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of the British Parliament at any time, or on any autonomy, or self-independence, was the principle to the great head of the empire at Rome. And it occasion, lo have a homogeneous people. There on which the great Roman empire was reared and was the foundation of that empire in the spirit of is no centralization, no consolidation there. Even || maintained, and not only so, but it was the only toleration that kept it together for hundreds and when the Sepoy went to war, civil war, against principle on which that Government was enabled hundreds of years, and which made the name of the empire of Great Britain, because he was com io sustain itself in its vast aggregation of territory: Cæsar illustrious, not only throughout that whole pelled to bite greased cartridges contrary to his re When Julius Cæsar conquered the Gauls he did land, but sent down that name immortal to all ligion, the empire and authorities of Great Britain not take away from the barbarian people of Gaul posterity as the name for czars and kaisers in the respected the miserable prejudices of the Sepoy, their local institutions, their self-government, the royal houses of kings and emperors. abolished the order, and restored peace through- || government of their chieftains. He left all that to I repeai, then, that if we pay attention to the out all that vast empire.
them. And when Pompey invaded the Asiatic teachings, to these examples of history, we must Mr. KASSON. Will the gentleman allow me cities and subjected them to the Roman empire, see that homogeneity is not a possible condione word? If I understand the direction of his he left to those Asiatic cities the government and tion for a great people. Centralization, consolargument, it relates to the necessity of the aboli control of their own local institutions; and their | idation, are the English words which we stilistition of slavery in order to result in the homo- || self-government in that manner atiached them to tute for the term homogeneity. Centralization geneity of the American people. In connection the empire. To the lonians were reserved their and consolidation is nothing but unlimited deswith his review of European systems, I ask him archons and prytanes; to the Dorians, their ji potism. There is no freedom for the people, no to explain, if he can consistently with his theory, | ephori and cosmi; ay, to all the Grecian cities and self-government, no municipal government, no why it has been found necessary in England, and States, more or less, their local institutions, their household government, no family government France, and Denmark, and Russia, and Holland, 1 magistrates, their self-government, their peculiar under such a system. There is no other governto abolish the institution of slavery in order to institutions. Coining was allowed to some; fis ment worthy of a free people; there is no other establish satisfactorily to them what they con cal regulations to others. Confederations were government which can maintain the rights and sider the homogeneity of their institutions? allowed to exist in Greece long atter the domina prerogatives of the people but one which shall be
Mr. BROOKS. The gentleman cannot yet tion of the Roman empire. There was not only founded on some other principle than that of concomprehend the whole course of my argument, the well-known Amphictyonic, but the Panionian, solidation and centralization. It was not possible but I will answer his question by saying, so far the Baotian, the Achæan. Autonomy, as far as for Rome; it was not possible for Athens; it will as Great Britain is concerned, that, in my judg- | possible, homogeneity seldom, if ever, was the not be possible for the Government at Washingment, slavery was abolished in her distant British Roman rule. The self-government of the sub ton, with all the telescopes which they may mount West India colonies mainly to destroy this | ject States was as much as possible preserved. upon the highest pinnacles in this city, to look country and to rend this Union, and for no other Their local institutions were maintained and in over the vast territory from Passamaquoddy to purpose. [Laughter on the Republican side of || vigorated. And it was by the preservation of their the Rio Grande and Oregon, and to regulate the The House.)
self-government, and of those local institutions, local rights and privileges of the millions and milMr. KASSON. How with France, and Den that the vast empire of Rome was maintained for lions of people that not only exist now, but are mark, and Holland, and Russia ?
so many years, and was perpetuated from age to hereafier to exist throughout this vast territory. Mr. BROOKS. The system of servitude which age, often even under the worst of emperors. Even the Paritans tauglit us better lessons than exists in Russia is not slavery. The people there Mr. BOUTWELL. I would like to ask the consolidation and centralization, though theirsons are not slaves; they are adscripli glebæ-servants gentleman from New York whether he did not have forgotten that lesson. Liberty was cradled belonging to the soil-and that system has been state in this House at the last session that the in in their municipal institutions; and liberty is crachanged, or is being slowly changed gradually, stitution of slavery was dead in this country. dled in the family, in the county, the town, the city, and not by civil war. But those institutions were Mr. BROOKS. I stated in the opening of my and the State, and not in the federal central Governinot abolished in order to make or unmake the remarks that I have nothing to unsay in what I ment. The federal Government is to maintain homogeneity of institutions in Europe, but for said in that speech.
liberty, but it is not its birthplace, its cradle, its other purposes. It would divert me too far, how Mr. BOUTWELL. I would like a distinct | nursing mother. For the cradle of human liberty, ever, from the line of my argument to enter upon answer to the question which I put.
I repeat, is in the household, in the family, in the that point now.
Mr. BROOKS. My speech is on record; and home, in the city, the county, and the State; and But, sir, I was about to say that not only I have not a word to take back of it.
wherever other institutions, the product of centhroughout the vast empire of Great Britain there Mr. BOUTWELL. Will the gentleman allow tralization or consolidation, exist, as in France existed none of this homogeneity of institutions, me a single moment?
or in Russia, there must exist despotism. but that even in the little islands of Great Britain Mr. BROOKS. Certainly.
Mr. L. MYERS. Will the gentleman from and Ireland there was no homogeneity there. Mr. BOUTWELL. If the statement of the New York (Mr. Brooks] permit me to ask him There is the Celt who speaks one tongue across the gentleman at last session be a fact, that the insti i question? Irish Channel; there is the Welshman who looks lution of slavery is dead, I would like to know Mr. BROOKS. Certainly. over across that Channel, and speaking another how any action of the Government can affect the Mr. L. MYERS. I should like to know if at tongue; then there are Englishmen with their vari local institution of slavery in this country. the last session the gentleman did not tell us that ous dialects in Lancashire and Yorkshire and in Mr. BROOKS. Then why should you try to we were taught intolerance by the Puritans other counties; and there are the Gaels in Scotland kill a dead body?
