« ΠροηγούμενηΣυνέχεια »
Legislature were founded in deference to State jeal- || free debate, in time of war, when power found its the jealousy of the Legislature against the domiousy, and a sincere desire to obviate the fears,
antagonists and barriers, as it lo-day finds them nating influences of the Executive even in such real or imaginary, that the General Government here, was accounted high treason! Yet, say the monarchical countries. would obtain an undue preference over the State committee, the rules now recommended-now, in What, then, are the relations which the three governments."
The gentleman from Vermont time of most gigantic war—are almost identical departments of our Government sustain to each (Mr. Morrill] has shown the views taken by the with those of the British House of Commons ! other? How are they intended to act in harmony? earlier stutesmen, coinciding with this view of Identical, sir, with a system which not only made Mr. Madison has considered this matter in Nos. Judge Story. I need not recite them. The com- war almost perpetual by filling the Legislature || 47 and 48 of the Federalist. The distinctness and mittee in their report seem not to have anticipated with placemen, pensioners, claquers, and con- separation of the three departments is by him, as thisargument;itisleft forthe disciples of Hamilton, || tractors, rewarding them with peerages, baronet- it was by Montesquieu, regarded as an essential like the gentleman from Vermoni, to defend State cies, patronage, and all the good things which come precaution in favor of liberty. He was careful to rights. Surely, if you magnify and energize the from an inordinate expenditure, but which made show that the several departments of power were Federal Executive by an unfair aggregation of the Opposition a mere form in the Legislature, and so distributed and blended in our system as at once powers in that office at the expense of ihe Con- stifled it with oppression when raised outside of to preserve symmetry and beauty of form, and 10 gress, you begin the work of consolidation. You the Legislature! Is it to this system that the com- prevent any part of it from being exposed to the give to power new material, until upon the ruins mittee would assimilate our own Congress ? God danger of being crushed by the disproportionate of our old system of a just distribution of power, forbid!
weight of other parts. He regarded the accumulawe erect a throne of paramount power whose Third, I now consider the dangers of the inti- tion of powers, legislative, executive, and judisovereign occupant in his supremacy would rob macy between the Executive and ihe Legislature. || cial, in the same hands, as the very essence of tyrthe States of their rights lo aggrandize his own If even the rights of the States were safe, and anny. Hence, if there is any approach towaru splendor. This plan, therefore, tends to create even if this were a time of peace, still I would, as such accumulation, my argument is that there is the same laws, the same kind of dependence, con- a Democrat, as a Republican, never allow the Ex- an approach toward tyranny. If there can be no sequently the same notions and the same interests, ecutive to approach any nearer the Legislature | liberty where the Legislature and Executive are throughout all the country with its diverse inter- than is entirely consistent with the movement of one, is not liberty endangered when you absorb an ests; for the power it would strengthen is the Ex- each in their own well-defined circuit. As with essential function or feature of one by the other. ecutive, which is not like the Senate or the Con- nature, so with institutions. Of two plants in Says Montesquieu: gress, representative of States and localities, but the vicinity of each other, the fruit of one will lose « There can be no liberty when the legislative and exin a sense more nearly representative of the people its peculiar flavor and be assimilated to the taste ecutive powers are united in the same budy or person, beof the United States. of the other, if that other have the stronger fiber,
cause apprehensions may arise lest the same monarch or Second, the time is unfortunate for such a radi
senate may enact tyranvical laws to execute them in a the richer nutriment, and happens to be near by: tyrannical manner; or were the power of judging joined cal change as that proposed. Herein lies one of So in the stellar world the lesser luminary will, with the legislative, the life and liberty of the subjects its dangers. It is a time of war. The Executive unless restrained, fly toward the greater, to be by would be exposed to arbitrary control, for the judge would in such a time lends to enlarge its powers. This it absorbed.
then be legislator. Were ii joined to the executive, the is not altogether avoidable. It then calls to its aid
The committee truly say that the framers of judge miglii have all the violence of the oppressor." all the sophistry of necessity. It is the old sa- the Constitution did not intend to establish an
Mr. Madison draws from the several constitanic plea. With an Army of nearly a million, absolute separation of the legislative and execu
tutions of the States as then existing, New Hampand a patronage of $3,000,000 per diem, and tive departments. This is true. The separation || shire, Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, with a corps of ambitious men-placemen and is not absolute; if it were, they could not sub
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and others, lo contractors-hanging about the chambers of sist in the same system; but I affirm that they
show that the several departments are inhibited power, desirous to placate the supreme will and endeavored by every guard to allow just as little
from exercising the powers of either of the other io enjoy its favors, it is not surprising that in connection between the parts as would enable the
departments. The language of these early contime of war the dispensing power should grow Government in its entirety to perform its func
stitutions yet remain in our present constitutions. colossal, overshadowing all other departments tions,
Not a single State of this large Confederacy has and absorbing all other sovereignties. Yet it is The committee instance the veto power, to
ever in its constitution so departed from the model at such a time that the committee proposes a show that there is a connection between the law
of the Federal Legislature as to allow the membermeasure which tends to increase the Executive. || making and law-executing departments. The
ship of the Executive, (Cushing, page 610,) or of I know that the committee think that its effect will
his aids in administration, or even their presence argument proves too much. The velo of the be otherwise, and give as a reason that power President is the limit of the presidential inter
for debate or influence. Massachuselis early deexercised openly in Congress will find its antas- ference, and its exercise is allowed only after the
clared this fundamental article of liberty: onism and barrier in honest deference to public || law is passed; and even then, after the Executive
“ That the legislative department shall neverexercise the opinion, and be restrained in its own disposition has exhausted his reasons for the veto, he may
executive or judicial powers, or either of them; the execu
tive shall never exercise the legislative and judicial powers, to increase. But is that the effect of the exercise be overruled by a vote of two thirds. If the Ex- or either of them; the judicial shall never exercise the legisof power by this Executive? In the face of a ecutive, by his agents of the Cabinet, exert his lative and executive powers, or either of them.” most earnest protest from every press and public influence in the making of laws, where is the The jealousy of uniting one department with man who had not slavishly bowed to its behests necessity for the veto? His veto is then an ab- another has been carried so far that the departsimply because it was power; in spite of a protest | surdity: So Judge Story regards it. The velo ments have been only so far connected and blended of nearly two million people, the power of the is the Executive arm for the defense of its own as to give to each a constitutional control over Presidentexpands boldly, openly, and flagrantly. powers. The Legislature is presumed to have the other. This is the degree of separation essenPatronage is more powerful than logic. Neces. no desire to favor them. When laws are passed tjal to a free Government. Allow this and you sity crushes the free press and arrests free speech. || by a Legislature misled by a love of power, a will have no despotic Congress with its many Would the habeas corpus be abolished, and all the spirit of faction, a political impulse, or a persua- heads; no Congress dependent on one head; you restraints of personal freedom be annulled, and sive influence, local or sectional, which may not will have no irresponsible judiciary; and no arbiour prisons groan with victims, except in time of reach the Executive, he being the represelilative trary Executive. If the Executive can use his war. The power which, in time of peace, was of the whole nation in the aggregate, then the velo appliances at will upon a legislature, either by ina toy for a lady's hand, like the tent of the faërie, || has its use, Says Story, puge 32:
trigue or debate, then the Legislature becomes the enlarges in time of war so that great armies re
“He will have an opportunity soberly to examine the
execulive tool; and although its own powers may pose beneath its folds. When did the executive acts and resolutions passed by the Legislature, not having expand yet if used by the Executive the growth power in England most overshadow and defy partaken of the feelings or combinations which have pro- of legislative privilege is the increase of the expublic opinion? The Crown augmented when Piit cured their passage, and thus to corrrct what will some
ecutive prerogative. defind the people and their Parliament; then king times be wrong, from interierence as well as design."
