the South, but to the mighty West, throughout whose empire of material resources they are to be no inconsiderable power in its progress and character.

The influence of the State in the national councils, the work done by her Congress-men there, and the action of the local government at home, will appear more fully in the sketches of her leading statesmen when the Rebellion broke, like the storm upon the fisherman's bark of Galilee, on the Ship of State. No ship can go down with Him on board who guided the "Mayflower" over the wintry deep; but it was well that we had skilful and faithful men to man our richly-freighted vessel when the tempest came, an assurance that a kind Providence will continue to conduct it through the turbulent waters yet around it, onward in its course of glory and blessing.

CHAPTER II.

MASSACHUSETTS STATESMEN IN THE REBELLION.

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Influence of the Leading Minds of the State upon the Nation.- Gov. John A. Andrew. His Birthplace. - Enters College. Graduates, and studies Law in Boston. - His Antislavery Position. In the Legislature. - Governor of the State during the Civil War. - His Earnest and Active Loyalty. - Tributes to his Character.

A

MONG the inscriptions in Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia, not far from that of "The Nation's Birthplace," and between two quaint, very high-backed chairs, each bearing the words, "Continental Congress, 1774," shine the golden letters which make this record of the past:

"Within these walls Henry, Hancock, and Adams Inspired the

Delegates of the Colonies

With nerve and sinew for the

Toils of war,

Resulting in our National Independence."

Side by

Hancock and Adams were Massachusetts statesmen; and their names suggest again, by their association with the Virginia orator, the relation of the States to each other then and now. side in the glorious pre-eminence of eloquent and influential statesmanship stood the Bay State and the Old Dominion in the Revolutionary War. In the civil conflict, the one was still first in active loyalty, and its expression in the character, and power to guide the people, of her political leaders; while the other was both the first and the last great battle-field of Treason.

We have already glanced at the history of Massachusetts from the voyage of the "Mayflower" (and even before that vessel set sail) to the establishment of the Republic; and this is not the place to dwell upon the illustrious names that link the early years of the nation's existence with those of attempted suicide by a portion of her vast empire. We must be content with brief sketches of the most conspicuous actors in the suppression of the terrible revolt; and we begin fittingly this roll of honor with

his Excellency JOHN ALBION ANDREW, the twenty-first governo of Massachusetts since 1780.

He was born in Windham, Me., May 31, 1818. His boyhood was free from vices, and of a cheerful, sprightly, and studious character. Graduating at Bowdoin College, Brunswick, in 1837, he removed to Boston, and entered upon the study of law.

In 1840, he was admitted to the bar.

Thoroughly antislavery, he met every step of its aggressions with his protest, wherever his voice could speak for freedom.

In 1850, the passage of the Fugitive-slave Law called forth his warmest opposition to the enactment, and its enforcement in Massachusetts. He felt then, what few will deny now, that the measure was an intended test of slave-power, and an insult to the Commonwealth.

In 1858 he was elected to the Legislature, where his course was entirely consistent in the advocacy of human rights.

He was a delegate, in 1860, to the Republican Convention which nominated Abraham Lincoln for the Presidency, and voted for him.

The same year, he was elected Governor of Massachusetts by the largest popular vote ever cast for a candidate for that office. He foresaw, in the agitation at the South which followed the election of Mr. Lincoln, the beginning of a fearful conflict, and began to prepare for it. The militia of the State was summoned to the armories and the drill, and nothing omitted necessary to place it on a footing of efficiency. The unequalled foresight and prompt action displayed by the Governor will necessarily further appear in the annals of "Massachusetts in the Field."

Gov. Andrew was re-elected in 1861 with but feeble opposition, and successively in 1862, '63, and '64; and then declined to be again a candidate. His term of office expiring in January, 1866, he could rest from the herculean labor of carrying the State through the four years of war. He had given himself with untiring assiduity to the work of making the Commonwealth ever ready, as she was always willing, to stand in the front rank of the States, in cheerful sacrifice of all things, if required, to crush treason, and save the Republic by rescuing it from the grasp of a domineering tyranny, whose boast was that it took the fresh-moulded image of God from his hand, and stamped upon it, in the hour of its birth, "Goods and chattels personal."