Mr. BROOKS. That may be true. But they who speak a language utterly incomprehensible Mr. STEVENS. But we ought to bury it lest taught us many good things. They had some to the great mass of the English people. Any man it become noxious.
virtues as well as faults. They were right in their who has traveled over that country, as I did Mr. BROOKS. But that is no reason why we local institutions. twenty-five years ago with a pack upon my back, should have a wake over it. The whole country Now I have dwelt thus long upon this subject throughout the whole of Lancashire and York has become intoxicated on this subject of slavery, || in order to approach another topic, and that is to shire and those border counties, can bear testi and in the midst of that intoxication this civil say that if this homogeneity, ibis centralization is mony to this fact, that in a day's or half a day's war is kept up.
persisted in, this war must go on until the subjutravel among the people in that part of the coun I am calling the attention of the House, Mr. gation of the South follows. In my judgmentno try, you pass among men whose institutions not Chairman, to these historical facts because ihey two more fatal errors exist, or have existed, or can only differ far more than the institutions of the are perfectly applicable to our times, and to our exist, than that this is io be a short civil war, or North and the South, but you go among a people day. History but repeats itself. There is but that our hitherto southern countrymen can ever speaking a language not only incomprehensible to little new in the history of man. Man but repeats be subjugated to this empire of centralization and you, but to those who are upon their borders. over what preceding man has done. I was about consolidation. Civil wars are never short when Thus any traveler who passes beyond the Low
when interrupted, that the great Augustus a people are in earnest, as the people of the North lands, perhaps with some Lady of the Lake for Cæsar, whose empire stretched in the west from and the people of the South are now; we, in his guide-book, into the Highlands of Scotland, i the pillars of Hercules to the Tigris and Euphrates earnest for anti-slavery and consolidation; they, will soon find that as he goes norih from Stirling | in the east, from the hundred-guted Thebes in the in earnest, as they say, for the maintenance of castle he goes among a foreign people, with for south to the Ultima Thule of Britain in the north, || self-governmeni. No war like that can be ended eign institutions, speaking tongues far different embracing an empire so vast that Ovid wrote of it, in ninety days, or in a summer's campaign, but is from those of the great majority of the English “ when Jupiter looked out from the portals of to be a war of years and years. Whatever we people. The wise people of England, the wise heaven he saw nothing but what was Roman, may say of the South, the earnestness of that Government of England have never attempted nil nisi Romanum; that great founder of the Roman people, their indomitable and furious character, to have homogeneity of institutions; not only empire over millions of human beings, that wise show that in a war to subjugate them extermithroughout their vast empire, but even in their and wonderful man, never attempted any homo nation must follow. own little islands, they have respected the rights, || geneity of institutions. But, throughout all that All civil wars of like character, and waged with the privileges, the prerogatives of the Welsh, the vast territory, as far as was possible, there was left like spirit, have lasted for years. The PeloponCelts, the Gaels, and the other varieties of men to the people of the empire their autonomy or self nesian war lasted twenty-seven years, and ended throughout all parts of England, and it is only by government, their local institutions. The Par- in the ruin of Greece. The civil wars of Rome this spirit of toleration, this noble spirit of toler thian, the Indian, the Scythian, the Sarmatian, | lasted for years and years. The wars of the houses ation, this worthy conciliatory spirit of the nation the Briton, the Egyptian, each and all had re of York and Lancaster lasted thirty years. The that that vast empire of England has been able to served to them their local institutions, their local war of the German confederation lasted thirty stretch its power beyond its own little domain all religions, their local governments. The gods of years; and for over forty years raged the civil war over the earth, encircling the globe, as has been Egypt and the gods of Gaul, the gods of Athens in Holland and the Netherlands, when an effort well said, by the beat of its drums that greet the and the gods of Asia, were worshiped, if not in was made by the King of Spain, under the Duke rising of the morning sun.
the Capitol of Rome, at least in its close vicin of Alva, lo subjugate the people of Holland and Homogeneity never existed throughout the ity. And Augustus Cæsar himself caused sacri the Netherlands to the Inquisition and taxation of vast Roman empire. It was not attempted by the fice to be offered in the holy temple of the living | Spain. All history shows ihat our civil war is to dictators of Rome; and it never was attempted | God, in Jerusalem. All religions, all policies, be long, if not endless, if it is to be conducted in subsequently by the emperors of Rome. But II more or less, were tolerated, only in subordination the spirit in which it is conducted now. It is not
to be a war, iben, of ninely days, nor of four years, peace in 1783. Let me call the attention of this heard, and the petition was rejected as from an
to the king, however, was carried by a vote in the and we learn to revere the lessons our fathers left In 1774, April 15, Lord North introduced into House of Commons of 176 to 72, and in the House
the House of Cominons a bill to provide for the of Lords of 75 to 32. The subjugation of eight million people! It trial of Boston people who might be charged with Burke then proposed conciliation again, and is an utter impossibility; it cannot be done. violating the laws of England, not in Massachu asked for the calling of a congress by royal auThe outward man may be subjugated. He may selts, not in Boston, but providing for taking them thority to settle the difficulties. His proposition be made to bend, to cringe, to bow, to take the to England and elsewhere to be tried. Loud was was lost by a large majority. It is a proposition oaths of allegiance. With bayonets surrounding the remonstrance from Boston, and from Massa which seems to me at this time, in the omnipohim, you may for a time take from him all oul chusetts generally, and from all parts of this then tence of our power and the abundance of our vicward manliness. But the spirit within him, with colonial country. But Lord Norih was sustained; || tories, ought to come, I will not say from this, but which God has inspired him, can never be subju. the bill was carried in the House of Commons by from the other side of the House--that there may gated by mort: man. The soul is indomitable, a vote of 127 to 44, and in the House of Lords by be consultation with the people of the South to although you may have the outward profession a vote of 49 to 12.
see whether this horrible effusion of human blood of obedience. This subjugation can never be In 1774, April 19, there was introduced a mo cannot be stopped. But the proposition of Burke even apparently perfected only by the constant tion to repeal the lea duty, and Edmund Burke was lost by a large majority, although it was supout ward exiribit of bayonets. But whenever that seconded that resolution. But Burke and those ported by Barré, Fox, and others; and Lord North exhibit is withdrawn insurrection and armed re who agreed with him did not succeed. The people was suid at heart lo favor Burke's proposition. bellion will follow. This nation muy be made a of England were no more willing lo reason then Lord North, however, soon after, as an organ nation of soldiers, but if it be made a nation of than the people of the North or South are will of the king and ministry, introduced a bill prosoldiers altogether, I repeat again that men of our ing to reason now. The proposition was voted bibiting intercourse with the colonies. Martial kith and kin, men of our blood and our soul, dow il-yes 49, noes 182.
