commanding the consideration of measures which would "improve the national resources, encourage the industry, and promote the happiness of the people." In a few days, 994 anti-corn-law petitions were presented ; and on the 9th of February, the day appointed for the Premier's exposition, 600 delegates lined the approaches to the House. The Corn-laws were the topic of that night. The sliding scale was to be maintained, but with modifications that would relieve the consumer. At that, the country gentlemen felt re-assured—though rather bewildered by the information that they must be relieved from "the odium of too much protection "—but Lord John Russell taunted the Minister with " craven courage," Mr. Cobden deemed the misery of the country insulted, and a night or two later Sir Robert was burnt in effigy in several manufacturing towns. The next announcement was that of a tax on property and income for three years; at which every one was surprised, and many grumbled, but no one could suggest an alternative. On the 11th of March came that remarkable speech, in which "to buy in the cheapest, and sell in the dearest market,” was enunciated as the principle of commercial action; and a tariff was exhibited, in which 750 articles were set down for reduction or exemption. Lord John Russell moved a resolution affirming the preferability of a fixed duty; Mr. Villiers in one House, and Lord Brougham in the other, moved for total repeal; Mr. Christopher, a county member, tried to raise the scale of duties,-but the measure was carried as proposed. The property and income-tax was submitted to, under protest against the inequity of confounding the two things; which was admitted, but overruled by the urgent necessity of repairing the Exchequer. The tariff was adopted, with only such alterations as its author had invited. A Queen's Letter, in aid of the collections that were being made for the relief of the most distressed localities, was also issued. Altogether, though Mr. Cobden exclaimed, at the close of the session, that "the country was drifting on to confusion, without rudder or compass," it was felt by men. in a better position for judgment, that it had a pilot, sagacious, resolute, and largehearted. And events came with a merciful timeliness to the aid of the right reasoning, and the consolation of sad hearts. After another summer of almost incessant rain, the skies suddenly cleared up, a warm sun rapidly ripened the corn, and the news of a comparatively good harvest sent down the prices of wheat with a precipitation ruinous to speculators, and crippling farmers, but that was to the nation like the casting over of weights from a sinking ship. There came, at the same time, news of peace with China, on terms that would create a new market for English manufactures. From both of these events, the League orators derived new and vivid arguments; and to put them to the utmost use, the Council asked for £50,000, and offered prizes for essays specially adapted to the agricultural mind. The sum was raised; the essays were speedily forthcoming, and distributed by hundreds

of thousands. The winter was one of less distress than the former; but was unhappily distinguished by disturbances, which we will not interrupt our narrative by pausing to describe.

The Premier could meet Parliament on its re-assembling in 1843 with some degree of confidence; for although the long-continued stagnation of trade had seriously diminished the Customs branch of the revenue, there was now an actual surplus, and the quarterly returns gave signs of returning prosperity. But his feelings were preyed upon by the recollection of a very melancholy event-the assassination by a maniac, a few weeks previous, of his private secretary and friend, Mr. E. Drummond, in mistake for himself. Lord Howick moved for a committee of the whole House to consider the condition of the country; and on the fifth night of the debate on this motion, a painful "scene" occurred. Mr. Cobden had spoken with his accustomed fervour on the still deplorable state of things, and thrown on the Government the responsibility of its continuance. Sir Robert Peel declared, with an agitation that precluded, if his character had not done so, the suspicion of acting a part, that he was marked out for observation as personally accountable for public misfortunes. The minds of all his hearers instantly reverted to the shocking fate which he had so narrowly escaped, and with which Mr. Cobden seemed thus to be complicated. That gentleman was, of course, as greatly excited as Sir Robert; and could scarcely command himself sufficiently to explain that he had thought only of official, and not personal responsibility. The incident demands to be recorded, as showing how disturbed, at this time, were the master minds of the country; and how far were two patriotic men, working towards the same end, from understanding and appreciating each other.-Lord Howick's motion was rejected by a majority of 115, in a house of 497. Mr. Ward repeated his motion for an inquiry into the alleged burdens on land; which was met by Mr. Bankes, the member for Dorsetshire, with an amendment condemnatory of the pro ceedings of the League. They had been prying, he complained, into the condition of the Dorsetshire peasantry; their emissaries were trying to stir up disaffection among the farmers towards their landlords; and he demanded of the Government protection from these malignant arts. This singular amendment was negatived without a division, and the motion again defeated. Mr. Villiers renewed his motion for total repeal, and Lord J. Russell his, for a fixed duty;-the former was rejected by a majority of 256, and the latter by 99. In these debates, some admissions of great value to the Free-traders were made by their opponents. Mr. Goulburn declared that free-trade principles were "true in the abstract;” Sir James Graham that they were "the principles of common-sense ;" and Mr. Gladstone, that Protection was only a temporary necessity. Even Lord Stanley lent himself to their promotion, by introducing a set of resolutions permitting United States

