umphantly carried, have always been found in strict accordance with the Constitution of the United States. His Congressional life opened with his speech in support of his motion for the repeal of the Fugitive-slave Law, Aug. 26, 1852; and since that time his efforts for the abolition of slavery, and for the elevation of the colored race, have been unwearied. This speech, whose theme was the then new one of "freedom national, slavery sectional," was met by that bitter opposition which followed him in the Senate, till the Rebellion purged it of the irritating element of the slave-power. The spirit with which Mr. Sumner entered upon this great speech is well shown in a paragraph from his remarks, on presenting the memorial from the Friends, which gave him the opportunity to present his views: all I bespeak the clear and candid attention of the Senate while I undertake to set forth frankly and fully, and with entire respect for this body, convictions, deeply cherished in my own State, though disregarded here, to which I am bound by every sentiment of the heart, by every fibre of my being, by my devotion to country, by my love of God and man. But upon these I do not now enter. Suffice it for the present to say, that, when I shall undertake that service, I believe I shall utter nothing which, in any just sense, can be called sectional, unless the Constitution is sectional, and unless the sentiments of the fathers were sectional. It is my happiness to believe, and my hope to be able to show, that according to the true spirit of the Constitution, and according to the sentiments of the fathers, FREEDOM, and not slavery, is NATIONAL; while SLAVERY, and not freedom, is SECTIONAL. In duty to the petitioners, and with the hope of promoting their prayer, I move the reference of their petition to the Committee on the Judiciary. But, while liberty and equal rights lay nearest his heart, Mr. Sumner was alive to all the important measures before Congress; and the record of no senator shows a more varied labor than his. Those were times when it required both moral and physical courage to speak and act boldly against the arrogant claims and assumptions of the slave-power. But he never shrank from duty; and, when others quailed and faltered, he always stood firm, with his face to the foe, and armed with a wealth of learning, and a power of utterance, which made him, even single-handed, a fearful antagonist. The history of the Fugitive-slave Bill well illustrates Mr. Sumner's character. From the day, in August, 1852, when he moved its repeal, until the day when it was wiped from the records of the nation, he never lost sight of the end in view. Although never neglecting any important subject which seemed to require his attention, and in the mean time originating, and carrying to a successful issue, measures of vital interest to the nation, he worked persistently on until he saw the bill repealed; his speech being the last one made upon it. He was emphatically the Alpha and Omega of the glorious work, which of itself, for one man, might be esteemed a sufficient honor. It is well to notice in this connection, that in his report on the fugitive-slave acts, submitted in March, 1864, he took the ground, that, in annulling these statutes, Congress simply withdrew an irrational support from slavery. It thus did nothing against slavery, but merely refused to do any thing for it. Mr. Sumner's last speech on the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, which occupied two days in its delivery (May 19 and 20, 1856), was a masterly effort. It was afterwards printed under the title of "The Crime against Kansas," had a wide circulation, and was very influential in moulding and consolidating public sentiment at the North. But, if it was a memorable speech for the cause of freedom, it was none the less so in relation to its distinguished author. Preston S. Brooks, a member of Congress from South Carolina, whose name goes down to posterity covered with infamy, being greatly enraged at some passages in the speech, attacked Mr. Sumner with a cane, as he sat at his desk writing, and in a totally defenceless condition, and beat him upon the head till he fell to the floor insensible. It was four years before he recovered from the injuries and returned to the Senate. He was unable to attend to any public duties; went to Europe twice by advice of physicians, and there submitted to very severe treatment, which ultimately resulted in his complete restoration to health. In the mean time, his term of office had expired; but he was re-elected (January, 1857) by a unanimous vote in the Senate of Massachusetts, and only seven dissenting votes in the House. Nothing daunted by his bitter experiences, but only the more imbued with a sense of the utter corruption of the system of American slavery, his first great effort after resuming his seat in the Senate was the celebrated speech entitled "The Barbarism of Slavery," - one of the most elaborate and carefully fortified speeches ever made in Congress, and which had a truly terrific. effect in that body, and shook the whole country to its centre. The truth had never before been clearly set forth by a fearless tongue; and, although at the time many thought the speech ill advised and too severe, the stern logic of events has shown that the champion of liberty knew his position, and was making ready for a coming storm. He did his duty, and the verdict of all loyal men now sustains him. In an address delivered by him at a festival in Plymouth, Mass., in commemoration of the embarkation of the Pilgrims, is an eloquent passage, which well illustrates his principles of action. He says, All will confess the true grandeur of their example, while, in the vindication of a cherished principle, they stood alone against the madness of men, against the law of their land, against their king. Better be the despised Pilgrim, a fugitive for freedom, than the halting politician, forgetful of principle, "with a Senate at his heels"! Others may Such is the voice of Plymouth Rock as it salutes my ears. not hear it; but to me it comes in tones which I cannot mistake. its words of noble cheer: I catch "New occasions teach new duties: time makes ancient good uncouth. A single remark of Mr. Sumner's will also indicate the moving principles of his life, alas! too rarely to be found among our great men. When the conflict over the Nebraska Bill in 1853-54 was waxing hot, one of its most eminent supporters said to him, “I would not go through all that you do on this nigger question for all the offices and honors of the country." Mr. Sumner replied, "Nor would I for all the offices and honors of the country!" No: he was, and is, actuated by higher motives than the honors and emoluments of office. He labors that justice may be vindicated, as a paragraph from a speech