law was declared, and the proposition was carried men educated in our institutions, and inspired by In 1774, November 30, in the new Parliament, | by a vote of 112 10 16 in the House of Commons, the education which has been given to us by our the king sent in a speech adverse to the colo- | and 78 to 19 in the House of Lords. And it was ancestors, such men, whether right or wrong, nies-utterly adverse to their right to control about that time that the British ministry resolved can never be subjugated. God never made the their local institutions, their righi of local self not to trust to the people of England, of Scotland, race we are born of to be subjects or slaves. government. There was great debate upon that; || and of Ireland for the restoration of harmony and All Europe-France, England, Russia, allcom but the address was carried in the House of Com peace,
bullo rely upon the Hessians. The Landbined-can never subdue my own native State of mons by a vote of 264 to 73, and in the House of grave of Hesse-Cassel furnished 12,104; the Duke Maine. You may drive the people from the sea Lords by a vote of 63 to 13.
of Brunswick 4,084; the Prince of Hesse 668; and coast, but they will go to the mountains; you In 1775, January 20, in the beginning of the out the Prince of Waldeck 670–17,526 Hessians in may desolate their hills and their valleys, buithe break of our Revolution, Lord Chatham made all. This proposition to employ these Hessiang spirit of the noble people of that gallant State can his great effort in the House of Lords to have was carried in the House of Commons by a vote never, never be subjugated by the whole earth the British troops withdrawn from the city of Bos of 242 to 88. There exists at this time in Hessecombined. Eight millions of like men, for like ton-to stop fighting, for fighting had begun in Cassel a beautiful palace, with beautiful grounds, we are, with the same blood coursing in our veins, the city of Boston, and try consultation and con called Wilhemshoe, and surpasses, in my judg. and spread over territory reaching from the Poto ciliation with the good people of Massachusetts, ment, Versailles, even, built by the purchase. mac to the Rio Grande, vever, never can be sub in order to avoid the effusion of human blood. money of these Hessians-money obtained from jugated by men of the same kith and kin. Not But Lord Chatham if heard was not heeded. thie British treasury; but no Englishman looks at only human courage, but climate, soil, and a ter The proposition was voted down (as a like propo- | it, beautiful as it is, without the blush of shame ritory fortified by swamp and forest and malaria sition has been voted down in this House) by a that the money of England was used to employ all forbid. Every wood in Virginia is a fortress. vote of 68 to 18. On that occasion Lord Chat Hessians to subjugate the colonies. Every swamp in Carolina and Georgia is a ditch. ham said:
In 1778, after Burgoyne's defeat, the people of The vastness of the territory to be subjugated is " Resistance to your act was as necessary as it was just, England, for the first time, began to have some its great defense. Marion and Sumter in the and your declaration of the omnipotence of Parliament, and sense of the magnitude of the war they were unswamps of South Carolina keptal bay for months your imperious doctrine of the necessiiy of submission, will dertaking. the finest intuntry of England under Lord Raw
be found equally incompetent to convince or enslave your Mr. BROOMALL. Let me ask the gentleman
fellow-subjects in America, who feel that tyranny, whether don, and ihe best cavalry in the world under Col ambitioned by an individual part of the Legislature or the
whether those movements to which he is referonel Tarleton.
bodies who compose il, is equally intolerable to British sub ring did not lead to the success of the rebellion I know that these truths are unpalatable; but jects.
in the colonies. it is quite time that they should be preached to
** I trust it is obvious to your lordships that all attempts to impose servitude upon such men, lo establislı despotism
Mr. BROOKS. I will say to the gentleman our countrymen even if they do not like to hear. over such a mighly continental nation, musi be vain, must
that Lord North, the Earl of Temple, and the They are not new. They have all been preached be fatal. We shall be forced ultimately to retract.
Tories of England generally used the very words in the English congue before, and in another great retract while we can, not when we must."
that we have heard so often on the other side of civil war. I speak bulthe words which our noble The proposition of Lord Chatham was sup the House, “ You are helping the rebellion." ancestors upon the other side of the ocean spoke ported by Lords Shelburne, Camden, Rocking. But if these men had been heard and heeded in in the days of the Revolution, when they said ham, and Richmond, but was supported in vain. the beginning of the American Revolution there that three millions of Englishmen in the Aineri The British ministry was deaf to the eloquence of
would have been no war.
If the wisdom of Chat. can colonies of Great Britain could never, never Chatham, and deaf to the reasoning of the sur ham had been confided in the colonies would be subjugated by the armed empire of England. rounding nobility.
not have rebelled, and there would have been no Subjugation they pronounced to be utterly im Lord Chatham then took another step. He separation from Great Britain. It was because possible in 1774-75, as I pronounce it now, proposed, if the colonies would recognize the su the people of England and the ministry would not 1864.
preme Government of England, to in vile from the listen to the admonitions of these wise statesmen But I am asked, "What are we to do? Are colonies a free gift of revenue; but this was re that the empire was broken up, and we became welo submilto rebels and therebellion? Are we to jected by a vote of 61 to 32.
independent States instead of loyal colonies. lie down and let the rebels of the South ride over In 1775, January 29, there appeared before the Alter ihe defeat of Burgoyne there once more us? Are we to give up this great contest, and to British Parliameni, claiming a hearing, the illos arose a great debate in the British Parliament, surrender our holy Union and our sacred institu trious Franklin, the well-known Butler, and the in which Fox and Germaine participated. The tions?” I say, never; no, never! Never, I re distinguished Lee. They asked to be heard at words of Fox were admonitory, and so well worth peal--never are we to surrender the institutions the bar of the House of Commons in behalf of remembering that I will read them. Fox was comihat our fathers bequeathed us, or the unity that the colonies of the United States, but they were paring Germaine to Dr. Sangradothey bestowed upon us.
But we are to resort to not heard. They were refused a hearing because * Bleeding, lie said, has been his only prescription. For ten their lessons and their instructions for the salva the British Parliament would not recognize the years that his has presided over American atiairs, the most vition, the redemption, and the reintegration of this legal existence of any Congress of the United
olent, scalping, tomahawking measures have been taken. Il Union. What the people of the North desire is States.
n people deprived of their ancient rights bave grown tumult
uus, bleed them. If they are attacked with a spirit of inreunion and peace. What the people of the South In 1775, February 2, Lord North moved his
surrection, bleed them. Ii' their tever should have run into desire is peace, not with dishonor, but peace with address to the king against the colonies; Fox
rebellion, bleed them, cries the State physician. More honor. We both desire peace; and why noi, then, moved to amend that by censuring the ministry,
blood ! More blood! Sull more blood !" try to agree upon terms! Negotiation is the pre but he failed by a vote of 304 to 105. The ad This was the remedy of Lord Germaine. I liminary step to reconciliation. This is the lesson dress was carried by a vote in the House of Com will not say it is the only remedy of any member that our fathers have bequeaihed to us. Conven mons of 296 to 106, and in the House of Lords of upon the floor of this House of Congress. tion, consultation--hese are the great prevailing 87 to 27.
