taneous voice of the people, and continued by re-elections (these most momentous years since those of the Revolution) is enough for the patriotic ambition of any man. To have been such a governor, that the reader of the country's history inevitably turns to Massachusetts, and, turning to Massachusetts, inevitably sees foremost the name of its chief magistrate, ennobles a man in history. In such a term of service, there is a manifest completeness. It began when the clouds were lowering: it ends with the skies clear. The work accomplished was one work: it covers a great period in history.

Sir, if I venture to address you directly, it is because I know peculiarly your care for Massachusetts soldiers. The camp where I first learned any thing of soldiery, in the dark spring of 1861, bore the name of Camp Andrew; and, with some of the men who left that a solitude, I heard you welcome the flags home again. By your wise forethought, men were reequipped for the midnight summons to the defence of the capital. When you asked that the bodies of her martyrs should be "tenderly" cared for, you touched the heart of Massachusetts. In all the struggle, the soldiers you sent into the field were equipped, I know, as none others were. Their wives and children were sheltered as none others. Their officers were selected with a care unequalled. In times of disaster, I saw the men and the helps which you sent. I met your agents in remote cities, faithful to our men. I saw the messengers you sent into the field itself to lighten their hardships. You were never weary in advancing their interests, and redressing their grievances. Year by year I read your words, stirring the soul like a blast from a Puritan trumpet, to our men, as we observed, in Virginia or Tennessee, the fast and festival days of our home. You welcomed back the soldiers; you received with honor the flags, and promised that they should be faithfully guarded; you remembered the dead.

Sir, the Massachusetts soldiers owe you a debt of thanks. Let me, as one who has shared with them in the way of his duty, pledge you, not only for the love you bore to them, but for the love you bore to that country which they love, their perpetual gratitude.

You commit a prosperous commonwealth to the eminent citizen who succeeds you; to the new Lieutenant-Governor, whose patriotic history has identified him with the people's interests; to a council whose names are a guaranty of wise advice; to a legislature whose membership promises broad statesmanship and wise legislation. If these officials and this legislature ever need any new inspirations of patriotism, let them, as they daily enter the Capitol, pause before the flags. Let them read the names of battles lost and won inscribed thereon. Let them read the story of hard-fought fields, more eloquently written in the torn, scarred, and pierced remnants of the banners which once went out in their bright, fresh beauty. Let them remember the heroic dead and the maimed living. In any doubt, let them go to the silent flags, and as from an oracle drink in their inspiration, and in that inspiration learn to respect the rights, maintain the honor, and trust with confidence the principles, of a people who have heard the voice of God speaking out of the midst of fire, and live.

A personal friend of Gov. Andrew, formerly a member of his staff, contributes a sketch, which, while it is strongly marked by the fervor of admiration, is yet just and appreciative. It is as follows:

A complete sketch of the late Governor would comprise a substantial history of Massachusetts in the Great Rebellion. The faintest likeness is difficult to obtain, for the same reason that it is impossible to condense sufficiently the vast mass of material. Glancing back to the early days of February, 1861, when, amid the flouts and jeers of the incredulous mass, he began vigorous preparations for the war his clear vision saw impending, and hurrying at utmost speed down to the day when the flags were redelivered to him upon the steps of the State House in December last, scarce a glimpse could be afforded, within moderate limits, of each of the many great departments of activity and labor which this remarkable man's assiduous energy illustrated during his official term. The military duties alone were overwhelming, nor had he the previous training to fit the emergency most easily yet not only were they most faithfully and ably discharged, but time was spared for the preparation of addresses on agriculture, redolent of the soil, and delightful to the soul of the farmer; disquisitions on medical matters, which opposed themselves to the learning of the profession; arguments of profound research and sound logic upon disputed questions of constitutional law; besides the less studied but yet carefully considered utterances, some of considerable length and of very frequent occurrence, by which he so effectively and unceasingly preached at all seasons the great gospel of New-England ideas, and held up the heart, and inspired anew the soul, of the people of this Commonwealth during the dark days of our national tribulation. And no one who was so fortunate as to have listened to him at some of these wayside preachings will now underrate their value. Let any doubter have seen that vast multitude on the memorable Sunday, during the war, at the camp-meeting at Martha's Vineyard, when he arose, upon request, to address the people; let him have watched how their faces glowed as he went on; how his burning words of patriotic ardor fired their hearts, and actually swayed their bodies to and fro, as the blast of his earnest eloquence swept over them, - and the sceptic would have been convinced that it is hard to exaggerate the influence of those winged words, which, like the seeds of some of our native plants, were cast daily to the winds, to find lodgement in some Yankee heart. And here lay one secret of his power, a most warm, poetical, and sympathetic soul, which was continually aglow with beneficent and kindly thoughts, and gleaming with the loftiest patriotism. His speech was earnest, and, in his mo ments of special exaltation, carried an audience away with him by his magnetic sympathy more completely than any man I ever heard. But few regiments marched from the State that he did not inspire their parting moments with the teachings of purest loyalty, and devotion to their duty and their flag. Nor was his unquenchable vigor to be satisfied with such voluntary addition to