If it be proper to call the Cabinet to the lower and minister became absolute. The wise commen- His responsibility is independent of Congress. | House why should not some portion of it be tator, Thomas Erskine May, (Constitutional || To join his duties with law making is to destroy called to the Senale? Is it because the model of History, volume one, page 82,) in drawing his | his responsibility and derange the proper distribu- the British constitution has carried a way the compicture of this era of English history, draws also tion of powers. Go one step further. Suppose a mirtee? à conclusion similar to the one which I now de- law of great value passed, then vetoed; neverthe- If it be proper to call the Cabinet to the House, clare, when he says:
less two thirds of Congress favor it; but in come why not call in the President? We have no min" A war is generally favorable to authority by bringing the Cabinet, and by threat, bribery, promises of || istry as in England. The President is responsitogether the people and the Government in a common cause patronage and gifts of honor, the legislative will ble, and he only. The Cabinet are but the minisand combined exertions. The French war, notwithstanding its lieavy burdens and numerous failures, was popular
is subordinated: are not the people robbed of their ters of his will. He can dismiss them at pleasure. on account of the principles it was supposed to represent;
fair right in the Legislature? Voting is not the || They have no policy. and the vast expenditure, if it distressed the people, mul- only way of making laws. Voting presupposes If it be proper to call the Cabinet, why not tiplied the patronage of the Crown, afforded a rich harvest
influences. Voting is but the sign of what has the Commander-in-Chief? Why not summon for contractors, and made the fortunes of farmers and man
been done. If these influences are reached by Cab- General Grant to sit here, and to answer the ufacturers by raising the price of every description of produce. The moneyed class' rallied round the war min- inet cajolery or honeyed blandishments from the inquiries of civilians in search of military news Ister, bought seats in Parliament with their sudden gains, masters of patronage and fountains of honor, the and strategy? Why not? For the reason that ranged themselves in a strong phalanx behind their leader, influence is not less, but rather greater, than if the all military officers are kept without the Senatecheered his speeches, and voted for him on every division. Their zeal was rewarded with peerages, baronetcies, pa
Cabinet had the right to vote. Indeed, some Gov- house. Because they are the hands of the Exectronage, and all the good things which an inordinate ex- ernments which allow the ministry to have the utive, and liberty permits no brute force to overpenditure enabled hiin to dispense. For years opposition entrée to the Legislature expressly and strangely awe or dictate. If the Commander of the Army in Parliament to a minister thus supported was an idle
forbid their presence when the vote comes off. ll is the mailed hand of the Executive, is not the forin; and if beyond its walls the voice of complaint was raised, the arm of the law was strong and swilt to silence
This is the case in Brazil, Costa Rica, Portugal, Secretary of State also his hand gloved in silk? it. To oppose the minister had beconie high treason to and Spain. But what guard is there in such And is there more danger from the iron hand than the State." cases-forthe influence is exerted generally before
the silken glove? To oppose the minister in open Parliament, in and not at the vote? Sull, cven these guards show But if it be proper to call in the Cabinet, why
not call in the Supreme Court, or its chief? Do ministration in the House, and for a stronger rea- fluence of the Crown on the elections or on the the committee wish to copy the British precedent, son should have forbidden their presence there, members of Parliament?" He answers it by where the taw lords can advise, though they do not They saw, as an old writer says, the king and saying that a prince may govern according to his vote with the legislator? Why not then admit his council (Craftsman, No. 440) by means of arbitrary will, or that of his more arbitrary misl the Chief Justice? Ask him of the legality of con- liveries and retainers, bring the whole kingdom | ister, as absolutely and much more securely with fiscation, legal tender, belligerency, and the new to be of his livery;" or, as Lord Bolingbroke said than without the concurrence of a Pirliainent, questions which this civil war is causing? The 10 Walpole, they made the Parliameni like slaves He can do this in two ways: first, by the strain committee refer us, with a smile, no doubt, from in a galley, united by their chains and lugging of his prerogative, or by the corruption of the its complaisant chairman, to Hayri for our guid- the onr together at the sound of the ministerial Commons; and the instrument for both means,
(Laughter] That precedent was intended whistle. Seeing this in England, as the very as shown by English history, has been an obsefor the other side of the House. I accept it in all cause of their own troubles with the parent coun- quious, audacious, or corrupt ministry sitting in earncsiness. In Hayti the secretary of state and try, they were jealous of such influences here. Parliament. In the carlier eras of English Parthe grand judge are by the constitution the ora- They may not have distrusted the first Presidents; liannents the stretch of the prerogative was the tors charged with representing the executive by but they would not allow an opportunity for the means used to overawe Parliaments. Not alone vral communication to both houses. Why not invasion of their own privileges or the public lib- by the threat upon members, but by acis of imsend for Mr. Chase, along with Mr. Seward, and erties. It was not the attack th-y feared from prisonment and decapitation; not alone by the s here let them struggle for the next Presidency the first Executives which led thein to keep the ihreat but by the act of dishonor and sequestrabefore the people's Representatives?
administration aloof from the Legislature, buithey lion, were the annals of Parliament sullied. In The committee inform is that if the rules be would not allow the breach, however small, in later times, after the Revolution of 1688, the civil defective, or limit too narrowly the right of a de- the rampari, through which an attack at some list had increased, and with it the means of corbate,changes can hereafter be made. They take time might be made.