In 1778 Lord North, now awakened to the perprinciples of our Government, and the only prin In 1775, March 22, Burke proposed concession, || ils of the empire, proposed a consultation, but it ciples upon which that Government can be main conciliation, and addressed the House on the was then too late. He proposed to repeal every tained and handed down to our children, unless subject. He was heard undoubtedly with far less anti-colonial act of Great Britain from 1703 to we intend to be eternally in arms.
patience than I am heard here to-day. His mo 1778, and he proposed to treat the Congress of Tell me not that I ain premature in these re lion was rejected, 270 to 78. Lord North then the colonies as a body to be consulted. But it marks. They are the words of Burke, and Fox, | exclaimed-and the like of which we often bear was too late. And here I beg gentlemen upon and Chathum, and Camden, and other illustrious on the floor of this House-that Burke was but the other side to recall history, to be admonished Englishmen in the beginning of our Revolution, || helping the rebellion.
by it, for history in this day is but a repetition of in 1772, in 1774, in 1776, and until the treaty of In 1776, Congress petitioned the king to be the past. Holland and France and Spain were
awakening, and Franklin and Laurens and Lee when the cxample of our fathers who assembled system of duties between Rhode Island and New and others were in consultation with the rivals of in convention fails to restore peace, I shall be York and Connecticut, and between Annapolis, the English monarch, and those monarchs were ready to mark out the course that I will pursue, in Maryland, and the eastern coast of Virginia, so prepared to interfere in the contest between Eng- || and I tell the honorable gentleman again that I as to have one commerce, that this Constitution land and these colonies. Our Congress, aware never, never will consent to a severance of this was made. of its strength for the first time, refused to listen Union. I wish to be so understood, not only here, We might have a zollverein, as they have in to Lord Norih. So the storm may be gathering | but everywhere. I wish my voice, if possible, to Germany, for the collection of our duties. All now. Yes, the storm is gathering beyond the Rio be heard South as well as North. Every human those difficulties that exist now between ourselves Grande-a foreboding storm-and the empire of effort that can be made by the arts of peace should and our southern countrymen might be adjusted France established there through Maximilian will be made, and if the Union cannot be restored ex in convention, by peaceable negotiation. But, as soon be stretching its vast arms over the Rio | actly as it was, in the same words and in the same I have shown before by the example of nations Grande and interfering with these States of || letters, I am prepared for some other bargain which that have gone before us, in my judgment they America,
will again be satisfactory to all sections of this never can be adjusted by arms. In the end, as But before anybody has interfered, before Eng- || Union.
the President of the United States said in his inland, or Holland, or Spain, or France has inter Mr. WILSON. I desire to ask whether, in any augural address, we must come to terms by negofered, I beseech my countrymen, in view of these event, under any circumstances, the gentleman is ciation. lessons of history, in the spirit of forbearance in favor of maintaining the Union by war against Mr. KASSON. Will the gentleman from New and conciliation, lo endeavor to end this war, the rebellion.
York, with a view to get his opinion on the subnow, when we are strong, and when no foreign Mr. BROOKS. I repeat that under no circum- || ject, permit me to ask him a question? arm is actually upraised, the more to rend asunder stances will I ever consent to ask for a passport to Mr. BROOKS. Certainly. the Union,
go to Mount Vernon or Monticello or to the tomb Mr. KASSON. It is this. The gentleman from Commissioners were sent to Philadelphia, but of Marshall, or to demand one lo go to Concord New York has run a parallel, instead of a consent in vain. The emissaries of France were in and Lexington and Bunker Hill. Under no cir trast, between this causeless and infamous rebelPhiladelphia, not to heal the breach, but to widen cumstance, if I descend or ascend the Mississippi, lion and that of our fathers against the English it, and in 1783 England was obliged to grant to will I ever consent to have my baggage examined Government for a cause which they avowed with these colonies their independence. I advise no by the officers of a foreign country upon the banks a list of their grievances. He now asserts it as a such grant; I desire the acceptance of no such of that river.
fact that, with a proper proffer of terms on our proposition. Tam indisposed ever to receive such Mr. WILSON. I submit that the gentleman part, the Union can be restored. I ask him to give a proffer of peace as that; but at this day, and at has not answered my question directly. I ask to the House the benefit of his information on that this hour, holding up the lessons of history, I be- || again whether the gentleman is willing, under any point. What evidence has he got that the South geech this honorable House to study these lessons circumstances, to secure to himself the enjoyment will come back into the Union on any terms conof history before it is too late, and secure a peace of the privilege he has mentioned through force sistent with the preservation of the Constitution when it can be done by mingled kindness and con of arms against the rebellion.
and the Union? "The evidence is what I desire. ciliation as well as by force of arms.
Mr. BROOKS. If it be necessary; if the South Mr. BROOKS. What evidence could I have? Mr. WILSON. I desire to ask the gentleman || has no reason; if it will hear nothing of peace; If I should speak to some southern man, or if I a question: suppose the Government of the Uni- || if it will obstruct the Mississippi and the Chesa should write to some southern man, I should, in ted States should adopt the plan he suggests for peake, and is determined to take from us the rights doing so, be violating the laws of the country. restoring peace to the country, and that plan should which we have had from our ancestors, then a I cannot write to any man in the South. 1.canfail, is the gentleman ready then to wage war new case will arise; but until that case arises in not commune with anybody in the South. That against this rebellion until it shall have been the rebellion, I do not propose to mark out the is one of the difficulties of the position. crushed and the authority of the Government course which I will pursue hereafter.
