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by that vote that they will adhere to that provis- During the roll call, ion of the bill. (Laughter.]
Mr. PIKE stated that his colleague, Mr. Rice, Mr. HOLMAN. Will it prevent another com- was unavoidably absent, but that if present he mittee of conference?
would have voted “no. The SPEAKER. It will not. It will prevent The result of the vote having been announced the House itself from asking another committee; as above recorded, but it will leave the Senate free to ask another Mr. STEVENS moved to reconsider the vote committee.
by which the House adhered to its disagreement Mr. PIKE. I move that the House recede. to the amendment of the Senate, and also moved
The SPEAKER. That motion has just been to lay the motion to reconsider on the table. voted down.
The latter motion was agreed to. Mr.LITTLEJOHN. Will not the gentleman
Mr. HOLMAN. I now renew the demand for change his motion to a motion to insist, so that
the regular order of business. the House may ask another committee?
The SPEAKER. The regular order of busiMr. STEVENS. To adhere is the proper mo- ness is the consideration of bill of the House tion.
No. 214. Mr. HOLMAN. I move that the House in
Mr. SCHENCK. I ask my colleague (Mr. sist upon its disagreement,
PENDLETON) if he will allow me to offer, in behalf The SPEAKER. That motion is not in order
of the Military Committee, two or three resolunow, as the previous question has been sus
tions calling for information. tained.
Mr. PENDLETON. If they can be passed Mr, MORRILL. I desire to ask what condi
without objection, I shall not object; otherwise I tion the bill will be in provided the House vote
mustto adhere? Will not the bill be lost unless the
Mr. HOLMAN. Iinsist on the regular order Senate rccede?
of business. The SPEAKER. It will not. A message will be sent to the Senate that the House recede from
CORRECTIONS OF THE JOURNAL. ils disagreement to all the Senale amendments Mr. GRISWOLD. I rise to a privileged quesexcept the fourth, and in reference to that, that
tion. I desire to correct the Journal of the House. they adhere. The Senale can then recede, or ask I find that my name is not recorded against the another committee of conference. The Senate | joint resolution that passed the day before yeshave sent a message to the House stating that terday reducing the duty on paper to three per they further insisted on their disagreement, and cent. I voted asked a second committee of conference, which The Journal was, by unanimous consent, orwas granted by the House. They have not no- dered to be corrected. lified che House that they adhered, for they could Mr. BALDWIN, of Massachusetts. I find mynot, under any rule known to the Chair, adhere
self recorded as voting “no" yesterday, on the and ask a conference of the House; nor has the
motion to lay on the table the resolution concernHouse been informed of any adherence by the || ing the Dictionary of Congress. I voted “ay." I Senale. But after one House ad heres, the other ask that the Journal be corrected. can recede or ask a conference, as by the Manual, The Journal was, by unanimous consent, orpage 125, where four such instances are cited || dered to be corrected. from 3w Hatsell, and even one case where there was a conference after a second or final adherence.
OFFICERS IN SUBSISTENCE DEPARTMENT. But more familiar instances are found in House Mr. SCHENCK, by unanimous consent, from Journal, first session Thirty-Fourth Congress, the Committee on Military Affairs, submitted the page 1600, where the House adhered to their following resolution; which was read, considered, amendment to the Army appropriation bill, Au- and agreed to: gust 28, 1856, but granted a conference asked by
Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to comthe Senate thereon; and in House Journal, first municate to this House at as early a day as practicable a session Thirty-Fifth Congress, page 604, where
list of the officers of the subsistence department, showing the House adhered to their amendment to the
severally their rank and where each of them is employed,
and for how long they have been respectively employed. Senale bill for the admission of Kansas into the Union, and yet, a few days after, on April 14,
MAJOR GENERAL HALLECK. 1853, page 620, agreed to a conference thereon Mr. SCHENCK also, by unanimous consent, asked by the Senate.
and from the same committee, submitted the folMr. PIKE. Upon the motion to adhere I de- || lowing resolution; which was read, considered, mand the yeas and nays.
and agreed to: The yeas and nays were ordered.
Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to inThe question was put; and it was decided in form this House what is the duty or command to which the affirmative-yeas 91, nays 46, not voting 45; Major General H. W. falleck, United States Army, is asas follows:
signed; whether he is drawing double rations; and if so,
under what order such allowance is made, and by whai YEAS-Messrs. James C. Allen, William J. Allen, An. authority of law. cona, Anderson, Ashley, Baily, Blair, Bliss, Blow, Boyd, James S. Browli, William G. Brown, Chanler, Coffroth,
OFFICERS IN QUARTERMASTER'S DEPARTMENT. Cox, Craveus, Dawson, Deming, Denison, Dixon, Driggs,
Mr. SCHENCK also, by unanimous consent,
and from the same commitiee, submitted the fol-
Resolved, That the Secretary of War be instructed to
cominunicate to this House a list of all officers assigned John O'Neill, Orth, Pendleton, Radford, Samuel J. Randall,
under the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth sections of the act William H. Randall, Robinson, Rogers, James S. Rollins,
to provide for the better organization of the quartermaster's • Ross, Schenck, Scott, Shannon, Sinith, Sinithers, Starr,
department, approved July 4, 1864, stating the duty to which Jolin B. Stcele, William G. Steele, Stevelis, Strouse, Stuart,
each of said officers has been assigned, the rank that asSweat, Thayer, Townsend, Van Valkenburgh, Wadsworth,
signment entities him to, and whether selected from the Ward, Webster, Whaley, Wheeler, Chilion A. While,
volunteer service or from the regular Army, and from what Joseph W. White, Williams, and Yeamall
foriner duty taken. NAYS--Messrs. Alley, Allison, Ames, Arnold, John D.
