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“Captain Flinn, the prisoner to whom Senator H. refers, the judgment of the Senate that a policy ought through any efforts which I made in his behalf. being incidentally on a visit to our city, las called at our not to be adopted which will secure an exchange i I am not going to discuss that question. Captain office and given a denial to the sintentents of Mr. IIEN
of prisoners, 1 must be content; but I hope that Fiino's letter was received by me, and that very DRICKS, solar as lie (Plim) is concerned. The captain says that lie never talked with the houorable Senator on before this subject passes from the consideration same morning I took it to the President of the this subject. Furthermore, that he never was in Ander- of the Senate a very decided expression will be United States, and he was kind enouglı lo make sonville, and so knows nothing experinientally, or by ob- given in favor of the adoption of such measures the proper indorsenient upon the letter; and I servation, of the treatment of our prisoners there. He is
as will secure an immediate exchange of prison- | presume that that letter, with the President's indiametrically opposed 10 the views of Mr. AENDRICKS in this matter, and he has good reason to be. ers during the continuance of the war..
dorsement, is now in the proper office in the War "It will be recalled by most of our readers that in July, The other resolution which I propose to sub- Department to speak for itself. Captain Flinn 1963, Captain Flioni, in connection with Captain Sawyer, mit ng a substitute for the proposition now before knows by whose cfforts he obtained his discharge was chosen by lot from the officersconfined in Libby prison
the Senate is restricted as I understand the laws from prison. to be hung in retaliation for two spies who were executed by General Burnside. They were thrown into a dungeon,
of nations require us to restriclit. That we have I believe, sir, this is all the explanation I deand tiere, for six weeks, experienced untold barbarities at a right to retaliate is not to be questioned; but to sire to make in respect to this editorial. the hands of the rubels. Their release was only secured
what extent, to wliat point? As far as the usa- I have now but a very few remarks to make in by the positive and expressed determination of thic Ferliral Government to execute Filz llugli Lee and General Win
ges of civilized nations allow us to go. Is this continuation of this debale. I am in favor of the der's son in case Flina and Sawyer should be shot or Senate prepared to go further? The Senator from recommiinient of this whole subject to the Combung."
Pennsylvania, (Mr. Cowan,) in a very able ar- miliee on Milijary Affairs. Tie Senator from I do not know that I have a right to find fault gument the other day showed that Congress could Onio (Mr. WADE) said yesterday that any Senawith an editor who ventures to base a criticism nul modify or amend the laws of nations. We lor who voted for the reference was necessarily upon any information be gets from Congress by cun enact a municipal law which will have force in favor of the postponement and final defeat of the telegraphic dispatches, especially those com- upon our own citizens, wbich will have force
the measure. I say that the Senator according ing through the Associated Press, they are so upon our own soldiers; but so far as we as a na- lo lhe usages of the body is not justified in makuureliable when they reach the distant portions lion, a member of the family of civilized nations, | ing that statement. Is not this business in a of the country; but perhaps it is due to myself, are concerned, we cannot modify the laws of na- proper condition to be sent back to the committee? as this is published in my Stale and will be gen- tions. That system of laws has been adopted by When the memorial on this subject was presented erally circulatell, that should correct almost the usage of nations; it is the common law of by my colleague some time ago, and when a resoevery statement made in the article.
nätions, and can only be modified by a contrary lution was presented by the Senator froni Ohio In the first place, the dispatch, according to the usage of nations.
some days since, both were l'elerred to che comeditor's article, seems to make me say that I am I desire also to correct the statement of this millee; and wliy? That that committee might opposed to retaliation in any case. Senators who editor in respect to Captain Flinn, for whom, as digest a proposition which would probably meet did me the honor to listen to what I submitted the I said the other day, I have a personal regard and with the approval of the Senate. When the resoother day know very well that I took the very friendship. Captain Flinn, the editor says, does Jution came back, it appeared early in the debate opposite ground; and, that I may not be misun- not agree with the statement which I made to the that no side of the Chamber would sustain the derstood now upon the subject, I will read what Senale; and what statement does Captain Flinn proposition as it came from the cominiitee. The I said upon it. During the course of my remarks, not agree to! I was represented as saying that debate has gone on from day to day; numerous the Senator from Michigan (Mr. Howard) asked he had reported to his neighbors that ut Ander- amendments have been presented; and I now claim this question:
son ville there were no cruelties perpetrated upon that the committee, if this subject be sent back to “ I ask the Senator whether he is in favor of any retalia
our prisoners. The Senate very well know ihat them, with the light of this debate and of the tion with a view to compel the rebels to treat our prisoners I made no such statement; and it is very reason- amendments proposed, can return to the body a with more kindness and humanity.”
able that Captain Flinn should be surprised to proposition which will meet the approval of a To which I made this reply:
see by the telegraphic dispatch that I had made large majority of the Senate. Then I say it is “I am in favor of carrying on this war upon our part as
such a statement. ' Captain Flinn, I believe, was proper, it is according to the usnges of the Sena civilized and Cliristian people. I am in favor of compel- never at Anderson ville. He was a prisoner al ate, and it will facilitate the business of the body. ling the southern people to carry on the war'ipon their pari Libby; and what I said in respect to Captain But, sir, the Senator from Onio has no righias as a Christian and civilized people; and it'lley refuse to do it, I am in favor of retaliating for the protection of our pco
Flinn was in reply to the evidence the Senator an equal in this body to tell us that by adopting ple and soldiers just so far as the sages of'civilized nations
from Michigan [Mr. HOWARD) adduced in re- the course that we think is right we are opposed will justify, and just so far, as a civilized and Christian spect to the treatment of prisoners in Libby, and 10 a just measure. We who are in favor of this people, we ought to go, and vo further." was expressly so restricted.