ruption; and not alone by indirect bribes in stocks, the British House of Commons for their model, This principle, together with the English prac- lotteries, pensions, places, and honors, but by a and they assert that the "rules now recom- tice, leads me, Mr. Speaker, to be jealous of our wanton lavishness of douceurs, directly given to mended are alınost identical.” If that be the case, privileges and powers. Indeed, sir, I am not par- members, the German princes on the English the changes should involve an entirely new sys- || ticularly enamored of anything English now. throne, and their ministers, controlled the Comtem of accountability among the departments of do not like English delight over our troubles; mons. This corruption extended then, as it does our Government. Indeed, our form of govern- English cannon when found in Fort Fisher; Eng- now, from the House to the hustings, from the ment will need a radical change. Judge Story lishi ships-of-war destroying our commerce under Parliament to the people, until the English Parsays (Commentaries, page 329) that
a hostile flag; English recognition of belligerency. liament reeked, and in spite of all reform bills and
All that is admirable in the English manners, lit“ The whole structure of our Government is so entirely
bribery acts yet reeks, with the astounding rollendifferent, and the elements of which it is composed are so
crature, and laws I love and cherish, but this sys- ness of its representatives and electors. The only dissimilar froin that of England, that no argument can be tem of the committee is neither admirable or de. reason why in carlier times, as in the sixteenth drawn from the practice of the latter to assist us in a just sirable. arrangement of the executive authority."
century this same corruption did not exist is given
If there is one feature in English history more by Hallan, (volume three, page 43,) chalthere did In England onc branch of Parliament, the Com- marked than another, it is the constant conflict not then exist the means of that splendid corrupmons, is ostensibly supreme. If not corrupted or for centuries between the kingly prerogative and tion which has emulated the Crassi and Luculli mude dependent on the Crown by intimidation, it the parliamentary privilege. In the earlier times of Rome. Whereas in 1571, a member bought is the ruling power of the realm. Though the of the Plantagenets the motto obtained, that to his seat for Westbury for £4, an election in York Crown may appoint the ministry, it is the Parlia- be royalis to be loyal; the will of the king to be in the eighteenth century cost € 150,000! The ment which dethrones them by a vote" of want of the will of the law: “Que veut le roy, ce veut la elections were controlled by the officers of the confidence.” There is no responsibility for any loy.". And although under the earlier kings, Government. It became necessary, to save the act of administration upon the Crown. The sanc- especially those most destitute of principle, ihe constitution, to reform these abuses, and the Eigtity of the Crown forbids it to be
liberty of the people in the Parliament l'eceived lish statute-book groans with laws against places ters are toppled over, but the throne remains; its most eficacious support; although Magna men sitting in Parliament, against revenue officers hence the real power, if not corrupted, over the Charta came in John's rule, and Habeas Corpus having the right of suffrage, the disfranchisement executive is in the Commons. The ministry is in the time of the second Charles, yet the royal of boroughs, and penalty on members for bribery. the fountain of honor and patronage in fact, though prerogatives were broken by their inordinate The Revolution of 1688 prevented the destructhe Crown may be in name; hence the putrescent strain by such monarchs, and liberty gained. It tion of the English system by the use of the precorruptions which have made the history of Eng- was enough for the king to be the fountain of rogative. It declared against making kings indelish legislation so infamous. Not so in this coun- honor and patronage, of pardon and power, gen- | pendent of Parliaments by prerogative, but it subtry. We have no ministry here, no premier. The eralissimo of the army, and source of all foreign stituted therefor a system which made Parliaments Cabinet have power and do advise the President, embassies and treaty.' The Commons, therefore, dependent on kings by corruption. Which was but he, and noi Congress, can alone displace them. in early times, united with the people and nobility the easiest mode to destroy, it is not for us to ask Hence in our system the President has the power | against the power of the Crown; and from having at a time when the executive influence not only of the Crown and the ministry both, and is above been called from boroughs and towns originally has been exceeding ils coustilurionallimit in this the reach of the Commons or the Congress. to provide only for the wants of the king, (De country, but when the means of corruption are as
In England the queen only has the power to Lolme, volume second, page 511,) they became a thousand to one in this country compared with name the ministry; the Parliament has the power so powerful that ministers fell before their votes England. Indeed, in the time of Walpole it was to direct its policy and compel its resignation; yet and voice. Upon their fiat hung the lives even contended that the Parliament should corruptly this measure would enhance the power of the of the ministers. The king himself was sup- || depend on the Crown as the expedient to supply President, making him not only king and min- posed by a fiction always to be present, really the want of power denied to the Crown by the istry, but potential in the Legislature. Add to or by representatives; and even he was made Revolution. Even so good a moralist as Paley this his power to appoint judges, and the tendency | liable, on a memorable occasion, to the power of || justified the use of patronage to influence Parliais to unite all functions in one, which, as I have the Commons by impeachment and death. But said, is the definition oftyranny. If the committee at last the popular element by the Revolution of In glancing at this history I will arrange a few would then assimilate our praciiceto English rules, 1688 became paramount. At least then began salient illustrations under ihese heads: first, the let them alter the Constitution, and require the the struggle, which, after great convulsions, fixed attempts by executive intimidation and power to Cabinet to be responsible to Congress, and the the Crown, through the ministers as the instru, overa we the Commons; second, by corruption of President and his Cabinet to abdicate when his ments of the Parliament, and amenable to them. the people and of the Commons to create a depolicy is condemned. When you do this you But this cannot be so in this Government, for the pendency on their part upon the Crown. change the very essence of our Government. simple reason that the Congress has no control First, most of the valuable privileges enjoyed by
The President represents the aggregate people; over the Cabinet. The extent and duration of the House of Commons is due, not to the presence Congress represents Siates in the Senate and the the Executive, as to time and power, is clearly de- ll of the ministry, nor to the monarchical part of the people of the States in the House. He is elected fined in a written constitution. Therefore no anal- constitution, but to the vigilant perseverance of for four years.
We take him for better or for ogy can be drawn from English precedents, ex- tribunes of the people in spite of all the threats and We may have a Congress in opposition | cept those which show how power tends to in- il penalties of the Crown. "As carly as Edward III to his policy for four years; and nothing we can crease in the Executive or ministry whenever it it was customary to imprison members for freedo will prevent it, unless we by usurpation and has the opportunity to use its appliances, or which dom of speech; but this, like other grievances, by a corrupt judiciary intrench on his powers, show that ihe temptation to corruption is apt to be was redressed in time, not because the ministry or he, by intrigue and usurpation and obsequious embraced when the object is near and the lure were present to aid, but because the Commons judges, is enabled to rob Congress of its powers. enticing. In illustrating this part of my argument, protested, and accompanied their protests with inHe may appoint judges, veto lawg; thai is the my only embarrassment is in the opulence of the limations that if their protests were not heeded, limit of his control over the Legislature and the illustrations from English history.