the already intolerable load of daily official labor. Activity the most incessant was a leading characteristic of a man who was overworked if he never left his chair. Wherever his presence was needed, he was there; and the extent of his official travel was to be computed by thousands of miles. Stern in the vindication of what he deemed essential principle, and immovable in defence of his assured convictions, he was the heartiest and kindest of friends, and inclined to indulge solicitation for his time to the very limits of his conscience. Utterly democratic in the fine sense, he never showed, nor probably saw, any essential difference between one man or another, whether black or white. Everybody could see him who wished; and he attended personally to their stories, often at an apparently fatal waste of time. No one ever was so poor or humble or degraded that he might not command this good magistrate to counsel, aid, or right him. But perhaps the trait from which as much of characteristic good may be traced as from any other was the allpervading philanthropy of his mind. This element of character may be traced in all directions. Imbued with the largest ideas of modern social science, he yet tempered them with shrewd common sense. Opposed to capital punishment as a system, he yet executed the laws. He was never weary in visiting prisons, penitentiaries, and poor-houses, to examine and care for the convicts. The down-trodden and oppressed, the poor woman and tender child, no matter how degraded or abandoned, found in him a constant friend. Indeed, it seemed to be in him an actual living recognition of the dignity of manhood, however abraded by hostile circumstance, -a hearty and practical belief in a true and universal brotherhood of man. Pressed by the same principle, his interest and ardor for the cause of good learning and general education never slumbered nor slept. The advance of pure science along the lofty paths of abstract speculation, and the first efforts of the untaught or ignorant, were neither above his view nor beneath his notice. From the primary school to the university, his persistent purpose to aid their labors was felt. By his presence, by his speech, by recommendations to the Legislature, and by never-failing interest in their welfare, he did as much as any man has done to promote the spread of intelligence and knowledge in the Commonwealth. He was thoroughly in grain a New-Eng land man. He believed absolutely in our principles, our methods, training, and ideas. He had a wholesome smack of the soil of the region in his strong and shrewd talk, vivid sense of humor, and his liking, once in a while, for the racy anecdotes and peculiar wit, which, in their best form, are sometimes found scattered freely in New England. As a politician, he was truly brave; never fearing to trust himself to the highest convictions, good sense, and sober second-thought, of the people, even when they seemed determined for a time to lead him from his plan of duty.

Such was John A. Andrew, Governor of Massachusetts during the war of the Rebellion.

CHAPTER III.

SENATORS SUMNER AND WILSON. EDWARD EVERETT.

The Birth and early Education of Charles Sumner. - Studies Law.

An Antislavery Man. - Congressional and Public Life. Henry Wilson's early Life. Sympathy with the Masses. Antislavery Position. His Prominence and Power in Congress.- War Measures. Resolutions on the Rights of the Enfranchised and the Emancipation of the Enslaved. Mr. Everett's Family History. - Preparation for College. - Graduates. - Studies Divinity. - Accepts Professorship. - Residence in Europe. - Political Life and Services. - Patriotism in the Civil War. His Death.

CHARLES SUMNER.

CHAP

HARLES SUMNER is the son of Charles Pinkney Sumner, wy formerly High Sheriff of Suffolk County; and was born in Boston, Jan. 6, 1811.

His preparation for Harvard College was made in the Latin School of that city; and he graduated in 1830, entering the Law School the next year. He contributed to the "American Jurist," and for some time was editor of that magazine. In 1834, he began practice in his profession, and was appointed reporter to the Circuit Court.

During the absence of Professors Greenleaf and Story from the Law Department of Harvard, Mr. Sumner gave lectures to the classes three winters, besides editing works on law.

He sailed for Europe in 1837. While in Paris, at Mr. Cass's request, he wrote a defence of the American claim to the Northeastern Boundary, a discriminating and able effort. Again, in 1843, he lectured in the Law School at Cambridge, and edited three years later an edition of Vesey's Reports, in twenty volumes.

His political life may be said to have commenced in 1845, when he delivered a Fourth-of-July oration before the citizens of Boston, on "The True Grandeur of Nations," which attracted much attention, and led to much controversy. At this time, the relations of our Government and that of Mexico were very threatening in their nature; and Mr. Sumner, with all the ardor of his soul, argued against the ordeal of war. This address made a profound sensation in England; and Richard Cobden, a name dear to every

true American heart, pronounced it to be "the most noble con. tribution made by any modern writer to the cause of peace."

Mr. Sumner's career as the uncompromising champion of free dom, the persistent foe of slavery, dates from the agitation of the question of the annexation of Texas. This he opposed on the ground of slavery; and a speech of his in Faneuil Hall, Nov. 4, 1845, was received with great enthusiasm. His strong and outspoken course relative to what he considered the national sin and curse gradually led to his separation from the Whig party, and in 1848 he earnestly supported Van Buren as the Free-soil candidate for the Presidential chair.

In 1850, Daniel Webster left the United-States Senate for a seat in Mr. Fillmore's Cabinet, and was succeeded by Mr. Sumner, who was elected by a coalition of Free-soilers and Democrats in the Massachusetts Legislature, after an excited and protracted contest. His sentiments at this time may be learned from his letter of acceptance of the senatorial office. After alluding to the interest the election of a senator awakened, and his appreciation of the "duties which eclipsed the honors" of the office, he added,

I accept it as the servant of Massachusetts, mindful of the sentiments solemnly uttered by her successive legislatures; of the genius which inspires her history; of the men, her perpetual pride and ornament, who breathed into her that breath of liberty which early made her an example to her sister States. In such a service, the way, though new to my footsteps, will be illumined by lights which cannot be missed.

I accept it as the servant of the Union, bound to study and maintain with equally patriotic care the interests of all parts of our country; to discountenance every effort to loosen any of those bonds by which our fellowship as States is held in fraternal company; and to oppose all sectionalism, whether it appear in unconstitutional efforts by the North to carry so great a boon as freedom into the slave States, or in unconstitutional efforts by the South, aided by Northern allies, to carry the sectional evil of slavery into the free States; or in whatsoever efforts it may make to extend the sectional domination of slavery over the National Government.

From that time to this, Mr. Sumner has been the head and front of the antislavery sentiment of the country, not by any means, as is sometimes urged, as a visionary enthusiast, borne beyond all practical grounds by devotion to one idea; but his arguments have been based upon high moral and historical truths; and the measures he has advocated, and almost uniformly tri