Mr. KASSON. The distinguished gentleman maintained; or would he then acknowledge the Mr. WILSON. I now ask if in any event, in from New York has affirmed the fact that peace independence of the rebel States?
the new case, he would then be willing to wage can be restored on that basis. I wish the eviMr. BROOKS. Never will I consent to ac war against those now in rebellion against the dence of the fact on which the whole argument knowledge their independence. We are one peo authority of the Government.
rests. ple, one country, and have one destiny; it is writ Mr. BROOKS. I do not believe that after any Mr. BROOKS. Suppose we try. At an early ten out by the finger of Omnipotence.
of these efforts for peace there would be any such period of the war a gentleman from the State of Mr. WILSON. With all respect to the gen new case. But, on the contrary, if the war should || Georgia, well known in this House, a gentleman tleman from New York, I desire an answer. be persisted in, I am ready and willing to main who is now vice president of the so-called southwish to know whether, if these means should fail, tain those righis as they have been handed down ern confederacy, made an effort to be heard in the the gentleman would then be willing to wage this to us by our ancestors. I know the astuteness interest of peace, and was refused an audience. war for the suppression of the rebellion. It not, of the gentleman from lowa, and I see the coterie Another effort was made from the Canadian frontwhat means would the gentleman have the Gov of claquers by which he is surrounded in this ier, but the President of the United States did ernment adope? effort to catechise me.
not permit it to come to any conclusion. Under Mr. BROOKS. 'I am coming to that. I was Mr. BOUTWELL. I call the gentleman to the laws of our country, I repeat, it is impossible about to say, when the gentleman interrupted me, order.
for an individual legitimately to obtain informathat God made this for one country. Omnipo Mr. BROOKS. I am afraid the gentleman does tion from the southern country. Hence it is imtence seems to have written out for ii one destiny not give a right interpretation to my words. I possible for me to answer the question of the and one law. It is written out in the rock-ribbed mean nothing objectionable to the gentleman. I gentleman from lowa. All that I can say is—try, Alleghanies, which extend from the Hudson al do not wish to say anything that may be offen try. If we succeed, immortality will rest upon most to the Mississippi; it is written out on the sive. I think I have expressed myself clearly.
our efforts. If we fail, we shall be right as against great father of the waters with its hundred thou What I object to is laying down what I would do the South; and the responsibility will be on southsand miles of navigation. We are made for one in a ceriain contingency; because what may hap ern heads. people, and what God has put together no man pen hereafter I cannot say. I cannot lay down Mr. KASSON. Do I understand the gentlecan put asunder.
a programme for the future; but as explicitly as man from New York to say that any authorized But more, war is not the remedy; it is not the a man can say it, I have said, and repeat, thai. commission to treat for peace on the basis of the Christian, it is not the civilized remedy for this dis under no circumstances will I ever consent to a Union has ever been refused to be received by aster and trouble in which we are involved at the severance of the Union of these Slates.
this Government, either from Canada, Fortress present hour. Our first duty is to try concilia Mr. WILSON. But the gentleman did state Monroe, or elsewhere-any authorized commisuon and kindness; our first duty is to imitate the a case which may occur in the future, and I ask sion to treat for peace on the basis of the Union? proposition of Burke in the British Parliament him again, in the event of that case occurring, is Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, had negotiation. If we offer negotiation, and the South he willing to meet it by force of arms?
a commission which was understood to be for refuse to hear negotiation upon just and equitable Mr. BROOKS. Whenever the South refuses peace, and he was not received. terms, the Southi will be divided and we shall be all prospers of peace whatsoever, I am ready, upon Mr. KASSON. It is denied by the head of uniled. The war will then be there a war at the the reserved rights of this nation, to maintain its that rebel government himself. ballot-box, and in the southern country; not here legitimate constitutional authority by force of Mr. BROOKS. And is affirmed by Mr. Stea war of blood and devastation. Our remedy is
(Several MEMBERS. “Now you've got phens in a speech which he has made in the not the sword, it is not the cartridge-box, until all || it.”] There may be various ways of settling ihe South. other remedies whatsoever have been exhausted. difficulties with ihe South; even the slave ques
Mr. KASSON. I have not seen that speech. Then, as Christians, if we are Christians, or tion may be got over. The honorable gentleman I differ with the gentleman from New York on profess Christianity, our first duty to God, our from Wisconsin may be gratified by refusing the the point of fact. first duty to our institutions, is to assemble in South the right of representation for its slaves on Mr. BROOKS. Mr. Chairman, I am well aware convention and to try reconciliation.
the three-fifths principle. I think the South would that at this period of the history of the country (Here the hammer fell.]
willingly consent to that and to have every negro | it is in vain to make such speeches as I am now Mr. PRICE obtained the floor.
there count one, as at the North. I think there making. I make them, noi for the present moMr. BROOKS. I should like to have a little will be no difficulty about that. I think that the ment, but to sow the seeds of thoughi and of conmore time to conclude my remarks.
subject of the fugitive slave law, which is so of-sideration for the people of this great country. I Mr. GARFIELD. I move that the gentleman fensive to the great mass of the northern peoplo, || make them to be considered and dwelt upon herehave leave to go on.
may be arranged. I see no essential dificulty in after, and I hope that they will lead to reflection The CHAIRMAN. Leave can be granted by that.
throughout the country. I hope the Republican unanimous consent.
The great object in the formation of the Union side of ihe House will cease to cherish that feelNo objection was made.
was commerce and trade. Commerce and trade ing against us on this side of the House in which Mr. BROOKS. Whenever the day and hour formed this Union, not patriotism altogether. It | they have hitherto indulged. We desire Union come when Christianity fails to restore peace, was because of the difficulty of having an equal as inuch as they do; but we do not see, in their
mode and manner of obtaining that Union, any whose company, in the better days of the Repub- ,' which the gentleman from New York now seeks good result possible, and we do not believe that it lic, we both marched together, I would invoke to resurrect-is not the blessed boon to the huis possible. I address my remarks to the House, him to remember the history of that great man. man family that he and others would have us in accordance with my purpose to try and produce Thrice by efforts of conciliation he averted the believe at this day, if he is to be believed in his some community of Teeling, some community of evils of civil war. First upon the Missouri ques declarations made a few years since upon this action, which may, hereafter, be useful to our con tion in 1820; then in 1832, in the Senate, by his same question. I read from his own language. stituents. If I were acting the mere role of an action upon the tariff, in eloquence which stirred Washington, March 8, 1833,” is the date. Opposition member, I should do nothing but the nation's heart, and which had an omnipotent Thisis December 14, 1864. Strange thata little less throw obstacles in the way of the other side of the and controlling influence then over both Houses than thirty-one years should change so greatly a House; but I hold it to be the duty of a man in of Congress, he again stopped the threatened efl'u man's sentiments, change his opinions, change his the Opposition to propose as well as to oppose; sion of human blood. And in the great compro- language, change his very being, if that were posand hence the propositions which I have put out. mise questions of 1850, by his eloquence, his sible. Now, sir, let me tell that gentleman that,
No man on ihai side of the House, I call God power, his wisdom, his social influence, as well although I have never been across the Atlantic, to witness, desires the reunion of these States as by his omnipotence in debate, by the respect although I claim not his knowledge of the lanmore ardently than I desire it. No man would which all portions of this country had for that guages or his polished, silver-tongued oratory, make greater sacrifices than I would make to great and illustrious man, civil war was again there is one truth that outweighs all these that restore to peace and harmony this now bleeding averted from this unhappy land.