In the conference of loyal governors at Altoona, Penn., September, 1862, he was conspicuous in hopeful, ardent patriotism, and

prepared the address to the President, urging the issue of a call for three hundred thousand new troops to the field.

His messages and addresses on special occasions, such as on the departure or return of regiments, the presentation of flags, and on other public occasions, are models of their kind; and many of them, or extracts from them, will be given in appropriate places as we advance in the volume.

His message of January, 1861, reads now like a prophetic oracle. Touching briefly, yet with marvellous comprehensiveness and clearness, upon the disturbing elements abroad in the land, he vindicates the previous history of Massachusetts, and exonerates her from every charge of being in any way responsible for the unhappy dissensions. He shows her constant loyalty, especially through the years from 1850 to 1860, and her readiness to defend at any cost the national life. "Her people will forever stand by their country." Gov. Andrew then presents in a masterly manner the position held by the old Bay State toward the country by referring to the threatening condition of affairs, and with the following comprehensive question: "Shall a re-actionary spirit, unfriendly to liberty, be permitted to subvert democratic republican government organized under constitutional forms?" The whole tone of this portion of the message showed that he foresaw in a great measure the magnitude of the coming contest, and would prepare the people for it. But we then thought there was more of rhetoric than of fact in his weighty sentences. Time passed on, and we learned to be grateful for his foresight.

Gov. Andrew's keen appreciation of State and National affairs, and his promptness of action, are admirably shown in his message at the special session in May, 1861. It opens with the laconic words, "The occasion demands action, and it shall not be delayed by speech;" and then he points out what is to be done, and how it is to be done, in the tersest language.

Want of space will not allow us to enter into detail; but the reader is commended to all the messages of Gov. Andrew during the war. As State papers, they possess rare excellence, practical to the highest degree, comprehensive in their scope, far-reaching in their grasp, yet adorned with a rhetorical beauty and a fervid eloquence that were magnetic in their effect upon the people. He never allowed the sparkle of enthusiasm to subside; and, through all the long years of the war, he, and through him the State, was the embodiment of true patriotism and high military zeal.

Of course, in the war messages, there is much that was for immediate and temporary effect. Sudden emergencies were tc be provided for, and the people were to be stirred in their emotional nature. Gov. Andrew's Valedictory Address, January, 1866, is of a different character. Closely argumentative, severely logical, with no superfluous words, it will stand as one of the ablest papers on reconstruction ever placed before the people; and, by its strong contrast with previous documents, it shows in a striking light the versatile powers of the distinguished author.

A few extracts from different State papers will indicate the tone of the whole. From his message to the Senate, January, 1862, we quote: :

Military education, both in the militia and in connection with the earlier training of the seminaries of learning, and the establishment of a school within the State taught by professors of military science, are all subjects deeply engaging the minds of the people.

It is to be hoped that Congress at its present session will adopt some comprehensive national plan of militia organization, requiring all men within certain ages to make it a point of honor and duty to instruct, strengthen, and recreate themselves by that reasonable training desirable to prepare the citizen to shoulder the musket at any crisis of public danger or disaster.

I venture to recommend that our own militia should be brought to the highest perfection possible by legislative encouragement. Can it be regarded as due to the momentous possibilities of the future, or just to the people, that less than twenty-five thousand men, fitted and furnished to be mobilized in a week, should constitute an active militia? . . .

That this war,

The ultimate extinction of human slavery is inevitable. which is the revolt of slavery (checkmated by an election, and permanently subordinated by the census) not merely against the Union and the Constitution, but against popular government and democratic institutions, will deal it a mortal blow, is not less inevitable.

I may not argue the proposition; but it is true. And while the principles and opinions adopted in my earliest manhood, growing with every year in strength and intelligence of conviction, point always to the policy of justice, the expediency of humanity, and the necessity of duty, to which the relations of our Government and people to the whole subject of slavery form no exception, so that I have always believed that every constitutional power belonging to the Government, and every just influence of the people, ought to be used to limit and terminate this enormous wrong, which curses not only the bondman and his master, but blasts the very soil they stand upon, I yet mean, as I have done since the beginning of the "secession," I mean to continue to school myself to silence. I cannot suspect that my opinions, in view of the past, can be misconceived by any to whom they may be of the slightest consequence or curiosity. Nor do I believe that the faith of Massa