supplies to the kin? would be wanting. judiciary. If his agents approach the fountain, I do not select a few cases because they are so The first English council was the Witenageand there at its source endeavor to influence the glaring. Nor do I value in an argument a few mote. It lost its place in the Government by the making of law, he becomes an intermeddler. exceptional casesa non ego paucis offendar maculis. ambition of the monarch, who designed to make Whether he does this by his military force or his From the very beginning of the English Govern- all his vassals, and none his equals, in the powers cunning management, it amounts to the same ment until now, laws were passed to regulate of the State. After the king began to need milithing. Wisely, therefore, our fathers, looking elections and prevent the kingly infuence upon tary service and taxation he called his Parliament, on English history at a time when a corrupt and the Commons. In the time of the Lancaster kings but used and disused them at pleasure. They imbecile ministry were illustrating how easy it such statutes are common. " What else," asks were slavishly submissive. When the Tudors was for a stubborn king to rule a subservient Bolingbroke, (Craftsman, No. 440)“ do all these ascended to the throne the contest began which Parliament by the presence of a great minister or resolutions, declarations, and acts mean from the has ended, in this reign of Queen Victoria, in the a strong will, forbade the membership of the Ad- time or Richard II to these days, against the in• 11 subordination of nearly all exccutive power to
the ministry, or the Parliament, which can upturn another strain of the prerogative, and a degree of tions to retrench pensions. George II denounced the ministry. Henry VIII occasionally used his | bigotry which was wholly his own. The Parlin- all such bills as “ villainous;" and his ministry Parliaments, but used them through the personal ment of his time had been managed, both at their did not scruple to send Tories to the Tower for interference of Cardinal Wolsey in the House of election and when they met; and so sucessfully contumacious debate. A bishop declared that an Commons. (Smythe, vol. 1, p. 345.) His son, managed, that when James looked over the list || independent House of Commons was as inconEdward VI, by ile in Muence of a bad minister of returns he declared there were not more than sistent as an independent king. Truly was it seeking control of Parliament, issued a proclama- || forty names which he could have wished not exemplified. For the two powers became dependtion to influence members of Parliament; a pre- there. It sat a year. A few brave words from ent on each other, made so by the golden mean cedent followed afterward by Mary and by James Coke of Derby, and he was sent to the Tower of the minister who so long held bis tainted sway. I, and which in this country, if the Executive for undutiful reflection on the king. Then came Doubtless Walpole had his amiable qualities. were more nearly connected with Congress, would another reaction. It was sudden, and the Revolu- Some one says he would have been held worthy follow every two years, and certainly every four tion of 1688 was accomplished.
of bis high station had he never possessed it. The years, especially in time of civil war.
From that time the influence of the Crown upon lines applied to him are well known: Then followed Elizabeth's reign. Great men the Parliament has been most apparent and dele
“Seen him I have, but in his happier hour adorned her court; but around her crouched a terious by their corrupt dependency on each other. Of social converse, ill exchanged for power; submissive Parliament. They were her knights, || One of the first grievances to be remedied by the Seen him, uncumbered by the venal iribe, and not her statesmen. She had her ministry new dynasty was the purification of the Com
Surile witliout art, and win witliout a bribe." subservient to her female caprices; and they mons. A place bill was brought in. By it all Doubtless he used the arts of persuasion. His "touched” her Parliament, and it bowed as io members of the House of Commons were inca- continuance in power is attributable not a little an oriental princess. It is a relief to find, what | pacitated from holding places of trust and profit. to this resource, but mostly to his mercenary we so rarely find in our own times among the This was the model of our constitutional clause. management. He arose from personal merit. Puritans here, that old Puritan parliamentarian, It was passed in England finally, but rejected by He managed the king as well as the Commons. Peter Wentworth, standing out of this gloom by the king's veto. Mr. Hallam (volume three, page Places, pensions, bribes, were profusely strewn his conspicuous intrepidity-the forerunner of || 187) says:
along the aisles of St. Stephen's; and though parthe Hampdens and Pyms of a later day. When
“The baneful system of rendering the Parliament sub
tially hidden from the eyes of contemporaries by Elizabethistrove to stop legislation by the queen's servient to the adininistration, either by offices and pen. the burning of the papers of the minister, yet as pleasure, on religious matters, he spoke as fol- sions held at pleasure, or by more clandestine corruption, Smollett reveals, (volumetwo, page 311,) che guilty lows: had nou ceased with the liouse of Stuart. Williant, not
minister quarreling with a confederate, Mr. Stanlong after his accession, fell into the worst part of this man“We are assembled to make, or abrogate, such laws as agement, which it was ditlicult to prevent, and, according
hope, revealed their practice of selling places and may be the chictest surety, safe-keeping, and enrichment to the practice of Charles's reign, induced by secret bribes reversions. A member standing up said, “Since of this roble realm of England. I do think it expedient the leaders of parliamentary opposition to betray their cause they had by mischance discovered their nakedto open the commodities (advantages) that grow to the on particular questions." prince and the whole State by free speecii used in this
ness, the other members ought, according to the place."
Secret-service money was proved to have been custom of the East, to turn their backs upon This he proceeded to do on seven different
used among members. Hallam enumerates the them." In his History, Mr. May (page 300) says
facts, and from them it will appear why, even grounds; and he concluded:
that the majority of the House of Commons was after the place bill failed, a check was still put "That in this blouse, which is termed a place of free
long retained in subjection to the minister by an speech, there is nothing so necessary for the prescrvation
upon the number and quality of placemen in the organized system of corruption. of the prince and State as free speech; and without this,
lower House. The proper remedy then was the This system was continued until the reign of it is a scorn and mockery to call it a Parliament Jouse, banishment, as our American ancestors provided, George 11; and Lord Bule secured the aid of for in truth it is none, but a very school of flattery and dis- of all the servants of the Executive from the legissimulation, and so a fit place io serve the devil and liis
Walpole's agent to keep up the management of angels in, and not to glority God and to benefit the Com
lative councils of the nation. One thing, however, the Commons during the early part of the reign monwealth."
they did establish. In 1694 the board of revenue of George III. The war with America never The House, it seems, out of a reverent regard
were incapacitated from sitting in the House. In would have been undertaken or upheld but for the to her Majesty's honor, stopped him before he
1699 the law was extended. In 1700, by the act purchase of Parliament by Lord North. Shops had fully finished; and "he was sequestered the of settlement, all officers were excluded. In 1706
were opened for members. Some years £41,000 House for the said speech." Finally he was sent
the law was repealed, and but for this repeal Eng- of the secret service were used to purchase votes. to prison; but we read of him, years afterward,
land to-day would exclude the cabinet altogether; || Stock-jobbing and lotteries were substituted for diquestioning with rare courage the dispensing
but she preserved the principle and limited its ex- rect bribes. Not until Mr. Pitt came into office power which lost James II his crown, and should tension.
was there a stop put on these infamies, and then have lost Mr. Lincoln his-election. It was true
One provision she did establislı, which to-day only for a time. Contractors, nabobs, gold-these of this and subsequent reigns, as Dr. Burnet re- operates against an overwhelming influence of
are ihe words upon which the changes were rung corded, that he that will go about to debale her
the ministry. (Hallam, volume three, page 191.) by Burke and others pleading for reform in the Majesty's prerogative, had "need walk warily."