is, that principles are eternal. What was right country. But I speak in vain. I am in a mi Oh, that I could approach the White House, in 1833 cannot be wrong to-day. What was right nority on the floor of this House, and will be in and repeat to the Chief Magistrate the lessons of a thousand years ago must be right to-day, and a greater minority hereafter. I can only appeal our illustrious teacher, and invoke him to follow will be if we live a billion of years in the future. to my countrymen, to their good feeling, lo their that illustrious example, and to do himself the im Now, sir, what was righe in 1833 in reference to reason and their sense. To them I appeal as to mortal honor, to be, noi che last President of the that question, the gentleman himself being the Americans having a great history, not now, I United States, but the saviour and restorer of this judge in the case? He is posted upon this ques. trust, to end. I appeal more especially to New divided, distracted, and bleeding Union.
tion. It is not a matter of yesterday with him. England men, for independence, self-action, and Mr. PRICE. Mr. Chairman, I have heard it It is a question to which he has given the attenindividuality upon this floor. I appeal to that said that genius is the crowning diadem on the tion of his life and one upon which he is at this State in which I was born the State of Massa brow of manhood; but if I had ever been induced day eminently qualified to instruct the American chusetis, which sometimes thinks and acts for to believe the declaration, I should have changed people. He says: herself, independent even of party chains. Let my opinion since I became a member of this
“Slavery carries with it its own amictions, its own punher step forth and act now on this great occasion, House. I have listened, sir, as this House has ishments. It is a dead drag to the body-politic.” and immortalize herself, as she has heretofore done, frequently—again and again-to the honor Ay, sir, and I think that some of the gentledone.
able gentleman from New York, [Mr. Brooks,] men's friends on the 8th of last November found Mr. ELIOT. I would ask the gentleman when he has held spell-bound the members of it to be so much of a “dead draz”ihat the party from New York (Mr. Brooks] if it is not true this body upon questions that have agitated this who attempted to drag it found ihemselves dead. that the part of Massachusetts in which he was country from its center to its circumference; and "It is a dead drag to the body-politic. It is impossible born belongs now to the State of Maine?
when I have returned to my home on the western for any community to prosper with it ili its bosom." Mr. BROOKS. I do not think the gentleman || bank of the Mississippi, and my constituents have So I think, so think the majority of the Amershould ask so impertinent a question as ihat. The asked me concerning the members and the doingg
ican people—that it is impossible for them to wit of the remark does not compensate for the of this House, and when they have asked me the prosper with that" dead drag” hung ipon their time of the House occupied by it.
question “Who is the best orator in the lower backs; and therefore they now feel disposed to Mr. ELIOT. It has truth in it, at all events. House of Congress?" I have invariably referred
get rid of it. Mr. BROOKS. I am happy to say that I was them to the gentleman from New York who has
"The affliction bears is heavily upon the master as upon not born in that part of Massachusetis which the just taken his seat. His silvery accents, his smooth the slave.” gentleman represents. These personalities are sentences, his well-informed mind, enlightened not
Yea, verily, does it! It does bear heavily upon wholly uncalled for. only from history, but from his travels in foreign
the master as well as upon the slave, and thousands There was a period in the history of Massa- | lands, qualify him admirably to entertain and to
and tens of thousands ofihe free and loyal men of chusetts when that Slate, great and powerful in instruct an audience of this or any other kind. this land have suffered not only in their rights her control over the Revolution of 1776, forgetting But, sir, I regret to say, and I say it with sin.
but have gone down to their graves because slathe rival claims of her own eminent sons, and cere sorrow, that his ingenuity is equal, if not
very has existed in this country. even forgetful of the good city of Boston, in the || superior, to his genius. Sir, there is not a man
“Ilendangers the peace and happiness of the master.', person of John Adams nominated a slaveholder, upon either side of this House to-day, who has
Does the gentleman wish to endanger the peace George Washington, of Virginia, to be the Com- | listened to the honorable gentleman's speech of an mander-in-Chief of the armies of the United States. hour and a half, his eloquence, his rhetoric, his
and happiness of his friends in the Soutli? If
not, why does he come into this Congress and It is in that spirit that I invoke Massachusetts oratory, but must be satisfied that the entire aim
continue his present course of conduci? men to act now; I implore Massachusetts men to and intent of the whole speech and the desire of the look back to these antecedents of their history and man are that it shall aid the enemies of our coun
* Aud robs the slave of his freedom and his birthright." emulate the glory of that era. And I also appeal try, and as a consequence depress the friends of
So we think. to other New England men upon the floor of this the Administration and of the Government and of “ As to prosperity and the accumulation of property, it House; and to those who come from the far dis the civil and religious institutions with which we
keeps the master in the rear of others in a like situation
exeinpt from this evil, and thus depresses him when it detant shores of the Pacific I thus appeal, because are blessed in this land. Slavery-the very thing presses his servant. It is demonstrable, in my opinion, this Government is now a New England Govern that the honorable gentleman told us in that very that that community of whites, taken as a whole, must be ment, and, in the main, in the hands of New Eng-l place at the last session of Congress was dead happier, more prosperous, and richer, wliere slavery is proland men.
hibited than where it is allowed." slavery is the alpha and the omega of that speech. Throughout the vast regions of the lakes, across That speech, I undertake to say, without fear of Now I wish to say to the gentleman from New the Rocky mountains, the New England element successful contradiction, is intended to strengthen York that we are in favor of prohibiting slavery. governs and controls this country. Tappeal, there the hands of the slaveholders and the hands of the Does he say that is wrong. He says that it fore, to the three New England men from the State rebels; and in just so much as it strengthens their produces unhappiness. It is his own languageof lowa, and to the honorable gentleman, the lead hands it weakens ours, and causes the blood of not dictated to him by me; not dictated to him by ing member from the State of Illinois. I appeal to patriot hearts to flow upon southern soil. No any gentleman on this side of the House, or any the honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. other conclusion can be arrived at.
