sition too prone to rapacity and avarice, had re- BOOK II ceived repeated marks of the royal bounty-such 1695. as in the opinion of the nation at large were at least adequate to his services. This nobleman, to whom the king, indifferent himself to pecuniary concerns, knew not how to refuse any thing, had lately solicited and obtained from the crown a grant, to him and his heirs for ever, of the lordships of Denbigh, Bromfield, and Yale, in the county of Denbigh. This was no sooner made known to the gentlemen of Wales residing in that vicinity, than they determined in the spirit of ancient Britons to resist it to the utmost of their power and while the warrant was yet pending in the public offices, they petitioned the lords of the treasury for a hearing. This being complied with, sir William Williams, in the name of the rest, represented to the board, "that these lordships were part of the ancient demesnes of the prince of Wales; and always considered by the Welsh nation as inalienable-that in the statute for granting of fee-farm rents, there was a particular exception of the Welsh rents-and it was added that the salaries of the Welsh were payable out of the revenues in question." Lord Godolphin having asked whether the earl of Leicester had not those lordships in grant to him in queen Elizabeth's time; sir Robert Cotton answered, "that the earl of Leicester had a grant from the queen of the lordship of Denbigh only-that this 1695. BOOK III. was so much resented as to occasion an insurrection in the principality, for the part they took in which several of his family had capitally suffered; but that the earl had been compelled in the end to relinquish his grant." Lord Godolphin, after giving the petitioners a patient and candid hearing, declared "that they had offered weighty reasons for their opposition, and that he would not fail to represent them to his majesty.” The affair after this was suffered to lie several months dormant: but the grant not being formally revoked, the Denbighshire gentlemen resolved to petition parliament against it; and Mr. Price, himself a member of the house of commons, introduced the petition with a bold and energetic speech, of which a very curious and ample report yet remains. This gentleman, amongst a great variety of observations equally just and forcible, said, "that he would gladly be informed from those who were better versed in prerogative learning than himself, whether his majesty can, by the bill of rights, without the consent of parliament, alienate or give away the inheritance or absolute fee of the crown lands. If he can, I would likewise know," said he, "to what purpose was the crown settled for life, with a remainder in succession, if the tenant for life can give away that revenue which is incident to the crown?-Can the king have a larger power of disposal over the revenue than over the crown to which it belongs?-Far be it from me to speak BOOK III. in derogation of his majesty's honor-it cannot 1695. be expected that HE should know our laws who is a stranger to us, and we to him--but it was the province and duty of ministers to have acquainted the king of his power and interest-that the ancient revenue of the crown is sacred and unalienable in time of war and the people's necessities. By the old law, it is part of the coronation oath of the kings of England, not to alien the ancient patrimony of the crown without consent of parliament. But as to those oaths of office, most kings have court casuists enough about their persons to inform them that they have a prerogative to dispense with those oaths, especially when their interest, as it generally happens, goes along with their counsel. It has been the peculiar care of parliaments in all ages to keep an even balance between king and people; and therefore, when the crown was too liberal in its bounties, the parliament usually resumed those grants. Kings have their failings as well as other men being clothed with frail nature, and apt to yield to the importunities of their favorites and flatterers: therefore it becomes necessary that the great council of the nation should interpose for the interest of king and people.-And whenever our princes entertained foreigners as their counsel or chief advisers, the people of England BOOK III were restless and uneasy until they were removed 1695. out of the king's council; NAY, out of the king dom. We see most places of power and profit given to foreigners. We see the revenues of the crown daily given away to one or other, who make sale of them, and transmit their estates elsewhere. If these strangers find themselves involved in an opposition of interests, to whose interests are they most likely to adhere? I would have us to consider that we are Englishmen, and must, like good patriots, stand by our country, and not suffer it to become tributary to others— if we submit to see our properties given away, our liberties will soon follow." Thrown into a flame by this speech, the house instantly agreed upon an address to the king, framed in very decisive terms, to recall his grant to the earl of Portland; which the king, not with a very good grace, engaged to do. He declared, "that he had a kindness for the earl of Portland which he had deserved by his long and faithful services-that he should not have given him those lands, if he had imagined the house of commons could have been concerned-he would therefore recall the grant, and find some other way of shewing his favor to him." This was accordingly done; and in the month of May succeeding, a fresh grant was made to the earl of the manors of Grantham, Dracklow, Pevensey, East Greenwich, &c. &c. in the several counties of Lincoln, Chester, Sus- BOOK III. sex, and Kent, together with the honor of Pen1695. rith in the county of Cumberland. Of these extravagant donations the parliament did not think proper to take farther cognizance; but the best friends of the king lamented that he should expose himself to such unnecessary obloquy, for the sake of gratifying the insatiable claims of a haughty and rapacious favorite. strance 'Scottish In The discontent of the commons more conspi- Remon cuously appeared in an affair of a nature much against the more important and national. The recent esta- dia Comblishment of the Scottish commercial company, pany. with such extensive privileges and exemptions, excited in England both envy and apprehension. At a conference of the two houses, an address to the throne was agreed upon, which had the air rather of a remonstrance than a petition, representing that by reason of the great advantages granted to the Scots East India Company, and the duties and difficulties to which that trade was subject in England, a great part of the stock and shipping of this nation would be carried thither. By this means Scotland might be 'made a free port for all East India commodities -and consequently those several places in Europe which were supplied from England would be furnished from Scotland much cheaper than could be done by the English.-And further, |