Every member accepting an otlice must vacate and English Parliament. But Parliament strove in The reign of the Stuarts is an era of conflicts,
a new election must be bad. She excluded pen- vain; the age was corrupted by war and avarice; signalized by the Slate craft of the kings, and the
sioners. These provisions, says De Lolme, (vol- || it was a time protests of the Commons. The first Stuart, James ume one, page 476, &c.,) originated from the “ When infamous Venality, grown bold, I, had invaded even the presence of the House, continued corruption of Parliament. An "act of
Wrote on its bobom, To be lot or sold." sent its members to the Tower, and contemplated security” limiting the number of persons in office
It was from this source that good men prethe beheading of others. He had even torn their eligible to Parliament was enacred. I refer to these
dicted the ruin of English liberty. Montesquieu proceedings from the journals. Prerogative went
precautions in favor of liberty now as the argument so far that in the time of the first Charles no
said, “ Il périra lorsque la puissance legislative against the present measure. What was reason
sera plus corrompue que l'exécutive." But for the Parliament met for twelve years. Irregular levies able then is, so long as human nature remains
restraints of the press gradually freeing itself of money and men, and the severities of the Star the same, reasonable now. As De Lolme writes:
from the toils of the time, and the public opinion Chamber and High Comınission, drove the people
"It is impossible to question the policy of these enact
which was enfranchised oy the French Revoluto exile in America, and to despair of their liber
ments, for, ils Algernou Sydney observes, vien are nalu.
tion, the admission of the public to the Commons, ties. These institutions were the subservient Parterest it is to corrupt them be furnished with the means,
and the publicity of the debates, the English conliaments of the time all their members being the he will never fail to do it. Power, lionors, riches, and the stitution would either have been destroyed or tools of cyranny. At last a minister proposed
pleasures that auend them, are the baits by which men are revolution would have changed its features into the ship-money tax. Hampden opposed; then
drawn to prefer a personal interest before ihe public good;
something like our own. of all the instruments came the reaction and the revolution. The Par
who abounds in them will be able to gain so many to his of despotism a paid Parliament is the worst, liament conquered; only to be in turn driven from service as shall be sufficient to subdue the rest. It is hard just as the corruption of the best things are the their places by the Protector, because their deto find a tyranny in the world that has not been introduced
worst. “Tyranny,” said Sydney Smith, speakin this waya? In truth, he who has tasted the sweets of bates were disagreeable. When the Restoration diabonest and clandestine lucre would, in the words of the
ing of this time, " is worst where a majority of a came, the
heuling Parliament" met; and the poet, be no inore capable verward of abstaining from it popular assembly are hired, and a few' bold and king was their suitor, but not long a suitor. His ihan a dog from his greasy offal.”
uble men by their brave speeches make the people ministers were in Parliament. The republican Notwithstanding all these precautions, so long believe they are free.” The secret influence of element was weeded out. It would have been as the ministry remained in the Commons, Par- the Crown was at work through the influence of worse, but that the profusion of Charles II in liament was paramount. In the time of Anne in the younger Pitt all through the French wars, and his pleasures was so great that “no minister 1712, bills were again brought in still further lim- was sapping by its corruption the foundation of could find sums sufficient to buy a Parliament." iung the number of officers of Government who English liberty. From that time till the last reHe stood, therefore, on his prerogative, strained could sit in Parliament. Fifty was proposed. form bill of 1860 efforts have been made to lessen as far as he durst, and made all the use of it he Even that number failed in the House of Lords. the corruption and bribery of the English eleccould.” (Craftsman, No. 442.) He even depended | The principle of preserving the influence of the tions and Parliaments, but in vain. So long as on foreign gold to bribe his Parliament and pam- || Crown unhappily prevailed. The same argu- men are moved by their interests, so lony will per his mistresses. The House continued eigh- ments now used for this bill were used then. places, honors, emoluments, contracts, and power teen years, a large number of members practiced The same indifference to personal probity and feed the servile horde of mercenaries who will buy on, and a large number notoriously bribed. When political integrity are observable. Well might out of the labor of the oppressed and tax-ridden a new Parliament was called their disposition was Queen Anne, therefore, dissolve one of her Par- || people the very offices of legislation to prostitute 80 sordid, and the flatteries around the throne so liaments, declaring it was her pleasure to admit them to power: detestable that the English historian blushes as of no debate. Out of this right arose the golden I do not detain the House with the specific he records their slavish submission. Russell and dawn of Walpole! The forecast of the wise states- modes by which the Crown or the ministry have Sydney shine out of this time only by the halo men of England had been exerted in vain. In ruled England through a subordinated Parliament. around their martyr-brows. When Charles died vain had pluce bills been ngnin tried; in vain were Sometimes they made the Speaker; sometimes his brother, James II, added to this corruption Il elections contested for bribery; in vain were mo- shut the Opposition members in the Tower; some
times the king himself, as George III at Ports- | has increased fifty fold, and a stupendous national ter.] Vehement and tumultuous cheers burst mouth, interfered to secure the election of his debt, The people have ground to complain of forth in answer to his eloquent denunciations. friends; sometimes the list of court favorites was their stewardship, but the Crown and its minis- The ministry sat pale and anxious. Closing his foisted in upon boroughs against the will of the ters have not.
