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fence of his seizing on the Boy's Close-stool Pan, and reserving the Contents for his own Profit, because the Lad was so profane to carry it on a Sunday ; by Alderman Atkins, Shit-breeches.

A T. is as good for a Sow as a Pancake; whereby is clearly de. monstrated, that the Rump would have carried on the Business of the Saints, better than any Parliament chose according to the Laws of the Nation; by Tim. Rogers, princeps fanaticorum.

The Saints may fall away finally, proved in Colonel Overton's Delivery of Huli, into the Hands of the Wicked, when he had resolved to keep it till the Coming of the fifth Monarch; with sun. dry other Examples of the Brethren's Apostasy.

No-beard, the true characteristical Mark of a pions Brother, and a real Assertor of the good old Cause; by John Ireton and Robert Titchburn.

The Spirit in the Shape of an Owl, howling upon the Top of the Mountains; by Vavasor Powell.

The Repentance of a Sinner, or Paraphrastical Meditations upon the Rump's Lamentations; by Colonel John Streater.

Sicut erat in principio, As you were, Gentlemen; a serious Exhortation to his Brethren of his Blade, to return to their foriner pitiful Occupation; by John Desborow, Ploughman.

Crispin and Crispianus, an excellent Romance, illustrated and innobled; by Col. John Hewson.

E malis minimum eligendum, Of two Evils the least is to be chosen; and then whether Milk-porse Lawyers, or Cut-throat Tyrants, are the more tolerable; by Eugenius Philopater.

Dapple Groans under the Weight of Sancho Pancha : or, the qunodam miserable Estate of the City-Ass; by John Ireton, then Lord Mayor of London.

De tribus Impostoribus, or, a perfect History of those three notorious Cheats, Rogers, Feak, and Praisegod Barebone.

Animadversions and Corrections of St. Paul's Epistles, and especially of that Sentence, Godliness is great Gain; whereas it should be, Gain is great Godliness.; as is clearly proved by William Kif. fin, Broker of the World.

The Art of Pimping set forth to the Life, for the Benefit and Instruction of all the indigent Brethren; by Michael Oldsworth, Pimp-master General to the late Earl of Peinbroke.

The Defect of a Virtue is worse than the Excess; a Treatise, shewing how much better it is to be hung like a Stallion with Henry Martin, than with the Lord Mounson to want a Bauble.

Diva Pecunia, a brief Discourse, to prove that there neither is, nor can be any other God, which should be adored by the Saints, but the omnipotent Lady, Money; by Marchamond Needham, the Devil's Half-Crown News-Monger.

Fistula in Ano, and the Ulcer of the Rump; wherein is shewn, that there is no better Way to cure such Distempers, than a Burn. ing, or Cauterising; by the Rump-confounding Boys of the City of London. .

Lex Legum: or, a clear Demonstration that there can be no better way for the Security of the Saints, than by quite abolishing the Laws of England, and setting up in their stead the Canons of Beelzebub; by Miles Corbet, Lord Chief Justice of the infernal Commonwealth.

The Saints shall possess the Earth; proving, that it is lawful for the Brethren to stab, cut the throats of, or any Way make an End of the Wicked of this World, if so be there will thereby any Profit accrue to themselves; by the Congregations at St. Paul's, and elsewhere.




London: Printed in the year 1660. Quarto, containing eight pages.