CABINET OFFICERS IN CONGRESS. Baldwin, Baxter, Beamani, Binine, Boutwell, Broomall, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clarke, Cobb, Cole, Garfield, The House then proceeded to the consideration Gooch, Grinnell, Hale, Ilarding, flarrington, Highy, Hol- of the motion to reconsider the vote by which man, Hooper, Asabel W. Hubbard, logersoll, Juliaii, Kasson, Orlando Kellogg, Kerman, McClurg, Melidoe, Samuel
joint resolution of the House, (No. 214,) to proP. Miller, Morrill, Norton, Patterson, Perham, Pike, Price,
'vide that the heads of Executive Departments may Edward H. Rollius, Sloail, Spalding, Thomas, Upson, Elihu occupy seats on the floor of the House of RepreB. Washburne, \Villian B. Washburn, and Wilson-45.
sentatives was recommitted to the select commitNOT VOTING-Messrs. Augustus C. Baldwin, Brandegee, Brooks, Clay, Creswell, Henry Winter Davis, Thomas lee upon that subject, and upon which Mr. PenT. Davis, Dawes, Donnelly, Duniont, English, Finck, DLETON was entitled to the floor. Frank, Ilall, Hulburd, Hutchins, William Johnson, Francis Mr. PENDLETON. I desire to yield the hour W. Kellogg, Knapp, Lazear, Littlejolin, Long, Marcy, Mc
which is accorded to me by the rules in opening Dowell, McKinney, William A. Miller, Amos Myers, Nelson, Odell, Perry, Pomeroy, Pruyn, Alexander H. Rice, this debate to my colleague upon the committee John A. Rice, Scofield, Stiles, Tracy, Voorhees, Wilder, from New York, [Mr. Ganson.) Windom, Winfield, Benjamin Wood, Fernando Wood,
Mr. GANSON. Mr. Speaker, the gentleman Woodbridge, and Worthington—45.
from Ohio (Mr. Pendleton) at the last session, So the House determined to adhere to a dis- on the 6th day of April, introduced into the House agreement to the fourth amendment of the Senate.
a joint resolution providing that the heads of the
Executive Departments might occupy seats on the floor of this House, which resolution was referred to a select committee of seven for consideration and report. That committee reported at the present session in favor of that resolution, recommending its passage with two amendments, and also recommending an amendment to the rules providing the proper machinery for carrying out the proposed project.
The resolution, when it was introduced, did not embrace within its terms the Secretary of State or the Attorney General. The committee, upon consideration, saw no reason why the privilege proposed to be extended to the other heads of the Departments should not also be extended to the Secretary of State and the Attorney General, and why also they should not be subjected to the same duty that it is proposed to impose upon the heads of the other Departments by the second section, to wit, to attend the sessions of the House to answer such questions as may be put to them relative to the business in their respective Departments.
The resolution, as reported, contains two sections. The first provides
That the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Navy, the Secretary of the Interior, the Attorney General, and the Postmasier General, shall be entitled to occupy seats ou the floor of the House of Representatives, with the riglie to participate in debate upon matters relating to the buska ness of their respective Departments, uuder such rules us may be prescribed by the House.
The second section providesThat the said Secretaries, the Attorney General, and the Postmaster General, shall attend the sessions of the House of Representatives, immediately on the opening of the site tings on Mondays and Thursdays of each week, to give inforination in reply to questions which may be propounded to them under the rules of the House,
It will be seen that the resolution by its first section extends a privilege to the heads of the Executive Departments which they do not now enjoy; that is, to occupy, seats on this floor and to participate, to a limited extent, in the debates of the House, that limitation being confined to matters which relate to the business of their respective Departments. The other section imposes on them the duty to attend the sittings of the House on Mondays and Thursdays in each week, to answer such questions as may be propounded to them, in accordance with the rule, relating to the business of their respective Departments.
The first question that naturally presents itself in considering this resolution, is whether there is anything in the Constitution conflicting with it; and the next is whether, if we have the power los pass the resolution, it is expedient to do so. The House will perceive that it is not contemplated to confer any other privileges on, or vest any other rights in, those officers than the right to occupy seats on ihe floor, and to participate to a limited extent in the debates. It confers no other righe of membership on these executive officers. The Congress has exercised, ever since the organization of the Government, the same power which it is proposed to exercise in this instance. Con gress confers on persons who come here claiming to represent Territories, a right to seats. It also extends the privilege of the floor to those who come to contest the seats of sitting members. It gives to Delegates the right of participating in debates, and to contestants the right of speaking lo the question in which they are interested.
On the 20 day of September, 1789, Congress, in the law creating the Treasury Department, provided expressly that it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to make report and give information to either branch of the Legis. lature in person or in writing, as he may be required, respecting all matters referred to him by the Senate or House of Representatives, or which shall appertain to his office. The committee saw no constitutional objection to this proposed measure. Il saw that the measure harmonized with the action of previous Congresses since the formation of the Government. While the Secretary of the Treasury stands bound to appear bere at the call of the House and give information, when interrogated, as to the business relating to lis Department, the committee saw no reason why the same duty should not be imposed on the other heads of Departments. The committee thought also that it was just to those officers, while they were required la attend here at specified times and for specified purposes, that there shouid be
extended to them the privilege of seats on the floor, |ized, irresponsible communications with the mem- Mr. GANSON. These instances occurred in and the right of participating in debate relating to bers of this House or its committees, and to sub- the regular proceedings of the House, it never matters proposed by them.
stilute for that their duty to appear upon the floor being in executive session. I make these remarks In order, Mr. Speaker, that the House may the of the House, in the presence of the Represente || because, as I understand, the gentleman from Verbetter understand what is proposed by the second atives of the people and before the nation, to dis- mont (Mr. MORRILL) has denied that it was the section, I will ask the Clerk to read the amend- close the objects and purposes of the measures practice for these persons to appear upon the ments to the rules which the committee recom- that they may desire to have passed. When this floor. mend.
privilege shall have been conferred upon them and Mr. MORRILL. I merely contended that such The Clerk read, as follows:
this power given to them, it will be unbecoming instances never occurred in the House, but only Amnendments to the Rules, reported by the Select Commiltee. The lieads of the Executive Departments to have in the Senale, with regard to executive commu
Thatthe Clerk of the House of Representatives shall keep these secret, silent, irresponsible interviews—this nications. a notice-book, in which he shall enter, og the request of secret, private solicitation of the measures neces- Mr. GANSON. Two of these instances are any ineruber, any resolution requiring information from any of the Executive Departments, or any question intended to
sary for their Departments. When the doors of from the proceedings of the House of Representbe propounded to any of the Secretaries, or the Postmaster this House are thrown open to them, when they latives, not of the Senate. General, or Attorney General, relating io public afilirs or can come directly into the presence of the Repre- But, Mr. Speaker, I do not see why it is proper to the business pending before the flouse, together with the sentatives of the people and advocate their meas- for the heads of these Executive Departments to name of the member and the day when the same will be
ures, they will have no occasion to use this invis- go upon the floor of the Senate and participate The member giving notice of such resolution or question ible, intangible, irresponsible influence which in its proceedings to this limited extent, and not shall, at the paine time, give notice that the same shall be every one now feels but cannot touch.
proper for them to have an opportunity to do so called up on Monday or Thursday of the succeeding week: Provided, That no such resolution or question shall be
It may be objected that the project does not upon the floor of the House. The only objection called up, except by unanimous consent, within less than
harmonize with the theory of our Government, that I can see to it is that it will enable them to three days after notice shall have been given.