recapitulation of points with frantic energy, he people, as in Wilkes's case; sometimes, as in the It will be so here invariably when the heads exclaimed: case of Colonels Barré and A'Court, oficers were of Departments are invited to our Halls. The
“ And now, sir, does the noble lord opposite talk of imdeprived of their commands for their votes in subserviency will be greater, inasmuch as our peachment? I ask hin in the face of this House, and of Parliament against taxing America. Lord Shel- expenditure is so unexampled, and the civil war the whole country, whose eyesare fixed upon it with anx burne was dismissed from his office as aid-de- has so aroused party feelings. When that time
iety and agitation, will he presume to repeat his threat, or camp to his Majesty, Mr. Fitzherbert from the comes, we should so amend this measure, as it
will any one on his belali? Sir, I pause for a reply." Board of Trade, and General Conway from his was suggested by Bolingbroke in the time of Wal- And he did pause, several seconds elapsing in office of Groom of the Bedchamber, for the same pole, that all members, whose relatives had been' dead silence, when presently a most astounding
James I had committed Sir Edwin preferred, or who had sold their votes, should be and unprecedented sound of " cock-a-doodle-doSandys as Charles I had committed Selden and distinguished by some outward token, that the 0-00" [great laughter] issued, with inimitable others to prison, and the Georges had punished | galleries might note them, as you may know a fidelity of tone and manner, from immediately all prominent opponents so far as they could for horse to be sold by a colored ribbon on his bridle. behind Lord Bulfinch, who sprang from his seat their conduct in Parliament. Everywhere in Eng- The committee would assimilate our system as if he had been shot. Every one started. Tish politics do we find not only open but secret with that of England. Let them not be back- Thus a ministry was saved. (Laughter.) Pointerior cabinet influences al work to assail the ward, but go to the full length of the precedent. An litical importunce, never vouchsafed to eloquence, Parliament and assist the monarch. Even Lord attempt was made to copy the English custom and followed this timely expression. The member Chatham bowed so low to the king that he lost to remove our desks some few years ago. It was became famous; English parliamentary history the dignity of his character in bis obeisance, while tried, and failed, because the body could not make received an ensample which our commiliee would he shed tears at the kindness of the king in mak- themselves used to the change. Why not, aithe
do well to consider in the future perfection of this ing him the lord which killed his influence. In same time, have our Speaker dressed after the English system reported by them! the time of George Ill the king staked his per- fashion of the English Speaker, in a silken gown
During ihe debaie of yesterduy, Mr. Speaker, I sonal credit upon the success of his measures, and a horse-hair wig? I would be willing to give
cannot but think, after ihe splendid speech of my and regarded opposition to his ministers as an my mileage in the next Congress (laughter) if friend from New York, (Mr. Brooks,) in defense act of disloyally, and their defeat as an atiront to you, Mr. Speaker, would be willing to be thus of his privilege, he had the right to crow his himself. (May, 49.) During this reign, when tricked out. [Laughter.] Why not also have our
"cock-a-doodle-do-o." (Laughter.] Or perhaps England lost so much, Lord North supported Sergeant-at-Arms, Doorkeepers, and assistants the gentleman from Illinois, (Mr. INGERSOLL,] the king against the aristocracy, the Parliament dressed in black tights and knee-buckles sworded
after his splendid defense of General Grant,[laughagainst the people, and the nation against the col- and belted with authority? Why not have the ter,) was entitled to practice the same art of statesonies. It was this influence which Mr. Burke members sit with heads covered, except when ris. || manship. (Laughier.) I might have called on called “the perennial spring of all prodigality and ing to debate? (Barclay's Digesi, puge 78.) Why the venerable member from Pennsylvania, (Mr. of all disorder; which loads us with millions of not introduce the peculiar exercises by which STEVENS,) after bis good-natured reply (laughter) debt; which takes vigor from our arms, wisdom 11 jubilant or impaticnt members are wont in the
lo my friend from New York, (Mr. Brooks,] 10 from our councils, and every shadow of author- English Parliament to greet the speakers whom give us an exulting crow over his success! ity and credit from the most venerable parts of || they like or dislike? Our rules, as collated by
Were I possessed of such an accomplishment, our constitution.” Complaints of this influence Mr. Barclay, or rather in the Manual of Jefferson, sir, I would use it to usher in, with the notes of did not stop with the deaih or insanity of George || (Barclay, page 75,) seem to point to some such chanticleer, a better dawn for our country! III. England learned nothing. In the subse- diversions which the committee have overlooked: But, sir, these are arguments rather ad absurquent reign of George IV Mr. Brougham de- “ Nevertheless, if a member finds that it is not the in
dum. Still, if we are to begin on the Engiish nounced the same influences of the Crown To clination of the House to hear him, and that, by conversa
model, where are we to stop? it may justly be attributed the long discussions tion, or any other noise, (laughter,] ihey endeavor to drown Let the committee, therefore, assimilate our year after year as to reforms and Catholic eman
liis voice, it is the most prudent way to submit to the pleas-
system altogether to that of England. See how cipation, which in our system would never have pens that they are guilty of this piece of ill manners (luugii
it will work practically without a change of the been patiently listened to for a duy. Upon the ler) without suflicient reason."
Constitution; without the Cabinet responsible to accession of Victoria the same jealousy was ap- The utility of such performances would be | Congress; without their being either elected when parent. Sir Robert Peel would not take ofñce or
apparent as a relief from the tedium of a Cabinet appointed, or resigning to be reëlected when they form a ministry until the ladies of the queen's disquisition or a lecture from the throne through
take office. Place them here in our midst. Make bedchamber were dismissed! the Secretary of State. It is recorded in Cob
a ministeral bench across the way. Remove, as But why enumerate these disgraceful conflicts, bett's Parliamentary History, in Elizabeth's time,
was done a few years ago, these desks. Allow happily unknown to our system? We have as when an arrogant ministry demanded subsidies
the members to be seated as in St. Stephen's or in yet no corrupt civil lists, no patronage to influ- of the Commons, that “an obsequious sergeant
the new Houses on the Thames. Let me make ence our Congresses directly, no inordinate ex- Hyle, said, “I marvel much that ihe House will
the picture-a Cabinet picture for the committee. penditureto satisfy the greed of placemen; no place- stand upon granting a subsidy, when all we have
Of course the heads of committees should sit men in Congress who, having bought their places, is her Majesty's, ' at which the House hemmed, by the side of the heads of Departments. My are ready to sell their votes; no letters of Worsh- || laughed, and talked." So that there was in Eng? I colleague [Mr. H. W. Davis) on the Foreign ington, Adams, or Jackson are exhumed like that land a remedy against ministerial arrogance in
Affairs would occupy a seat by the side of Mr. of the English king, who wrote, “ If the Duke re- the boisterous clamor of the Commons. This
Seward. The one represents Maximilian, the quires some gold pills for the election, it would system was brought to the highest refinement in
other Juarez, but no matter. Lovingly they sit. be wrong not io satisfy him;' no disgraceful traffic these later days when I have seen in Parliament
The chairman moves to impugn the statesmanin boroughs; no "nabobs, commissaries, or West scenes of indecorum that would utterly startle
ship of the Foreign Secretary. The Houses susIndians' here to buy places with their shoddy any one but a Disraeli or a Peel from their pro
lain the committee. Mr. Seward complacently wealth, and sell their votes for rank.