gentleman upon this floor, for it was written at a STEVENS,] the monitor and the Mentor of this Sir, I like to meet gentlemen with their own time when no man who occupies a seat here now House, who was born among the Green mount arguments What I may say in reference to that was a member of this House. It was his candid ains of Vermont, and who exercises so omnipo- | gentleman or any other gentleman on this floor opinion on the question. tent an influence in controlling the deliberations upon this question would have but a tithe of the It may be replied that the effort to-day, and the of this body; to him I appeal for support of this weight (if it had so much) that would attach to a efforts heretofore, have not been made with the effort to bring peace again to our people. Let us declaration coming from the gentleman's self upon intention of strengthening slavery. Then what together try to do honor to New England men this question. And I want nothing stronger, I have they been made for? Is it only an exhibiand New England history, forgetful of those pro want nothing clearer, I want nothing more con tion of oratory and eloquence? The gentleman vincialisms which have been fostered by this civil clusive than what the gentleman who has just has traveled over the continents of Europe and war, and, if possible, accomplish the restoration taken his seat after his eloquent effort has given Asia and Africa, he has quoted the history of of this Union.
to the American people upon this subject. It is ancient and modern times, and, not content with Oh, that it was within my power to go within fortunate for some men that they write; it is very profane history, he has given us ample quotations the portals of the White House, and to approach unfortunate for others that they write and publish from the Scriptures. I am astonished, utterly asthe Chief Magistrate there; I would do whai, alas! their writings; and I now can understand, if I tonished, and unable to account for it, that after as an impenitent sinner, I do not dare do to my never did before, the force of the sentiment long quoting from the Old Testament and from the New Maker-on bended knees implore him in his now since expressed by an eminent individual, “Oh, | Testament, yet in the same speech, before the almost omnipotent authority to exercise all the that mine adversary had written a book!" My words had scarcely passed from his lips, he tells powers of Christianity, all the lessons, all the arts friend from New York has written, if not a book, you he does not bow the knee to his Saviour. of peace for the restoration of this now divided at least a good many pieces in newspapers, and Well, I say, God save me from the man who and broken Union, and to stop the further effu if they were put together and bound they would quotes Scripture and yet denies its force. It sion of human blood. In the name of that great make a book. But whether a book or not, they are may be right for some men, but I am earnest and patriot whom we once in common revered, whose equally binding, and of equal force on this occa sincere when I make the prayer that I want to be voice has been so often heard in the deliberations
saved from men of that kind. I want to be saved of this Capitol, in the name of Henry Clay, in Slavery--that thing that was “dead," and from them morally, religiously, and politically.
There may be sincerity there, but I lack the ap of the white population must watch under arms while the Mr. PRICE. Yes, and Rome. I would not prehension to see it. other portion sleeps."
forget Rome for a great deal, because there is the But that is not all. There is a great deal which And this was in 1833, when enjoying all the point where the gentleman from New York and the time of the House will not justify me in read blessings of slavery, and when they had the con Gibbon disagree. But I do not intend to reply to ing. But I do not intend that his speech shall go trol of the entire Government.
any of these things; my sole purpose was to place to the world, ingenious as it is, without being « Tell me there is no belief of danger when the military the language used by the gentleman to-day in contradicted. I do not want that it shall be con watches over one's body and one's property.”
juxtaposition with language used by the same tradicted by any gentleman in this House, and That is a part of the gentleman's language upon gentleman on the same subject on a former octhere are many more able to reply to it than I am. the subject of slavery, and yet, in the last session casion. And then I was proceeding to talk about I am not satisfied with that kind of answer; for of Congress, speech after speech made by that what I had heard again, and again, and again, I tell you, Mr. Chairman, and I tell this House gentleman, and characterized by his usual ability and had supposed to be disposed of and laid away to-day, that when the Globe shall go to the world and eloquence, was telegraphed over the wires to on the shelf only ip be resurrected some generawith ihe speech of the gentleman from New York, the southern confederacy. And the wires will tions hence, about our inability to conquer the which is intended to undermine the fair fabric of transmit this speech, but at the same time it will rebels, that we must exterminate them, and that our free institutions by embarrassing the Govern carry the news that but a small portion of the the history of the world proves in the first place ment, it shall carry the poison and the antidote House concurs in his opinion. We are treated that we cannot exterminate them, and in the next in his own language. I want the gentleman from here to-day with the hackneyed phrase that we place that we cannot subdue them without exterNew York answered by the same gentleman from cannot conquer the rebels, that we cannot subdue mination, and then of course we shall have to give New York. I hope the reporters will take par eighi millions; and the gentleman quotes from it up. That is as much as to say to the people of ticular pains to report this part of my speech. Roman history. I must say that cither Gibbon Richmond and to Jeff. Davis that here, in the high
“Who does not see, then, that it is for the interest of the or he must be mistaken in regard to some of the council chamber of the nation where the RepreNorth to have the South a slaveholding people? Cupidity numbers and figures. I presume Gibbon is in sentatives of the whole people are assembled, a and meanness and avarice all point that way. Give the error.
gentleman who is one of the best orators on the South, with the climate, the free labor of the North, and the North, with ler rocks and her ice, must yicid. The
Do we here want to know that we cannot floor, if not the best, stands up and tells this South must become more prosperous. The people must conquer the South? Is that declaration made to House and the country that Jeff'. Davis and his become richer. The country must become better populo strengthen our arms and encourage our hearts? friends cannot be subdued. When you can make lated; for ii is a law of our nature that what we do for ourselves we do with a better heart than what we do for others.
No, sir; I charge it upon the gentleman, and all our people believe that, why, as a matter of course, Northern people, then, have no interest in liberating the
others who dare make that assertion, that it is in we shall have to give the rebels their own terms. slaves of the South."
tended to encourage those who are in arms against And this brings me to another part of the genIs that the reason why the gentleman opposes
the Government; who are endeavoring to tear tleman's speech. He says that when all proffers the liberation of the slaves? I do not say that it
down the best Government ever given to mankind. of peace-mark the words, gentlemen, for they is, but it is the fair inference from what he wrote Outside of this Hall I never heard
seem to cover an immense amount, all proper profin 1833.
Mr. McKINNEY. I rise to a point of order. | fers and all improper ones—when all proffers of Again he says:
It is that the gentleman charges the gentleman peace shall have been extended to the rebels and “I do not agree with many whom I meet with herc, and
from New York with intending to strengthen the rejected by them, then he will-well, he will do who say, judging from what they see, that the negroes are
rebels in arms. It is not in order to make such a something, he does not say what. My colleague an interior race of men, and therefore we have a right to charge.
from lowa (Mr. Wilson) asks him again and make them subservient to us.'"