THE government of this nation, for these many years till of

late, bath been mixed, partly monarchical, partly aristocratical, and partly democratical ; in which the power also was fatally divided between king, lords, and commons ; whereby, every state therein having distinct aims, and sometimes contrary ones, the nation was impotent and weak, and wanted that harmony, which is to be found in all the parts of a well-ordered government: Yct, under this form, did England enjoy many good days, and great liberties and privileges, and also met with not a few oppressions. Those good days I cannot but assign (whether truly, or no, I leave to your lordship's sounder judgment) to the democratical part of the government, which was the constant bulwark of Eng. lish liberties, and procured us those excellent laws, which our kings, by their good-wills, otherwise would never have passed, and which yet (such is the blindness of many men) it is thought, in most good companies, we shall never be able to retain, without the restoration of monarchy. On the other side, the exorbitan. cies and oppressions of the late government, the house of commons, in the reigns of the two late kings, imputed to the prerogative and power of the king; which at last seemed so heavy and grievous to the people, that, incited by the famous long parliament, they took up arms against the king, to derest him of the militia, and negative voice, and some other rights he claimed, of which an English king being stripped, could be nothing but an heroick monarch; and, in this sen: e, they fought against monarchy itself. : In this war, the royalists, having lost no small quantity of their best blood, were vanquished, and, with the death of the late king, monarchy itself, for a time, expired. And now this poor nation, not meeting

with the felicity of being put immediately into the form of an equal commonwealth, yet met with the best expedient, being governed by the members of parliament that continued to sit after the king's death; who, through their wisdom, put the nation in such a posa ture, as was a great refreshment to the harrassed country; and, through their victories, more increased our territories, and were more successful in arms, than all the martial princes that reigned in this isle since the conquest; approving themselves to the whole world prudent, active, and courageous statesmen, and such as minded the interest of their country. What good, what benefits, what felicities might we not justly expect from these worthy pa. triots, but this only, namely, a good government? And, if this also is not expected, it is not because their good intentions to the nation are at all questioned, but because they, being too many, are not capable of performing it. But, as they were too many to frame a good government, so also they were, and still are, looked on, by wise men, as too few to make a popular council. Being but a piece of a house of commons, and necessitated to sit so many years, and to lay heavy taxes and burdens on the people, General Cromwell, during his time, turned them out of doors, and then called a select senate; which, being packed 'by him, plaid his game, at last resigning into his hands their power. le, rejecting the title of king, assumed to himself the government, and a greater power, than the English kings formerly had, with the consent of a great part of the people, who, like affrighted children, thought they should be safe, being hid under the gown of this great man. Yet failed he in his design of erecting a durable monarchy, who, probably, was able to have brought to pass any thing else in this nation. With difficulty, whilst he lived, he made a shift to keep himself in the saddle, which his son lost, presently after he was mounted. The government then devolved into the hands of this present parliament, who kept it not long, before they were ejected by their army; but now again, this third time, are they risen from the dead, and restored, through the fidelity and courage of

your excellency, to the exercise of their trust.

Thus hath this poor nation, within these few years, tried all sorts of government, but an equal commonwealth. We have experienced monarchy in the old line, and in the two protectors, a select senate, an oligarchy, the government of an army, What not? And have not as yet met with the ends of a good government. Like a drowning man, this nation hath laid hold of every thing that came in its way; but all things have proved but straws, and helpless twigs, that will not bear it above water.

And now, Sir, can any thing else save us but an equal common. wealth? Which in truth is no more than a free and full parliament, but a free and full parliament more truly elected, and better formed. You having been bred up in the best school of experience, and being acquainted by history with ancient, and, by your travels and employment, with modern patterns of government, out of which your exact judgment will readily gather whatever is excellent; or agreeable to this nation ; I shall not presume to dis. course partic: larly of the framing of a government to your excel. lency, whom God, I hope, hath raised to be the legislator of England. Only give me leave to remember you, that it is thu judgment of the oracle in the politicks, grounded on notable examples, experionce and reason, and approveu by modern writers, that the legislator of a nation must be but one man; who, whatsoever extraordinary actions he attempeth, or whatsoever power he assumeth to himself for the accomplishing of so worthy an end, as the settling of a commonwealth will prove to be, deserves not only excuse, but also honour. Consider, Sir, the present state of affairs, and see if you are able to discern the foot, on which our present commonwealth, so called, now stands, so narrow is it become: Or, if it hath a foot, is it not like that of Nebuchadnezzar's image, part of iron, and part of miry clay, which will not cleave together? It is already fractioned and crumbled into a small handful, which, though so small, is not well knit, but affords daily cause of jealousy; that like thc little church or sect, which, consisting, as Barclay relates, of but three men, came at last to be three se. veral churches: “ Sic de angustà ecclesia, & trium hominum numero definita, tres quoque ecclesiæ natæ sunt;" this party will break, tilļ they have not number enough, to make up a family. And do you think so weak a defence, as this party is, will be able to repel the violent rage of that increased multitude, which, like a mighty sea, threatens to overbear it? But, Sir, either you look on the parliament, not only as willing, but also as able to settle us a good government, or else you would never, I conceive, stand by it, and own it. If you look on the parliament as able to perform it, we have new cause to esteem and love our country, after a more extraordinary manner, that can produce one or two-hundred able and sufficient legislators, when Rome, Sparta, Athens, or Israel, can boast of but one a-piece.