priety. Dr. Warren, in that authentic record of smiles at the brutum fulmen, and sends his minBut these may come. In these times, when Tillebat Titmouse's exercitations when elected
ister to Mexico to recognize the empire! The wealth springs so suddenly from a hundred sources; when contractors, lobbies, speculators, system. That person so long kept down by modto Parliament, has happily illustrated the English | Secretary of the Treasury is seated between the
gentleman from Pennsylvania and the gentleman stock-jobbers, and millionaires are making the esty, the twin sister of merit, brought into requi
from Vermont. In comes the venerable Secretary abyss so wide between the rich and poor; when sition some of his early accomplishments, and
of the Navy. Neptune with his grave beard and even the old lean earth has become as round as attained a sudden distinction. He had been ac
trident is not more solemn, rising from his saline an alderman, and as oozy of oil, [laughter,] may customed, when a haberdasher's clerk, to imitate
couch. [Laughter.] The Secretary of the Intewe not expect a mercenary Legislature who will the cries of cats, the squeaking of pigs, the bray
rior! Around him gather the lodian, Land, and follow the executive drum when it beats to quur- || ing of donkeys, and the yelping of curs, and the
District Committees. The Attorney and Postmasters, even in this Hall? crowing of cocks. (Laughter.] The biographer,
ter General, both new as to the House, urbane and But is it answered that Congress, like Parlia- in referring to these elements of his genius, says:
tremulous, yet confident that no mistakes of theirs ment, holds the power of impeachment and the
can be reached by congressional action. The "He could imitate a blue-bottle fly buzzing about the window, and, lighting upon it, abrupuy cease its lilile noise,
House is opened then is solemnized by prayer Commons; but impeachment has been rare in and anonflying otagini, as suddenly resume it; a chicken, to the Inscrutable Essence whom it is our privEngland-only two cases since the Revolution, peering and picking its way cautiously among the growing ilege to worship under the poetic piety of an acand these not of ministers, though the corruption
cabbages; a cat, at inidnight on the moonlit tiles, pouring
complished Chaplain. (Laughter.] The Journal has been notorious. 'The ministers protected her inconstant mate; a cock, suddenly waking out of some
is read! The Speaker raises his gavel, when themselves against corruption by their presence
horrid drcan, (it might be the nightmare,) and, in the ec- a rumble, like the Temblor which precedes the and their patronage. In America we have had stacy of its fright, crowing as though it would split at once
earthquake in volcanic regions, sounds through its throat and heart, alarning all mankind; a little cur, little corruption of our Cabinet, because there has yelping with mingled fear and rage, at the salle time, as it
the corridors! Alleyes are fixed upon the door! been no contact of or responsibility to Congress, were, advancing backward, in view of a fiendislion-cat Voilà ! the thundering Secretary of War appears ! and no occasion for its exercise of impeachment.
with bigh-curved back, flanning eyes, and spitting tury.” (Great laughter.] Upon his brow the very feature But am I told that the Commons have a veto It was upon a certain night when the ministry
of Mars, to threaten and command! Room for on the Crown by the vote on supplies? There is had a pitched battle with the Opposition that the the War minister! His flowing beard and specnot a case since the Revolution, or at least but | opportunity came for the display of these quali- tacled face, so familar to our eyes one or two, where the Commons have failed to ties. The debate waxed hot and personal. The
“Assume the god, affect the nod, grant just what ministers asked. (May, page leaderof the Opposition was replying to a minister,
And seem to shake the spheres!" 441.) They have acquiesced in alldemands. Since It was as if my friend before me was excoriating [Laughter.] they have controlled the finances the expenditure the War minister for his arbitrary arrests. [Laugh- What to him are the princes of Begum, referred
to yesterday in debate! What the princes of La- from Maryland (Mr. Harris) would ask that upon the dangers of Federal and Cabinet influhore, with their Koh-i-noors? A whole casket question. (Laughter.]
ences, that when Walter Forward sought to dilies in his glance; for is he not the dispenser of Nor should the gentleman from Indiana, (Mr. vorce his State from such dangerous and fatal $500,000,000 a year? (Laughter.] What to him HOLMAN,) the most useful member of this House, connection and patronage, he gave his earnest supthe civil list of George Ill, which the Speaker Nor- ever faithful to the soldier, be omitted from the port to Mr. Forward. I reckon upon his yote ton told the king was great beyond example? Mil- programme. What, with crushing results, could | against this measure, which has similar tendenlions hang upon his smile, where only thousands he inquire of Mr. Stanton, what effect our Demohung upon the smiles of the proud monarchs of cratic efforts here to increase the pay of the sol- The report dwells upon the practice of other England! What to him are the satrapies of the | diers has had on the recent elections. And if not, countries besides that of England. I will not seek Indies? Whole hecatombs of greenbacks daily are why not? (Laughter.] Perhaps this, too, interests to draw my lessons in legislation from France, or sacrificed by his order! In plain attire, but poten- my colleague in front, [Mr. PENDLETON,) who even Italy or Spain. We know what degree of tial mood, he comes! Faroff his coming shines; took some interest in soldier's pay and the last
liberty is allowed in those lands. I doubt if France in form and seeming buta man, but in imagination election. [Laughter.] Or, rising to the innocent
has made any progress in her assemblies since like the angel of the pit, floating many a rood on sublime, the gentleman from lowa (Mr. Grin
the middle ages. It is related of the minister De the burning marl of war! About him herd thou- NELL) should ask the Navy Department
Marigny, that wishing to gratify the king, Philip sands of slaughtered beef. [Laughter.] Around Mr. EDGERTON. What gentleman from Bel, in a levy of taxes, he called the Assembly bim throng millions of tons of forage; guns and Iowa does the gentleman mean?
of States; a great scaffold was erected; the king wagons, horses and mules--an innumerable host, Mr. COX. My pastoral friend. [Great laugh- || lords, and bishops took their places on it; and too great for ihe contracted mind of man; and from ter.]
the Commons attended at its foot. The minister his brow hang bounties for millions, and honors NÍr. GRINNELL. I simply wish to ask the proposed an excise. The king, says an old chronfor all!, Before him fall, as before an oriental | gentleman from Ohio whether he proposes to re- icle, rose from his throne and advanced to the exthrone, the prostrate House. In vain the Speaker vive the church-partnership movement in the State tremity of the scaffold that he might second by calls to order! In vain the Sergeant-at-Arms of Ohio.
his looks the harangue of his treasurer and see brandishes the mace! Our symbol falls before the Mr. COX. I have no doubt the question put who refused and who consented. This is the idea golden wand of this magician of war! Atlength he, | by the gentleman from lowa is very appropriate, ll of the committee. The Cabinet will be here, not ioo, deigns to sit. He is flanked by my military and that it should have been addressed to one to vote, but, by their looks, to second the demands colleagues, (Messrs. Schenck and GARFIELD,] of the Cabinet ministers; but I did not hear it. of the President; and woe to him in all future and the House is ready with their questions ! Rare [Laugliter.)
who dares to vote against the Administration! diversion here, Mr. Speaker. The record pro- Mr. GRINNELL. I am opposed to the ad- The eyes of the Cabinet will be upon him. Busvided by the Clerk is produced. My colleague, mission of Cabinet ministers.
tiles, Towers, imprisonments, may be powerless [Mr. Schenck,) or rather my colleague, (Mr. Mr. COX. I know you are opposed to it; but now, to influence us; but who has not constituGARFIELD,) with that sense of military skill and if they should come in you would probably like ents of influence at home, anxious for the fat of courage for which he is so distinguished, is the to ask a question about ihe sheep business. You
contracts or the drippings of office! first to rise to inquire of the War minister, and would naturally, perhaps, ask the question of the Mr. Speaker, if I did not believe that this mensnot without embarassment. The House is breath- | Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Welles, whether or not ure would tend to increase the power of the Exless as he asks-what? Whether the blowing out the Argonauticexpedition of Admiral Jason would
ecutive at the expense of the Legislature, I would of the bulkhead of the Dutch Gap canal by But- have had any effect, in case the Golden Fleece had have remained silent. But, sir, in times like these ler has seriously affected the backbone of ihe re- been captured in Australia, either on the gold I would be most careful of the purity of the Legis. bellion? (Laughter.) If ay, how many vetebræ market or the price of wool. (Laughter.] lature. I believe that in these days of usurpaare demolished ; and after conference with the I present these funciful questions as an argu- tion of power, when unheard-of claims and inexNaval Comınittee, whether the canal, in case of a mentum ad absurdum. If such questions were put plicable conduct have marked the executive carcer; tempestuous sea, is navigable for double-enders; by the veterans of the House, what might we noi
when the power of Congress in foreign affairs has and whether they cannot go either way therein expect from the awkward squad ? (Laughter.] been denied at a distant court; when the laws we without turning round? (Laughter.]
