern counties, bodies of men fifty thousand strong, were expected to encamp on Pennenden and Hampstead Heaths, while smaller bodies occupied the squares of the metropolis; and the papers actually discussed modes of street-fighting. And there was little of bravado in all this. It was believed then, and is certainly known now, that the Duke had resolved on military government. The officers were ordered to join their regiments; the troops were provided with ball cartridges; and the Scots Greys located at Birmingham were actually employed, on Sunday, the 13th of May, in grinding their sabres as they had not been ground since the eve of Waterloo. It was the next day that rumour had assigned for the Unionists to commence their march; and the Greys, it was believed by the soldiers themselves, were to arrest their march. But it had become known --known at head-quarters, as well as currently believed in the country, and openly stated in the newspapers-that neither the London police, the yeomanry, nor the soldiers, could be relied upon; and, least of all, the Scots Greys, who were to begin the bloody work. The reckless plotters who would have risked a revolution to prevent reform, could find neither statesmen to guide nor military to sustain them. All the institutions of the country, as well as the country itself, were against them. Inexpressible was the revulsion of feeling when it was known that the Reformers had resumed office. Dismay was everywhere turned to gratitude, and sternness to rejoicing. A third Newhall-hill meeting-held on Tuesday, the 15th-was opened with a thanksgiving prayer as solemn as the vow that had been uttered fifteen days before. When the Duke gave up, the Peers did the same. A letter from St. James's Palace gave them the alternative of being swamped or withdrawing their opposition; and, to save their order, they gave up what they called the Constitution. On the night of Thursday, the 17th, the Duke of Wellington, and about a hundred Peers, left the House. A small minority held out through the consideration of the bill in committee; on the 1st of June eighteen peers registered another protest; on the 4th, the third reading was carried by 106 to 22. The Commons quickly agreed to the few alterations made by the Lords; and, on the 7th, Lords Brougham, Lansdowne, Wellesley, Grey, Holland, and |