corn to be imported into Canada on more favourable terms than formerly— whence it might be brought here as flour, a manufactured article.—The League had, by this time, removed its head quarters to London, and not only extended the range, but raised the character of its operations. The "Anti-bread-tax Circular" became the " League" newspaper; and freetrade in everything, as well as in ccrn, was made more prominent than hitherto in the writings and speeches of the leaders. On the 15th of March was held, at Drury-lane Theatre, the first of a magnificent series of meetings. For many Wednesday evenings in succession, from the boards of one or other of the great houses, the most eminent popular orators addressed denselycrowded and enthusiastically-applauding audiences. Mr. George Wilson, the Chairman of the Council, usually presided over these vast, but perfectly orderly assemblies. The speakers were seldom more than three in number, and admirably chosen. One evening, Mr. Cobden's unrivalled exposition of economical principles, would be followed by the fervid oratory of Mr. Bright, and both by the highly-polished eloquence of Mr. W. J. Fox-on another, Dr. Bowring, Col. Thompson, and Mr. George Thompson, would put forth each his peculiar powers. As soon as Parliament closed, Mr. Cobden visited the Southern and Midland counties, challenging the Protectionist advocates to discuss with him the true interests of the farmers. In September, it was announced, that the League had spent upwards of £50,000, circulated nearly ten millions of tracts, and supervised the electoral registers in 140 boroughs; £100,000 was now asked for, and £13,000 was subscribed on the spot. Earl Spencer, Earl Fitzwilliam, and Mr. Jones Lloyd, the eminent banker, gave in, about the same time, their adherence; Mr. Bright was returned for Durham; and, in November, an election for the City of London fought on the express ground of free-trade, issued in the return of Mr. Pattison, the League candidate. Mr. Cobden now suggested the purchase of forty shilling freeholds, for the creation of county votes; and the suggestion was instantly converted into action. The opposite party concluded it was time they too should organize; and before the end of the year, the Agricultural Protection Society was holding dinners in country market-towns, at which murmured suspicions of Sir Robert Peel alternated with violent abuse of the League.

The session of 1844 was not fruitful in events or discussions bearing on this question; but early in 1845, it was seen that the battle was growing to the hottest. The Minister could now show a magnificent surplus-nearly £5,000,000-nevertheless, he asked for a renewal of the income-tax for three more years. The tariff of 1842, he said, had worked so well, reviving the great industrial interests of the country, and promoting the comforts of the people, that he proposed further to apply the principles on which it was based. He wanted £1,000,000 for the increase of naval force