One thing only they are designed to show: thai, pass here are set aside by the minions of power, The gentleman from Ilinois (Mr. WASHBURNE] ridiculous as they seem, they are not more ri- and when the State is afflicted with a civil war would call up the head of the Treasury and ask diculous than the questions of the English par- and its incidents of expense, patronage, and inwhether it would be best to tax the whisky drank liamentarians, which are invariably laughed at creased authority, that we should guard our porin the last century, with a view to assist Legisla- or avoided. These illustrations of the abuse of tals as sacred from the intrusion of the ministers tures of States to a patriotic choice of Senators, the legislative by the executive power are drawn of that power which debauches. I must enter my [laughter,) and if so, what amount should be from a country where the Government is parlia- | negative to the opportunity for corruption. , I do levied on the spirits of '76? [Laughter.] The mentary, and the responsibility ministerial. In
not forget the prayer that we be “not led into chairman of the Ways and Means-ever ready our country the Government and responsibility temptation." I base my opposition to this mensto defend his positions—would inquire, with the are distributed between the Executive and the Le
ure in the depravity of our nature. I remember gravity of Pluto's iron countenance, whether it gislature, and there is no such thing as a ministe- that nations have fallen when their rulers yielded would not be wise to enact a law punishing with rial responsibility. The Executive is responsible to the lures of the mercenary. Rome reared her death all who might sell peanuts and pulty on any to the people, on the expiration of his term of grandeur by centuries of virtue, wisdom, and other than a gold basis. (Laughter.] A chorus office, and no responsibility exists to the people || blood. When she lost her virtue she lost her of voices would inquire whether the Treasury or to the Congress which can, before that time, I grandeur and her power. Luxury favored corcould not so interprei the five per cent, income tax remove him. Butenough is shown to conclude that ruption, and venaliiy gave to the tongue of her as to relieve members recently defeated from all if the Executive by its Cabinet were in contact Juvenals the fiercest shafts of satire. When her tax upon their mileage in the next Congress. with the Legislature, the people would lose, magistrates were elected by bribes, the sentences [Laughter.]
through the aggressions of power and the per- of her judges were purchased and the decrees of Then the venerable Secretary of the Navy would suasions of corruption, their share of the Gov- her senate were sold, then her liberties sell, and be put to his catechism. A member from Massa- ernment, and the Legislature, representative of the mistress of nations became the scorn and prey chusetts would inquire what etřect the payment of their interests, would become the pliant instru- of the barbarian. Then she was ruled by a Claucodfish bounties, as a nursery for our seamen, ment of the Executive. The democratic element dius, a Nero, a Caligula, and a Narcissus; by minwould have upon the navigation of the iron-clads. of our institutions would be expunged, and the isters who were emancipated slaves, parasites to (Laughter.] 'I might be tempted myself to ask power which in England reached Parliaments and
power, and panderers to rapacity. Shall such be of the same venerable masier of the trident people to corrupt and enslave would here be used ihe finale of these, our terrible trials. Let us bewhether the Abyssinian was used by Cleopatra in for the same purpose.
ware that we do not open the door to this mask of her naval service; if so, were they at the battle of The Executive here is not above the motives death, this saturnalia of hell. Whether such the Nile; and “were they there all the while." which have swayed men in high office in other would be the result of this junction of the Legis(Laughter.] If so, what Pompey thought of it. times. There is a constant tendency in the Ex- lature and the Executive, it is not for me to allege; (Laughter.]
ecutive to enlarge his power. The princes of but I would not open the breach, even if I were But the gentleman from Vermont, ever alive to antiquity used to deify themselves. Even the Eng- careless of the attack. the interests of New England, Mr. MORRILL,] lish kings “surrounded their persons with the It is thought that this union of the Cabinet and would inquire triumphantly of Mr. Fessenden | jus divinum.” We find in democratic America a Congress will elevate the standard of eloquence whether the tarılt should not be so amended as to perpetual ascription of glory to power. Even and statesmanship. England is pointed at as an increase the duty on dyestuffs and paper, so that, in this House I have heard members say " Adopt example. The greatest cfforts of oratory have on a future issue of $17,000,000,000 of greenbacks, this policy, because our rulers have ordained it.” been made against ministerial corruption and exthe tariff will be prohibitory, the prices raised, || Indeed, the committee in this report have trans- ecutive aggrundizement even there; and now in and a satisfactory deficiercy be produced in our | fixed several members of this House on this point | England, where the system is in full operation, revenues. [Laughter.] Or whether, by raising of passive obedience to the powers, (see page 15.) the forum cannot boast greater names than those the price of dyestuffs and paper, the value of The gold bill and loan bill are the acts I refer to, who opposed these encroachments upon the popgreenbacks in the market might not be made equal || and the gentlemen are from New York, [Mr. Mor- ular assembly. Pym, Hampden, Wentworth, to the cost of their manufacture? (Laughter.] Ris,] from Massachusetts, [Mr. Hooper,) and and Falkland in their great struggles with Charles; But what a stunning blow would be given by a others. When the gentleman from Pennsylva- | Pulteney, Wyndham, and Bolingbroke in their Democratic member, who, rising solemnly, should nia [Mr. STEVENS) spoke he gave another voice. struggles against the corruptions of the time of inquire of the War Department what protection, “I bow," he says, “to the opinion of the Sec- Anne; Chatham, thundering against George III in case of foreign war, is afforded by the manning retary of the Treasury--if il is right.” I might and his minister, and Fox echoing back his Deof Foris Warren and La Fayette by their present
well believe that he would not fail into an unrea- mosthenic philippies against the son of the grrat loyal force; if so, how many are there at this time; soning acquiescence with the judgment or wish Commoner; Burke with his splendid imagery; Erhow long have they been there, and with what of any Department. I read in the debates of the skine with his pure and carnest style; the finishcu prospect of relief. [Laughter.] i think my friend | Pennsylvania constitutional convention in 1837, Il precision of Wedderburn; the silver tongue of