Mr. PRICE. That I believe he intended it. again would he in that case be in favor of putting I call the attention of the House to that lan
The CHAIRMAN pro tempore, (Mr. Blaine in down this armed rebellion by force of arms, and guage. The gentleman believes the negroes are the chair.) The point of order is well taken, in he dodges the question. Is that in order? He noi an inferior race. If he does not believe them
the judgment of the Chair. It is not in order for dodges it; he has not answered the question. interior he must believe they are at least equal one gentleman to characterize the remarks of an When “all proffers” are made! What are we to us. other gentleman in that way.
to understand by that? Are we to go to the South "I deny the premises, or, granting them, deny the infer Mr. PRICE. Mr. Chairman
with hat in hand and say “You have been our masence. I can find negroes, very many, even here, who are
Mr. McKINNEY. Tinsist that the gentleman active and bright, and who, it educated, would make a ligure
ters, lo! these many years, and this is the first time in the world;'?
shall not go on until the House gives its consent. in the history of the Government when you have Ay, “ make a figure in the world." And are the
Mr. BRANDEGEE. I move that the gentle tried to coerce us and we did not yield; you are chains to be riveted and the shackles fastened upon man have leave to proceed in order.
now trying to break up the Government; we ask those men who, if free and possessed of the ad
The motion was agreed to.
you now to resume your mastery on your own
Mr. PRICE. I believe this is the first time in terms; 'what will you have us do?!" Is that worlu?
my life and I am fifty years old—that I was ever what we are to do? There never was a time in (s who are better gifted, and better instructed also, than called to order.
the history of the Government when the slave some of the whites on the sand bills or the pine barrens.” Mr. McKINNEY. The gentleman has been States demanded anything of the free States that Why, it seems to me that the vision of some left to run free too long.
was not yielded until 1861 when they saw proper departed old abolitionist appeared to the gentle
Mr. PRICE. I will say, for the information of to fire upon the old flag of the Union, the ensign man from New York when he wrote these lines.
members of the House who are not acquainted of our nationality, and when that infamous scounIt would seem as if he had imbibed the spirit of
with me, that it is not my intention to be out of drel Pickens-is that in order?-boasted that Phillips, or some other abolitionist, when he
order, and I say, also, positively and emphatic South Carolina was the first State in the Union penned these lines to a friend in New York:
aily, that it is my intention not to shirk the truth, that had trailed the stars and stripes in the dust. “ But the great mase of the whole black race are deplorably
and if I cannot inlk the truth here, I will not talk Who would be the apologist or advocate of men ignorant, deplorably incapable. Some of the freed negroes
alt all; but I shall speak inside the line of order like that? The man who would do it I think are the inost stupid animated matter I ever met with. The if I know how.
would be aiding and abetting treason. I presunie well-trained dog has more intelligence than they have. I was saying-and this must be in order-that that is in order. Others about house, 11:0 come in daily contact with their outside of this Hall I never heard
I have heard the gentleman from New York, masters and their families, are bright, more or less, com paratively speaking; ms showing that it is ignorance,
Mr. CHANLER. I want to ask the gentle. not only to-day, but in the last session of this want of education or a-sociation with educated men that man a question in this connection.
Congress in his place here, talk about the statesbrutities them; and I have observed very orien that where Mr. PRICE. I cannot yield.
men of England, and the enviable position that there is the greatest mass of ignorance there is the most brutified face. Southern gentlemen sometimes inquire if
Mr. CHANLER, (amid cries of " Order!") they occupied toward the colonies, and say that you would set such a mass of ignorance loose at once, and
Did the gentleman vote for the expulsion of Mr. they had built themselves a monument of fame ungive it freedom. I have never made up any opinion upon LONG, of Ohio?
dying. Does he wish us to understand I would this question, or any other, than this, that it is none of my ME. PRICE. Oh, yes. I will answer that ques like to have an answer to that question that he business, but theirs;
tion, certainly. I did vote for the resolution of ex occupies the same position toward the southern Now the gentleman thinks it is his business;
pulsion, and I am only sorry that it did not suc confederacy, so called, that the English states. that is, his business to keep them in slavery, but ceed.
men that lie has quoted occupied toward the col. not to set them free
I was proceeding to say—and hope this will be onics? Is he the advocate and apologist for the " and that I would not live in a country where such a state in order-that outside of this Hall I have never southern confederacy? If not, I fail to see the of things exanded, and where thcre was so much danger." heard language that I would call rubbing up along force of his argument. And then, as was justly
And while he would not live in a country in so close to creasonable languave as I have heard remarked by another of my colleagues, [Mr. which slavery existed, yet he has quoted from the here. It is rather a difficult matter for a man who Kasson, does he wish to draw a parallel between Old Testament and the New Testament to uphold wants to say just what he thinks, and is afraid of this infamous and uncalled for rebellion and the it; and though I have in the last thirty years ofien getting over the line of order, to so fashion his Revolution of 1776? Why, every school-boy heard Paul's speech on Mars' hill preached from, words and trim his sails as to keep within the len years old knows that there is no parallel at I never before heard such a conclusion drawn from channel. I shall try, however, to do it, and will all. There are contrasts, wide, marked, and unit as has been drawn from it by the gentleman say to gentlemen on the other side of the House mistakable, but no parallel. They made our laws from New York to-lay.
that I have not risen for the purpose of making a for us in England, and sent over our officers. “ Southern gentlemen in general affect to despise the speech. I had not any intention of saying a We had no voice in the matter, and when the burdanger. But if they do, their wives and daughters do not. word upon this subject, but I thought I would let den became too oppressive and intolerable longer Indeed they do not. They dare not speak freely on this subject at a dinner table, when a slave 19 within hearing.
the language of the gentleman from New York to be borne, then, as freemen exercising the right Such conversation is obscure, or in whispers. So far they
spoken in 1833 go on the record with the language of freemen, we contended for an adjustment of are slavey themselves, that in the presence of their slaves he has used to-day on this subject. Three fourths those rights, and a return of what was justly due they must kemp a guard on their conversation. They do not of the speech of the gentleman had reference to These men of the South, whom my friend go to bed at night with the same ease and freedom we do. They call their military to their aid, and keep their slaves
Russia, and France, and England, and Austria, from New York compares with the men of the under martial law. Tie cities of Richmond, Charleston, and parts of Asia.
Revolution, have made the laws of this country and Savannah keep up a military guard. No small portion A MEMBER. And Rome.
for the last fifty or seventy-five years. For three