But, sir, why are we here? To represent the exercise this influence to which I have referred. The Clerk shall, on the same day on whiclı notice is en- people, and to provide such legislation as the wel- If any influence is to be exercised over the memtered, transmit to the chief officer of the proper Departinent a copy of the resolution or question, logether with the name
fare of the country and the interests of the people bers of the House it should be open, authorized, of the member proposing the same, and of the day when it
require. In order that this may be well and faith- done in the presence of the Representatives and will come before the House for action.
fully done, it is our duty to procure all the knowl- before the people of the country. And the point On Monday and Thursday of each week, before any other business shall be taken up, except by unanimous consent,
edge in our power to enable us to act intelligently I make is that we are subject to that influence the resolutions and questions shall be taken up in the order
upon these subjects. That knowledge is neces- now, and that it is exercised in a secret, unauin which they have been entered upon the notice-book for sarily, in many instances, lodged exclusively in thorized, private, irresponsible manner. We dethat day.
the Departments over which these executive offi-sire, sir, by this measure to substitute a responThe member offering a resolution may state succinctly cers preside. We have now no mode of reaching sible exercise of this influence for one that is the object and scope of his resolution and the reasons for desiring the information, and the Secretary of the proper
it with certainty and bringing it before us with irresponsible. Department may reply, giving the information or the reasons promptitude. On the 21st day of December last I regard the proposed measure as a decided wliy the same should be withheld, and then, without fur- a resolution was introduced into this House to step toward the people. I regard it as important ther debate, ihe House shall vote on the resolution, unless it shall be withdrawn or postponed.
ask what communications had passed relative to in securing popular rights. I know that the proIn putting any question to the Secretaries, or the Attor
che exchange of prisoners. One month having | jeci has been proposed frequently of electing these ney General, or Postinaster General, no argumentor opinion | expired, on the 21st of January we liave a repo public officers in order that they may be directly is to be offered, nor any fact stated, except so far as may be upon that subject. If this bill should become a responsible to the people for the faithful discharge necessary to explain such question. And in answering such
law, three days' notice will be served upon the of iheir public duties. This is a measure of like question, the Secretary, the Allorney General, or Postmaster General, shall not debate the matter to which the same
head of any Department, and he will be required || character, only not so direct as the one which refers, nor state facts or opinions other than those necessary
to come here and answer the questions pro- would confer upon the people the right to elect 10 explain the answer.
pounded. It will facilitate our business; it will these officers. They have no control over them Mr. GANSON. At present, Mr. Speaker, | aid us in our legislation.
other than to compel them to come in the presence there is no authorized mode of communication Furthermore, (and this I regard as its most im
of members and give reasons for their conduct. between these executive officers and the House portant feature,) this measure will impose upon
I regard it as important, not only as being just in regard to matters of legislation. The object ihese officers a direct responsibility to the people,
to the officer himself, but as furnishing additional of the resolution is to enable Congress to avail in the presence of their Representatives, for the means for detecting faithlessness in the discharge itself of the best possible means of information faithful discharge of their executive duties. In of executive duty. Does any gentleman suppose, in regard to measures of legislation on which it addition to that, it will enable these officers, if if this right had existed in 1860-61, when' privy, may be called to act. The heads of Departments they are improperly charged by any portion of conspiracy was being concocted in this House and have necessarily a more thorough and intimate the public, to come upon the floor of this House in the Departments; that if this right had then exknowledge of what is requisite in legislation, so and make known the truth, so that if they are isted in the Representatives of the people to call far as their Departments are concerned, than right they may be justified, and if they are wrong
the heads of Departments upon this floor to exmembers of the House. They also have the exthey may be condemned.
plain why they were disposing of the public propperience of heads of bureaus, men who have been
I would ask the attention of members of the
erty, why they were removing vessels at such engaged for a long time in their public duties, and | House to some illustrations appended to the re
distance so that they could not be used in time, who are familiar with the details of their respect- Il port in regard to the difficulty in obtaining in
and why they were selling the arms and munitions ive Departments. It is necessary that the knowledge thus acquired shall, in some manner, formation, and of its unreliable character. After
of war of the Government; does anybody doubt be com
that there would have been an earlier disclosure municated to this House for its proper action in reading those, and after recalling to their recollection numerous instances of the same kind that
and defeat of thatconspiracy? I think not. The reference to various measures ofa public character. The President of the United States is expressly bave occurred, they will, I think, be satisfied of
House was then required to go through the forms the merit of this measure in this respect.
of creating committees for the purpose of instiauthorized by the Constitution to require the heads
Mr. Speaker, it was the actice, in the earlier tuting investigations, and the Sergeant-at-Arms of these Departments to give their opinion in and better days of the Republic, for the heads of
had to be sent with subpenas for the persons who writing in regard to any matter relating to their these Departments to come upon the floor of the
were to be examined. All these difficulties had to respective Departments. But this House cannot House to furnish information of facts and to sub
be encountered to reach these concoctors against compel the giving of this information. The necessity for it is so great that it has grown into a
mit to inquiries; and I ask the Clerk to read from the Government of the country. uniform custom for the Executive to transmit with page 6 of the report some circumstances of this
It was my purpose, Mr. Speaker, to do nothing character.
more at this time than to explain to the House his annual message, and at other times, communications from these officers to the House, recom
The Clerk read, as follows:
the provisions of this measure, and to give some
of the leading considerations which induced the mending legislation. The necessity for this com- "* \Vednesday, July 22, 1789.-The Secretary of Foreign committee to report it favorably to the House. I munication is so great that the heads of these Affairs [Mr. Jefferson) attended, agreeably to order, and
leave to my associates on the committee, and the made the necessary explanations.' --Annals of Congress, Departments seek private interviews with the First Congress, vol. 1, p. 51.
other gentlemen who may engage in the debate, members of the House; they attend the sittings “. Suturday, August 22, 1789.--The Senate again entered the duty of discussing in detail the merits of the of the various committees; they have oral and on cxccutive business. The President of the United States
measure. written communication of an unauthorized nature,
came into the Senate Chamber, attended by General Knox,
I hope, sir, that it will pass, believing, as I have necessarily. Now, we propose that, instead of ing statement of facts, with the questions thereto annexed,
said already, that it is a direct step toward the this, they shall have the right to come upon the for their advice and consent.-Annals of Congress, First people and the security of popular rights. If it floor of ihe House, and in the face of the RepreCongress, vol. 1, p. 66.