in New-York City (Nov. 27, 1861) eloquently demonstrates. It is this: Amidst all the perils which now surround us, there is one only which I dread. It is the peril which comes from some new surrender to slavery, some fresh recognition of its power, some present dalliance with its intolerable pretensions. Worse than any defeat, or even the flight of an army, would be such abandonment of principle. From all such peril, good Lord, deliver us! And there is one way of safety, clear as sunlight, pleasant as the paths of peace. Over its broad and open gate is written simply, JUSTICE. There is victory in that word. Do justice, and you will be twice blessed; for so you will subdue the rebel master while you elevate the slave. Do justice frankly, generously, nobly, and you will find strength instead of weakness; while all seeming responsibility will disappear in obedi ence to God's everlasting law. Do justice, though the heavens fall; but they will not fall. Every act of justice becomes a new pillar of the universe, or, it may be, a new link of that "Golden, everlasting chain, Whose strong embrace holds heaven and earth and main." Mr. Sumner's great speech at Worcester, Oct. 1, 1861, was one of his most effective efforts; and the principles then advanced and sustained now seem to breathe of inspiration and prophecy. Here he first publicly urged emancipation as a war measure; and let us bear in mind that to utter such sentiments then was a vastly different matter from what it was a few months later. To do it imperilled a man's political position; but then, as always before, and ever since, Mr. Sumner held to his high moral standard, and never allowed questions of expediency to modify his words or his deeds. He is the inflexible foe of all compromises: he decides upon what is purely right, and acts accordingly. A few sentences from his speech at Worcester will indicate its character: It is often said that the war will make an end of slavery. This is proba ble; but it is surer still, that the overthrow of slavery will at once make an end of the war. If I am correct in this statement, which I believe is beyond question, then do reason, justice, and policy all unite in declaring that the war must be brought to bear directly on the grand conspirator and omnipresent enemy. Not to do this is to take upon ourselves in the present contest all the weakness of slavery, while we leave to the rebels its boasted resources of military strength. Not to do this is to squander life and treasure in a vain masquerade of battle, which can have no practical result. Not to do this is blindly to neglect the plainest dictates of economy, humanity, and common sense, and, alas! simply to let slip the dogs of war on a mad chase over the land, never to stop until spent with fatigue or sated with slaughter. Believe me, fellowcitizens, I know all the imagined difficulties and unquestioned responsibilities of this suggestion. But, if you are in earnest, the difficulties will at once disappear, and the responsibilities are such as you will gladly bear. This is not the first time that a knot hard to untie has been cut by the sword; and we all know that danger flees before the brave man. Believe that you can, and you can. The will only is needed. Courage, now, is the highest prudence. It is not necessary even, according to a familiar phrase, to carry the war into Africa: it will be enough if we carry Africa into the war, in any form, any quantity, any way. But there is another agency that may be invoked, which is at the same time under the Constitution, and above the Constitution: I mean martial law. It is under the Constitution, because the war power to which it belongs is positively recognized by the Constitution. It is above the Constitution, because, when set in motion, like necessity, it knows no other law. For the time, it is law and constitution. The civil power, in mass and in detail, is superseded, and all rights are held subordinate to this military magistracy. All other agencies, small and great, executive, legislative, and even judicial, are absorbed in this transcendent triune power, which, for the time, declares its absolute will, while it holds alike the scales of justice and the sword of the executioner. The existence of this power nobody questions. If it has been rarely exercised in our country, and never in an extended manner, the power none the less has a fixed place in our political system. As well strike out the kindred law of self-defence which belongs alike to States and individuals. Martial law is only one form of self-defence. Massachusetts will be false to herself if she fails at this moment. And yet I would not be misunderstood. Feeling most profoundly that there is now an opportunity, such as rarely occurs in human annals, for incalculable good; seeing clearly that there is one spot, like the heel of Achilles, where this great Rebellion may be wounded to death, I calmly deliver the whole question to the judgment of those on whom the responsibility rests, contenting myself with reminding you that there are times when not to act carries with it a greater responsibility than to act. It is enough for us to review the unquestioned powers of the Government, to handle for a moment its mighty weapons which are yet allowed to slumber, without assuming to declare that the hour has come when they shall flash against the sky. But may a good Providence save our Government from that everlasting regret which must ensue if a great opportunity is lost by which all the bleeding wounds of war shall be stanched, by which prosperity shall be again established, and Peace be made immortal in the embrace of Liberty! Saul was cursed for not hewing Agag in pieces when in his hands, and Ahab was cursed for not destroying Benhadad. Let no such curses ever descend upon us. Fellow-citizens, I have spoken frankly; for such has always been my habit. And never was there greater need of frankness. Let patriots understand each other, and they cannot widely differ. All will unite in whatever is required by the sovereign exigencies of self-defence; all will unite in sustaining the Government, and in driving back the rebels. But this cannot be done by any half-way measures or by any lukewarm conduct. Do not hearken to the voice of slavery, no matter what its tones of persuasion. It is the gigantic traitor, not for a moment to be trusted. Believe me, its friendship is more deadly than its enmity. If you are wise, prudent, economical, conservative, practical, you will strike quick and hard; strike, too, where the blow will be most felt; strike at the main-spring of the Rebellion; strike in the name of the Union, which only in this way can be restored; in the name of Peace, which is vain without Union; and in the name of Liberty also, sure to bring both Peace and Union in her glorious train. |