rendered necessary by the growth of our commerce-£3,380,000 would be the loss of revenue from the duties he proposed to reduce or remove. He would reduce the sugar duties to the amount of £1,300,000-all the remaining export duties, of which coal was the chief, he would abolish-the import duties on cotton-wool, and 430 out of 813 articles, the raw materials of manufactures, he would lower or remit-and of excise duties, those on glass and auctions he would abolish. The scheme, as a whole, was clearly a boon to the manufacturing classes, and another stride in the direction of freetrade. As such it secured its author the hearty support of the Liberals, but staggered a large proportion of his old followers. The renewal of the incometax was voted by a majority of 208 in a House of 318. Mr. Miles then moved that one million of the surplus should be appropriated to the relief of agricultural distress-complaints of which were very rife, a second and third good harvest having sent down the price of wheat to 45s. It was in this debate that Mr. Disraeli gained a position for himself, and gave expression to the sullen dissatisfaction of the Conservatives. Mr. Sydney Herbert had said, that for his own part, as a landholder, he would be ashamed to come "whining" to the Legislature for relief whenever times went hard. Mr. Disraeli retorted, the Minister" sends down his valet, who says, in the genteelest manner, 'We can have no whining here.' "Protection appears," he continued, "to be in about the same condition as Protestantism in 1828. The country will draw its own moral. For my part, if we are to have free-trade, I, who honour genius, prefer that such measures should be proposed by the hon. member for Stockport, rather than by one who, through skilful parliamentary manœuvres, has tampered with the generous confidence of a great people and a great party. For myself, I care not what may be the result. Dissolve, if you please, the Parliament you have betrayed, and appeal to the people who, I believe, mistrust you. For me, there remains at least the opportunity of expressing thus publicly my belief, that a Conservative Government is an organized hypocrisy." Mr. Villiers had fifty less than usual in the majority against his annual motion; and Lord John Russell avowed his readiness to give a four or five shilling fixed duty.But the time for arbitrary majorities and party compromises was gone by. A mysterious agency, charged by Providence with the settlement of this great controversy, was even now at work. A disease in the potatoes had nearly destroyed the food of Ireland for the next year; and the rains which probably did this terrible mischief, had also rendered the harvest in both countries deficient. The frequent holding of Cabinet Councils showed that the attention of Ministers was fixed upon the portentous aspect of things, and indicated a difference of opinion among them. Six weeks this went on, the prices of wheat rising at every market-day, and alarming accounts arriving from Ireland. Lord Ashley, Mr. Escott, and Captain Rous, three

leading Conservative members, now declared that they would be no longer parties to the maintenance of the bread-tax. In the last week in November appeared simultaneously, though without concert, a letter from Lord John Russell to his constituents, expressing his conviction that the time was come for total and immediate repeal, and a subscription from Lord Morpeth to the funds of the League. It then came out, that Sir Robert Peel, unable to induce some of his colleagues to consent to a suspension of the corn-duties, had resolved on resignation. He went with that intent to the Queen, who was then residing at the Isle of Wight; and Lord John Russell was sent for in haste from Edinburgh. He failed to form a cabinet by the refusal of the new Earl Grey to sit with Lord Palmerston; and Sir Robert was consequently recalled. In a few days the "Times" announced that Ministers were prepared to propose the entire repeal of the corn-laws. Incredulity and indignation seized upon the agriculturists—the Leaguers rejoiced, but did not abate their labours. "Let there be no throwing up of caps," said Mr. Cobden, "till the victory is secure." A bazaar held in Covent-garden Theatre in the previous May, had yielded £25,000 to the funds of the League; and the Council had just asked for the enormous sum of £250,000. Lord Stanley (now elevated to the peerage) and Sir E. Knatchbull left the Ministry; and Mr. Gladstone succeeded to the Colonial Secretaryship. The aged Lord Wharncliffe died at this critical moment, and the consequent removal of his son, Mr. S. Wortley, from the Commons, opened a vacancy in the representation of the West Riding; to which Lord Morpeth was reelected without opposition. About the time of the re-opening of Parliament, two remarkable meetings were held by the peasants of Wiltshire, on the road-side, and by candle-light, to talk over their sufferings, and petition for cheap bread. The premier constituency of Great Britain and this knot of wretched men and women, were uniting in the same demand.

Never was royal speech more eagerly expected, or heartily hailed, than that in which Queen Victoria, on the 19th of January, explicitly commended free-trade principles to the consideration of Parliament. In a few days, Sir Robert Peel had expounded his last budget—the abolition or reduction of duties upon several articles of food; the removal of the last remnant of protection from silk, wool, and cotton manufactures, and of some special burdens on agriculture; and the extinction of the corn-laws within three years. The agricultural representatives at once organized themselves into a party "the great country party "—with Lord George Bentinck for leader, and Mr. Disraeli for rhetorician. The former was a member of the Portland family, founded by a Dutch retainer of William the Third; was in his youth private secretary to Canning, who had married a sister of the Duchess of Portland; had for eighteen years represented the family borough of King's Lynn, voting with the Whigs till the Stanley