is adopted it will furnish more direct means of sentatives of the people and before the nation,
“And again, on the Monday following, the President and General Knox were before the Senate.
communication between this House and the Exnot only give the information which they possess * Friday, August 7, 1789. — The following message was
ecutive Departments. It will be open, authorin regard to proposed legislation, but that they received froin the President of the United States, by Gen- ized, responsible. It will give the House power may urge the passage or the defeat of these meas- eral Knox, (the Secretary of War,) who delivered there- to detect faithlessness in its officers. It will reures, as the public interest and the welfare of the
withi sundry statements and papers relating to the same.'
lieve us from private solicitations, and from aclcountry may require. gress, vol. I, p. 684.
ing upon private and unreliable information. It It may be objected to this that we are giving to *** Monday, Angust 10, 1789.-The following message was will enable us to discharge our duties more satisthe heads of these Departments additional and received from the President, by General Knox, (Secretary
factorily. I hope, therefore, the resolution will dangerous powers. I have no doubt, Mr. Speaker,
of' War,) who delivered in the same, together with state-
be adopted. that if this bill be adopted it will give to the heads Proceedings of House of Representatives, Annals of Con.
Mr. PIKE. If it is in order to move an amendof these Departments an influence which they do gress, vol. I, p. 689.
ment at this stage of the resolution, I have one lo not now possess; but it will be a due influence,
“ Instances of this kind miglit be almost indefinitely mul
suggest. The resolution provides that all the instead of one that is undue. It will remove from
tiplied, but these serve sufficiently lo exhibit the practice
heads of Departments may occupy places upon the them the necessity of having secret, unauthor- stitution."
door of this House. I notice a very grave omis.
al cousa otherwise in Great Britain. The throne
sion, that the head of the Department of Agricul- || plied-these titled parties are nearly balanced if The. excitement of an English election, even ture is not included.
ihey happen to be in conflict. When they act with so few participants, is far from inconsiderMr. GANSON. There will be no objection to together they are, irrespective of the people, om- able. The multitude, whc look on while the votinclude that, if the gentleman desires it.
nipotent, and the people have no check upon them | ing proceeds vivâ voce, cheer or hiss the voter as Mr. MORRILL." Mr. Speaker, not having the except through a free press, that great agitator in they may be pleased or displeased with the vote. time necessary to prepare a minority report, I behalf of human rights and common avenger of The expense is not small, and the corruption is shall yet use the materials gathered for that pur- wrongs. The United States Government was or- formidable. But whatever the result, wheiher the pose in the form of a speech. The framers of | dained, has been sustained, and will be maintained ins or outs are Whigs or Tories, the inevitable our system of government incorporated so much by the people. It has confidence in and relies rule of the aristocracy prevails. The Whigs in that is wise and good from the British constilu- upon the people. The policy of every Adminis- power are almost as reluctant to press reforms as tion, steering clear, however, of its aristocratic | tration is biennially reviewed and approved or Their adversaries, and the Tories out of power features; the rights and liberties of the people of disapproved by the ballots of not less than four are as eloquent in popular cries as those who have both countries are so similar, save that here they or five million jurors. A verdict thus given, next got their places by more liberal votes when in an are multiplied and expanded by the American sen- to the fiat of Heaven, commands and receives our irresponsible minority. The only difference betiment of universality; and the statutes and legal || acquiescence.
tween the oligarchical parties would seem to be literature of the American and English courts have The President is almost as much the represent- || that one party yields nothing, for example, in the so much in common, that it is not wonderful to find
ative of the people as the House of Representa- | way of extending the right of suffrage, lest in the some untransportable prescriptions or usages, tives. He is elected for four years, or twice as end it should be forced to yield all; the other party tolerable enough for Englishmen, but hitherto long as a member of ihe House and two thirds would concede something now lest in the end it rejected by us, still exciting the lingering regret of ihe term of a Senator. He has constitutional should be forced to give up all. Neither are beof some gentlemen whose democratic affinities rights not to be invaded by Congress. His Cab. || lievers in universal suffrage. Both are alike averse remain unimpeachable.
inet are his confidential and constitutional ad- to it, and they only disagree as to the wisest The projeci introduced by my friend from Ohio, visers, and responsible to him, and only to him, method of warding it off. With such issues an (Mr. Pendleton,) that members of the Presi- within the law and the Constitution. If he does oligarchy, dwelling compactly together within a dent's Cabinet shall hold seats in the House of not choose wisely or they act wrongly, four years small territory, may be able to maintain itself for Representatives, it is, perhaps, not unfair to pre- is sure to terminate his and their career. The an indefinite period, or until the masses discover sume, results from a study and admiration of the people decide the whole matter, unless such cases that, whosoever wins, they are lost. North, Pitt, British example, as it could hardly be asked of of delinquency arise as merit impeachment, and Peel, and Palmerston, each prolong their premierus to copy from the rebel States or from Spain, the people will and should hold the President to ship for years, and yet British statutes present Costa Rica, or even Hayti. He proposes to a just responsibility. They will not consent to a few ear-marks by which the Tory or Whig would modify the custom by giving the Secretaries seats bureaucracy-a government by the heads of De- be discovered. with power of speech, and to compel them to be partments, not clective, but holding their offices If the Government of the United States had to present two days of each week to answer to reso. by executive appointment. The President should bear the strain of a new national election, in adJutions and interrogatories of which previous no- not be permitted to shirk off his responsibilities || dition to elections already provided for, whenever tice shall have been given, but without the right upon subordinates. He can call around him the an Administration measure should be defeated, it of voting.
ablest men of the country, as it is his duty to do, would keep us in endless confusion and instabil: Not having been able to agree to this proposi- | and if he does not do so, or if, having done so, he ity. The periodical return of these excitements is tion as now presented, I shall, as one of the mi. takes no counsel at their hands, he alone is ac- enough without the cometary visitations incident nority of the select committee, present some of countable.