But, my Lord, the opinions of so many men met together must be various, and, like a multitude of physicians, will indanger, if not destroy their languishing patient. Let England, therefore, my Lord, have but one physician, and such an one as they esteem and love; which will facilitate its recovery. Your excellency, being esteemed and loved by your country, crowned with victory, cele. brated for martial skill, for your undaunted courage, your politick conduct, and also having the militia's of the three nations at your back, is that physician that may make us as happy, or as mi. serable as you please.

But alas! whilst the ship, that we are all embarked in, is tossed in a high sea, you, Sir, seem to sleep, notwithstanding the loud noise of all degrees of people, crying out to you,“ Save us, or we perish.” Behold, what a chaos Englaud, your native country, is become; be you to it, as Moses was to Aaron, instead of a God; reduce the jarring elements into their places; set a new and beau. tiful face on your deformed country, and, by bestowing on it an equal commonwealth, make it a paradise, wherein we may pass our days happily, and chearfully, blessing God for so worthy and heroick a person, as you thereby will approve yourself.

England, when an equal commonwealth, will be as wise as Ve nice, as rich as Holland, as virtuous and military as Rome. Believe it, Sir, no legislator hitherto hath had so large territories, to settle a mighty and glorious commonwealth on, as England affords. All manner of materials are made ready for erecting the most beau. tiful structure; there only wants an able workman.

Can you see any obstacle in your way? You yourself have affirmed, that the foundation of monarchy is gone. And what nobility is there to oppose you, but a titular and impotent one? What army hath England, but what is at your command? Multitudes of people, indeed, like children, who must have a baby to play with, and something to glitter in their eyes, cry for a king; but, when they shall once view the glory and splendor, and enjoy the felicity of an equal commonwealth, they will cry out with the ravished a pos. tle at the transfiguration of our blessed Saviour, “ It is good for us to be here, let us build us tabernacles.” At worst, if this kind of government prove so good for the nation, as is promised, these fond people will not, nor indeed can they, make any person more tban a prince in the commonwealth.

What should hinder you then from settling such a government? Or what encou ragements are wanting? Do it, and you make this people glorious and blessed; you will infinitely please them, and thereby attain to the highest step of honour, becoming the founder of a potent state; a legislator, that shall be commended by a learned age, the father of your country, and princeps perpetuus. Et quo sis alacrior ad tutandam remp. sic habeto: Omnibus qui patriam conservaverint, adjuverint, auxerint, certum esse in cælo, ac definitum locum, ubi beati ævo sempiterno fruantur. Cic. de

Som. Scip.




Delivered in by M, R. Secretary to the said Committee,

To prevent false Reports and prejudicate Censures.
London : Printed for Jeremiah Hanzen, 1660. Folio, containing twelve pages.

MAY IT PLEASE your Honours, I AM come here, according to order, to present unto you an

exact account of what money was disbursed by the Committee of Safety, in the short time of their sitting. Truly, I would fain

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