to a change of ministry to perplex the nation still the reasons for my dissent, and try to show that
more. The acquiescence of the American people the plan is opposed to the genius of our institu- || is never vacant, and by a considerable fiction it in the decisions of the majority has been promi. tions, that it would be cumbrous, expensive, un- is assumed that the Crowıı can do no wrong. nently evinced in our whole history, with but a warranted by the Constitution, and accompanied There the ministers alone are held to responsi- single exception, and that exception we are so by evils which would far more than counterbal- || bility. If they advise measures which Parlia- || rapidly washing out with blood and erusing with ance the advantages sought to be obtained. As ment in face of their tact and eloquence determines the sharp points of the bayonet that it will be the question is now seriously presented, I hope against them, it is equivalent to a vote of want of remembered only to be shunned and execrated. that gentlemen of more ability and more knowl- confidence, and they lose their official places, or Let us concede that it might not be possible for edge of the subjects involved than I possess, will must venture upon the result of a dissolution of Great Britain to adopt our form of Governmentdiscuss the negative and, as I think, the Ameri- Parliament and a new election. But the mass of universal suffrage, voting by ballot, and frequent can side of the question.
the British people are only lookers on, while a elections—and succeed. By her own confession with electors decide the issue presented
she has less than a million people capable of
self-government, for less than that number are gruous and even mischievous to that of the Uni-voting in 1852 was only 341,830 out of an adult permitted to vote. It would be quite as unwise ied States. It may be useful to point out some male population of 4,500,000. If all had voted for us to adopt many things which are the daily of the broad distinctions, the incompatibilities, who were entitled to vote not more than one man food of Great Britain, especially the commingling between the two.
in five could have done so. In a population of of the executive with the legislative department. The English idea is the conservation of mon- 20,000,000 less than one in twenty are voters. The The examples to be found in some other Gov. archy, nobility, and an established church. The whole number of registered voters was 918,683. ernments, where the sovereign power is lodged in American idea is to maintain the principles of 1776, of these the average number required to make a the Executive, furnish an argument not for but or that all men were created equal, with certain member of Parliament was 691, and a majority of | against the adoption of the scheme proposed. It is inalienable rights, including that of worshiping that number is 346, the actual number necessary not inconsistent with their theory, and their exGod according to the dictates of conscience. The to elect. Representation in proportion to num- ample is one we strove and yet strive to avoid. In American Congress, though having many similar bers or population is entirely set at naught. The France it makes no difference whether Richelieu functions, is very unlike the British Parliament. counties, with 507,754 registered electors, return and Louis XIV, or the Revolution and Napoleon, The House of Commons is elected for seven 159 members, but the less populous boroughs, nor whether Louis Philippe or Louis Napoleon years. Here the House of Representatives is with only 410,929 registered electors, return 339 are triumphant, the grand march of centralization elected for two years only. We have a salary, members, or more than twice the number of mem- proceeds ever the same, and the executive power, equal to a moderate support, and no man is ex- bers and at the same time with 100,000 less voters. by whomsoever wielded, maintains its primitive cluded on account of his poverty. A member of The ministry govern only by parliamentary | vigor with no signs of feebleness or decrepitude. the House of Commons draws little or no pay, is 1 majorities, and to this end seats to them become Because Louis Napoleon permits his ministers to subjected to heavy expenses, and cannot be sworn indispensable. They strive to absorb the men enter one or both of the legislative bodies which into office unless possessed of an annual rental of of distinction, the Broughams, Peels, and Glad- he has ordained and licensed, and insists that they a specified amount. None but wealthy men can stones, and the task of leading the crowd of un- shall be heard, it by no means follows that the there afford to be even candidates, and poor men distinguished “voting members," as they are United States should be ewift to copy the latest
are wholly precluded. The House of Peers is called, is thus made easy. Such a form of gov- French pattern. Nor can Spain or even modern | mainly hereditary or composed of members for ernment may be well enough adapted to a small Greece yet be invoked as our instructors. If all
life, and all new appointments emanate exclu- | island, but would most likely fail'in a large con- Europe led the way, and Brazil and all the twinksively from the Crown. Each peer in the House tinental country. If England had conceded to ling stars of Central America followed in the train, of Lords is there in his own behalf and represents the American colonies the right to representation our own time-honored example, in a case of this nobody else. Here the Senate is elected by State | she would soon have become democratized, and character, would be for us a higher, nobler, and Legislatures for six years only, and represents the the character of her Government would have been safer precedent for abiding reverence and future several States. Great Britain is governed by the wholly changed. To talk of her as a representa- || practice. aristocracy and the monarchy. The House of tive Government like that of the United States is I know that it is not proposed to extend this Peers and the wealthy aristocracy really nominate an absurdity. Words are said by a distinguished measure beyond a seat in this House to memberg or control a majority of the House of Commons. writer to have power when we see a man behind of the Cabinet, with the liberty of speech. No Compromises have nearly always been made be- them. Representatives certainly should have greater innovation is at present contemplated. tween the monarchy and aristocracy. Only when power in proportion to the number of men behind But it may be doubted much whether the half they have been at variance has the power of the them. With such a test my friend from Michi- of the British example is better than the whole. Commons increased. With the appointing power gan, (Mr. Upson,) with his 25,000 voters should The Secretaries, if the measure passes, may be in the hands of the Crown, threatening an aug. count about equal to thirty-five members of Par: || interrogated and fail to give satisfactory answers. mentation of members and a dilution of the peer- liament, and our Speaker, (Mr. Colfax,) with They may lose the confidence of the House, and, age whenever a sufficient exigency arises-a meas- his 28,000 Indianians, should be equal to forty. | retaining the confidence of the President, there ure always dreaded by the existing peers, whore And this is the difference between the American they are still to remain till the end of the term. value diminishes in proportion as they are multi- ll and the British standard of representation. Their failure may be only an inaptitude of speech
the Britsh constitution migma prose very incona few he chamber of Englishmene sende Welshmen
or want of cleverness in explanation, so that a pregnant—that no more than this shall be done- ble time and greatly prolong the sessions of Congood cause may be sacrificed by forcing the client and the logical conclusion and ruling would be gress. iv become his own advocate. Legal gentlemen that so much might be done and would be in or- The information now communicated to Conbere, with strong partisan predilections, may de. der.
gress, in fullness and variety, as to the annual consire to put a Cabinet to which they are opposed Any one tolerably conversant with such rules dition of public affairs, is unsurpassed by that of to the torture of a cross-examination, not for the knows the latitude of debate which would spring any nation in the world. The President's messingle purpose of eliciting substantial informa- up or could be achieved with such nominal re- sage, the reports of the Secretaries, and the statetion, but to gratify the passion of prosecutors, strictions, and that a fair parliamentarian would menis of the heads of all the different bureaus, in and to figure in frequent petty impeachments. be able to give utterance to all he might desire their elaborateness and completeness, rarely leave
On the other hand, a Secretary may wield a without let or hinderance. Should it turn out anything to be desired. Ifanywise at fault, it is large measure of persuasive power, and thus otherwise, the rules would be changed or the de- that they are loo voluminous and 100 minute to be gloss and carry measures devoid of those solid cisions of the Speaker overruled. Except when seasonably read. It might gratify some members merits upon which alone they ought to stand. I answering to resolutions or questions, the Sec- to have this abbreviated and given in concentrated Such a Secretary would be dangerous as a leader, || retaries, upon business relating to their Depart-doses, but I submit whether, in addition to the or rather as a misleader.
ments, are to have the same latitude of debate original sources of information, we shall institute It may be argued that the scheme would keep | enjoyed by members of the House, and would abridged oral communications for the gratificamen of inferior capacity out of office. If this of course be liable to be interrupted by questions | lion of the indolently biind and halt! Let us not could be assured, it would certainly be a strong even without the three days' notice. Any bill be dazzled by the idea of reform when only a argument in favor of the measure. It is my be- containing a charge upon the Treasury could be change is offered, and that change the surrender Jief, however, that incapacity would be more apt debated by the Secretary of the Treasury; any of the substance for a vain shadow. to fold itself and its victims in the suffocating proposed law whatever would be open to the Al- The proposition now made was of course not embrace of unscrupulous patronage or to hide torney General; and thus no matter of legislation overlooked by the framers of our Constitution, itself in nimble words and flippant rhetoric. Un- could come up where the Executive Departments and was, as most of our people have always fortunately, executive ability and knowledge of || might not actively, interfere. Even now, our thought, properly rejected, nothing having been mankind, such as guaranty the selection of the “resolution days," so called, though often con- provided unless it be iis prohibition and avoidbest instrumentalities for the accomplishment of venient, coming upon every alternate Monday- ance. The power is nowhere directly granted, great purposes, are not always found in connec- to say nothing of suspension day-are subjeci to and if inferentially assumed it will be seen to be tion with eloquence or with readiness in debate. great abuse, and are used by all parties more or a maladroit assumption. Some ancient orators, not to mention any mod. less for the classic purposes of Buncombe. Old It is claimed by the majority of the committee ern, were disgraced when they took the field, and members on both sides of the House feel that that the power is found in the clause of the Con. we may well doubt whether they would have suc- these days are, as to legislative objects, mainly stilution which declares that the President “ shall ceeded any better as national financiers. Albert wasted, and they hail an early adjournment as from time to time give the Congress information Gallatin was no debater, but he was one of our a relief. It is here that smart gentlemen bring of the state of the Union, and recommend to their most successful Secretaries of the Treasury. Jef- in cunningly-worded resolutions to obtain the consideration such measures as he shall deem ferson was a great man, but on this floor he would weather gauge of their opponents—such resolu- necessary and expedient.' How can it be seribave been overmatched by Mike Walsh. Exec- tions as one party may swallow and such as an- ously contended that Congress, under this clause, utive ability, the mastery of great principles as other party must not refuse, but which, like Mac- can compel the attendance of the President, either well as of minor details, coupled with knowledge beth 's amen, will stick in the throat. It is the in person or by proxy, upon the sessions of either of affairs and of men, is as rare as the possession | perpetual entertainment of the fox and stork- or both Houses of Congress? He alone is made of genius or the power of magnetism in debate, dishes palatable to the hosts but unapproachable the judge of what information or measures are and we have to regret that it is a quality among by the guests.
necessary and expedient" for him to commu' our countrymen now more desirable than abun- If we were to adopt this scheme we might there- nicate, and yet it is now proposed to make a law dant.
by throw away eight days every month instead of || by which any member of this House may dieThe evils experienced in Great Britain in the two or four, and in this toilsome but useless labor tate as to the time and then bring the House to a practice of this measure, the worst part of which, the partisans of the Secretaries would be driven direct vote upon the necessity and expediency. when all parts are bad, we are now asked to to a ceaseless activity, equal to and as conspicuous A clause which merely defines the duty of the copy, have been so great that the number of the as that of their opponents. Instead of attending to President cannot be strained into a definition of Cabinet allowed seats in Parliamenthas been more legislative duties, the House would be the arena the power and duties of Congress, nor will it justthan once reduced and limited. The goal of Brit- for skillful political fencing-masters, and the chief | ify the admission or coercion of seven gentleish ambition is the Cabinet. If men of mark are interest would soon center upon these eager en. men, however elevated in position, into this House assembled there, yet the bulk of such men appear counters, where the victors would be congratulated with all the liberty of speech which may be acto shun the House of Commons; the place is too and the vanquished derided.
corded under the rules. lame, and its glory is disappearing. Bright and Nor is it until after this takes place that the Washington and the elder Adams read their Cobden almost alone represent the great common- House reaches any vote. Any member may offer annual speeches to Congress, but Jefferson did ers, the Chathams, Foxes, and Burkes.
as many resolutions, wise or crude, as it may suit not, and the practice has never been resumed. When we build up the Executive Departments his pleasure, or may propound as many questions, This practice, however, bears no relation to that of our Government let us not do it at the expense restrained only by his sense of propriety. The of Cabinet ministers holding seats with the priviof the Representatives of the people.
Clerk's notice-book, where all these are to be | lege of participating in debate, nor more espeIf we look at the details of this bill, and the entered, would soon be, in learned phrase, “a cially of being calechised in this House. This practices, voluntary and compulsory, that will be big thing.". Any malignant outsider, who could involves principles of the utmost gravity. The generated by it, these will be found no less ob- obtain the kind services of a member willing to reading of a speech in person, or the sending of it noxious than its fundamental principles.
ask crooked questions, might here find the high- as a written communication, is a question of mere Section first of the bill, as reported, gives the way of his ambition. Now, in resolutions calling etiquette, of no possible consequence excepi as a right to all the Secretaries and members of the upon the Executive for information, anything friy- bauble among monarchists, and properly belongs Cabinet to occupy seats in this House, and to par- olous is apt to be excluded, for we must have the solely to the President. It is a maller of laste and ticipate in the debates under such rules as may sanction of a majority, at least, of the House, without dignity in a constitutional argument. It be prescribed by the House, and these rules may and usually the vole of the entire House is ob- will not be pretended that the President could hold of course be modified at any time according to tained when the object is truly legitimate, and then a seat and participate in debates in our House. the pleasure of any accidental majority.
the response becomes a permanent record for all How, then, can you authorize him, far less comSection second requires that they shall abso- | coming time. The document remains to be exam- pel him, to do by proxy, by seven agents, that lutely attend the sessions of the House immedia || ined by every member, and does not pass away which he cannot do as principal? ately on the opening of the sitting on Mondays with the hour. It seems to me that this method Nothing, perhaps, beiter exhibits the straits to and Thursdays of each week to give information is by far the most satisfactory.
which the advocates of this measure are driven in reply to questions which may be propounded Again, the House is to vote, but upon what is for constitutional authority than the fact that they to them under the rules of the House.
the House to vote? If the information sought ny from one part of the Constitution to another, Thus it is proposed to change the rules of the has been communicated, what will be left to vote and finally alight on that which provides that House at the start of this new programme, so upon? And yet the resolution can only be with- "each House may determine the rules of its prothat the first business on Mondays and Thurs- drawn by the mover. If the information has | ceedings!” That is to say, in parliamentary prodays shall be to consider the resolutions and ques- been withheld for reasons satisfactory to the Sec- ceedings each House determines the rules for itlions of which any member shall have given no- retary, what shape is the vote to assume? Is it self and its own members, not for any body else. tice, to the exclusion of all other business. It is to be "content' or “non-content?" Is it to be || Surely this clause does not confer power upon one also provided that the mover of the resolution or complimentary or censorious? The amendment to House to determine the rules for ihe proceedings question may state succinctiy the object and scope the rules leaves all this quite in the dark. If it of the President, and if not upon one House cerof his resolution and the reasons for desiring the was proposed to have the decision one of confi- || tainly not upon both Houses. With equal proinformation, and such arguments, opinions, and dence or want of confidence, and the retention or priety, under such a latitudinarian construction, facts as may be necessary to explain his ques-dismissal of the Cabinet pending upon that decis- and possibly with greater usefulness, might the tions. The Secretaries are to reply--but suppose ion, the proposition would not appear, as it now Chief Justice of the United States be compelled to they refuse, what then?-giving the information does, so objectless. To have a vote of "content" attend our sessions for the purpose of giving inor the reasons why the same should be with held, | and yet to have the Cabinet go out, or to have a formation and answering questions touching all stating facts and opinions so far as may be neces- vote of “non-content" and yet have the Cabinet || legal matters. sary to explain the matter; and then, without fur- | retained, would leave the position of the House If it had been intended to confer upon Congress ther debate, the House is to vote on the resolu- quite as ridiculous as that of the Cabinet. the power to compel by law the attendance of the tion, unless it shall be withdrawn. The amend- It will scarcely be denied that the dew practice, || President's Cabinet in ihis House, then the power ments to the rules are put in the form of a negative ll if once inaugurated, would consume much valua- of enforcing such a law would also have been
given. But it was not. If the Secretary should were adopted, and his organization of the Treas- more weight than that of the framers of the Conrefuse to appear, what are you to do about it? ury Department, a monument to his forecast stitution, including Madison, its acknowledged Can you punish him? The House can only punish and wisdom, remains with nearly all its original father; nor will it be pretended that it should have members for disorderly conduct. Would these Sec- features hardly touched by modern innovations. the effect of changing the settled and uniform relaries in fact be members? If so, would their But at the session already alluded to he made a practice of the House. silence be disorderly. The maximum of punish- report as to the Post Office Department, with a It is true that some examples can be cited in the ment which the House can inflict is expulsion bill in conformity to it, and when the Clerk pro- earlier days of the first term of Washington when upon a vote of two thirds of the members pres- ceeded to read it a member objected to its being he went to the Senate in person to make oral coment. How much punishment would expulsion be read on the ground of the impropriety of execu- munications and was accompanied by his Secretato a recusant Secretary who had already chosen to tive officers being permitted to bring bills before ries, or one of them went in lieu of the President. absent himself?
the House, and this objection was sustained. This practice commends itself when we underThe Constitution unmistakably declares that This exhibits the early and inherent jealousy of sland that he and they went on executive business “no person holding office under the United States the House of executive influence in the most solely, and it is wholly irrelevant to cite such examshall be a member of either House during his con- earnest manner. The action was instant and de- | ples as precedents for the scheme now presented. tinuance in office.' Language more absolutely | cisive. No such officer would now be permitted The advice and consent of the Senate under the denunciatory of this measure cannot, it appears to bring any bill directly before the House, but Constitution must be obtained for appointments to me, be found, and yet it may be said that it it could not have been intended to forbid the draft to office and for the ratification of treaties. The does not apply in this case. If its force applies || of a bill from being sent to committees for their Senate is an executive body, as well as a legis. to full membership, it cannot be parried by any | assistance in framing proper legislation, for that lative, and in its capacity as such Washington, contrivance of half membership or members in || would be a little too nice. If a Secretary, may with rare modesty not only sought its consent, all respects save the right of voting. A member unfold and urge a measure of legislation in his (all that is ever now done,) but in person often or semi-member cannot be hidden even in the official reports, it is difficult to see why he may sought its advice in advance of his own action. robes of a minister. Any Delegate from a Ter- not submit the mere forms to a standing com- Generally, whenever he desired immediate action, ritory to this House, holding office under the Uni- mittee, (to be modified, adopted, or rejected,) he went in person to the Senate, and when otherted States, would, for analogous reasons, which will in his judgment best carry out the wise, he made his communications in writing. If once excluded.
substance of that legislation which he has already he took his Secretary of War or Secretary of I do not think it is going too far to say that the recommended.
State with him, it was, let it be remembered, beproject indorsed by a majority of the committee Once more this question was incidentally dis- yond being most respectful and useful, long prior is not warranted by anything in the Constitution, || cussed upon a report of a committee of the House io the introduction of private secretaries. The and this view is fully sustained by its earliest and upon the defeat of General St. Clair, whom they Senate had been expected by many to be a perbest expositors. The question came up in the attempted to shield from blame, while they in- manent body, ready at all times to give its advice. session of Congress in 1790—so far as the question culpated inore or less the Secretary of War and Having almost lost its advisory character, it has could come up upon the admission of the Secre- || the Secretary of the Treasury. The Secretaries, industriously increased its importance as a debattary of the Treasury for once only into the House believing themselves to be greatly wronged, nat- ing and legislative branch of the Government. I of Representatives—upon the question of allowing urally desired to vindicate themselves. On the know of no examples where the President or the Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury, 13th of November, 1792, a resolution was offered head of any executive Department ever particito make his celebrated report upon his plan for || by one of their friends notifying the Secretaries pated in person in the proceedings of the House supporting the public credit, and, though the temp- that the subject would be taken up on a day named or in the Senate except upon purely executive talion could hardly be greater from the pressing to inquire into the causes of the failure, " to the business, but when it was partially attempted it nature of the subject and the emiment character end that they may attend the House and furnish was opposed, by such men as Madison, on conof the man, it being the discussion of measures such information as may be conclusive to the due stitutional grounds, and defeated. vital to our young Republic by the most accom- investigation of the matter stated in said report:" | Our fathers looked with jealousy upon the inplished Secretary of ihe Treasury this or any Even this was refused by the House, which terference of executive officers with the legislative other country has furnished, yet, upon an occa- first voted to strike out all the latter part of the deliberations of Congress in either House. Their sion of such gravity, the House, composed of a resolution, and then rejected it as thus amended. presence here, merely as visitors, pending any large number of the distinguished men who had But the earnest discussion which occurred is measure in which they or their Departments are made the American Revolution a success, and who important, as it records the opinion of Madison concerned, even in more recent days, as far as had based a Constitution upon its principles, re- upon the main question now before us, and this my observation reaches, has always been looked jected the proposition after a brief debate, and that will be as authoritative as the opinions of any upon with so much healthy aversion that it has nearly or quite unanimously.
modern statesman, or even as ihat of learned more often injured than aided the progress of the It may not be improper for me to reproduce scholiasts. In the Annals of Congress for 1792, briefly the history of this proceeding. On the 9th page 680, it is reported as follows:
The Executive Mansion, and other executive day of January, 1790,
"Mr. MADISON objected to the motion on constitutional
buildings, as is well known, were placed at one “A letter from Alexander Hamilton, the Secretary of the grounds, and as being contrary to the practice of the blouse. end of the city, while the Capitol was placed at Treasury, was read, inforining the House that agreeably to IIe had not, he said, thorougbly revolved the matter in his the other, avowedly to avoid executive influence their resolution of the 21st of September, he had prepared own mind, and therefore was not prepared to state fully a plan for the support of the public credit, and that he was the effects which would result froni the adoption of the
and to escape any encroachment upon legislative ready to report the same to this House when they should resolution ; but he would hazard thus much, that it would
deliberations. Under the Manual it would be a be picased io receive it.”.
form an innovation in the mode of conducting the busi- breach of our privileges to state the views of the
ness of this House, and introduce a precedent which would It was then proposed to assign Thursday, then
Executive upon any pending measure, save where lead to perplexing and embarrassing consequences; as it next, for the purpose, and Mr. Gerry moved to involved a conclusion, in respect to the principles of the
it has been officially and openly communicated in add to the motion that it should be in writing. Government, which at an earlier day would have been re- writing; and now it is proposed to reverse all this, Mr. Boudinot, the friend of Mr. Hamilton,
volted from. He was decidedly in favor of writien infor- and have all the members of the Cabinet here all
ination." hoped the Secretary might be permitted to report
the time, if they choose, and semi-weekly, at any in person in order to answer such inquiries as the
I ask gentlemen to mark the emphasis of his rate, to whisper in our ears some indication of members might be disposed to make, for it was a
conclusion. “It involved” said he, “a conclu- the will of the Executive. We are to have this justifiable surmise that gentlemen would not be
sion, in respect to the principles of the Govern- influence forever on the alert, not through one, able clearly to comprehend so intricate a subject | ment, which at an earlier day,"only five years after but seven of the representatives of the Executive without oral illustration.
in Mr. Ames conceived it to be the duty of the
volled from. He was decidedly in favor of written patronage, and power-and these possibly hereHouse to obtain the best information on any subinformation.'
after to be increased, according to British preceject, and was willing to extend every indulgence
The two cases cited are believed to be the only dent, so as to include the under or Assistant Secto the Secretary, but he wished these communi
ones where Congress has acted on the question of retaries! It should be remembered that British cations to be in writing; in this shape they would giving the Cabinet any share of the privileges of ministers hold their places in the House of Comobtain a degree of permanency favorable to the
members of the House. For more than seventy mons by virtue of an election, and not by appointresponsibility of the office, while at the same time
years there has been no attempt to bring about rnent. They must have a constituency, and be they would be less liable to be misunderstood.
any change of this character.' The House has elected to the House of Commons, and that after Mr. Clymer thought such communications
neither sought to nominate or control the Cabinet their acceptance of office, or they cannot occupy ought to be in writing.
of the President, nor bas it exhibited any dispo- their seats. So jealous are they, even there, that Mr. Benson thought we should receive the re
sition to diminish its own importance by sharing members who receive appointments thereby vaport in any manner in which it was prepared, but
its privileges with the President's nominees and cate their seats, and must allow their constituents had no doubt this officer, actuated by motives of
be by. them controlled. No ambitious minister to pass upon the question whether they are willdeference and respect, will conform to any rule
has suggested the idea, and where Hamilton twice ing the member should take an appointment from the House may think proper to enjoin.
knocked at the door and was twice refused no the Crown and still be their representative. But Mr. Gerry, enumerating the various topics others need apply.
here the bald proposition is made to give certain likely to be discussed, said:
Some commentators upon the Constitution have official gentlemen seats in this House with no "Can the human mind retain with any degree of decision
so high regard for the opinion of Hamilton that constituency whatever! A despotism or an ab(precision) objects so extensive and multifurious upon a they even love his faules and stand always with solute monarchy might look upon it with favor; mere oral communication? This consideration alone ought their armor riveted on ready to do battle in be- but can a republic? As a measure involving grave to be sufficient to induce gentlemen to agree to his proposi- half of even his most doubtful opinions. But be- principles-the preservation of the fundamental tion of making the report in writing.”
cause he desired a little more power when he was privileges and independence of a republican LegisThe resolution for receiving the report in writ- || Secretary of the Treasury, and perhaps deservedly lalure-l am persuaded we ought to give it no ing was carried in the affirmative, and, so far as wielded a greater influence than any other man at countenance or support. appears, without a division.
the seat of Government, it will noć be pretended It may be said that the object is to ask quesMany valuable suggestions made by Hamilton Il that an opinion born at such a time is entitled to 1l tions for the purpose of obtaining information