reference desire to have the measure considered It is very difficult to understand how the author The editor goes on further to say that Captain | by a committee and properly presented to the of this telegraphic dispatch could have reported Flinn says he had no conversation with me on body, in order that a large vote may be received me as having said that I was opposed to any re- the subject. I believe that is true. I do not recol- in the Senate. That can be done; we have a taliation. I read from a very distinguished author lect to have met Captain Flinn but once, and I right to it; and it is not for the Senator to threaten of our own country to show that retaliation was think that was upon the streets of Indianapolis, || Senators with the displeasure of the country if right, but also to show the limitation that the laws but for a few minutes since his release from Libby. they do not agree withibim. He has the benefit and usages of nations impose upon the right of I did not profess in the course of the debate to of incorporativg in this resolution the very words retaliation, and held, as I have just read, that we speak upon my own knowledge of what Captain that he desires to be used. Other Senators desire were restrained by the usnges of civilized and Flinn had said. I had then no doubt, and I have that their propositions shall go before a commitChristian nations. For two or three days I have now no doubt, that what I said was correct. 1 tee and shall be properly considered. As the had upon my table an amendment, which at the will read from what I said, showing that I spoke measure now stands, we are cut off from amendproper time I intended to propose, which exfrom information:
The Senator, no doubt, is content with pressed my view upon this whole subject, and “I have given the statement of an honest man who was the amendment which he has now before the body. which I will read as a part of my remarks: a prisoner there for montis, a part ot the timne iu a duu
He has the advantage of incorporating in this resgeon, selccted by lot to be shor. When he came home lie Be it resolved, by the Senate and House of Representalives made this statement to his neighbors. I have no doubt that
olution just such words as he desires to use; and of the United States in Congress assembled, That, in the there have been cruelties inflicted on the Uuion prisoners if any other Senator prefers other language, and judgment of Congress, such proper measures ought to be in southern prisous, and that is one reason why I want desires that to go to the committee for their coninken by the President of the United States as may be neces- them broughi bome; but I do not believe that it has gone sary to obtain the earliest exchange of prisoners at all times to the extent reported in the country.”
sideration, the Senotor ought to treat with indulduring the continuance of the war. Ami be it further resolvei, That the executive and mili
I stated to the Senate what I knew was what
gence this fair desire on our part. I hope the
whole subject will be referred; it is according to tary authorities of the United States are hereby directed to he had stated to his neighbors; but further in the
the usages of the body, and I think will secure treat prisoners of the enemy in such manner, in accordance debale I made it more explicit that my informawithi ine u-ages of civilized nations, as shall be effective in
the early consideration of a measure with which tion was derived from his neighbors. In the deterring the enemy froin llie perpetration in future of cruel
we shall all be content, and barbarous treatment of our soldiers lield as prisoners course of the argument made by the Senator from
The Senator from Ohio (Mr. Wade) and the of war. Connecticut, (Mr. Foster,] I corrected a misun
Senator from Michigan (Mr. CHANDLER) yesterThese two resolutions present my views upon derstanding on the part of that Senator, and re
day used language that I thoughe remarkable in this whole subject: first, that, as a remedy for | peated what I had said on this subject, and con
this body; but as the Senator from Massachusetts the evils of which we complain, we demand of tinued:
(Mr. Wilson) has replied in part, it is not necesthe Administration the adoption of all proper
“This I was informed by his neighbors with whom he conversed immediately on his return.
sary for me to refer to their arguments at any
Of course, that is measures which will secure an early and imme- couf ed to Libby prison. I suppose Captain Flinn kuew
length. The Senator from Ohio said: diate exchange of prisoners during the continu- nothing about any other.”
“ If a man has no sympathy for these barbarians, why ance of the war. This is a remedy which I can I undertook to state to the Senate what Captain are his perves more afficied by the proposition to subject appreciate, and, in my judgment, is a remedy || Flinn had said to his neighbors, as they informed them to the same treatment that they inflict upon us? Why wbich the country will appreciate. As I had an
is it that gentlemen's kyınpathies are all that way? You me. Nor does Captain Flinn undertake to cor- know from the evidence that these outrages are committed ; opportunity the other day to give the Senate the rect that statement; but he undertakes to correct you cannot deny it. The Senator froin Illinois does not reasons why I was in favor of the remedy by the statement that he had been at Andersonville deny it. He is too candid to do so, He says there is no exchange, I need not now repeat them. 'l'hey | and that there were no cruelties perpetrated at
doubt about the fact. We all know that our soldiers towere in substance these: that if we leave our sol
day are subjected to all that barbitrily can inflict upon thein. Andersonville; a thing that I never thought of.
We know ihat this day in southern prisons there are thou. diers in southern prisons, in an unhealthy cii- | He was not there, and of course cold know noth- sands of our brave hoidiers dying by inches by reason of mate, exposed, as of necessity they must be, to ing about the treatment of prisoners at Anderson- the barbarity of their captors and keepers." hardships, they will encounter diseases, and that ville. I concede that if he saw what was reported Again, the Senator says: to restore them to health we desire to bring them in the telegraphic dispatch, he would be surprised
“Sir, sympathy for the rebellion cannot stop ft. Felto their homes, that they may enjoy the advan- that I should have said that he had reported that Jowship with the leaders, old acquaintance with theur, lages which bome alone can give. there were no cruelties at Anderson ville.
high standing with them, raising them up as tlo idols of But, sir, I do not care to continue the discus. Again, the editor undertakes, as I think, to make your idolatry, cannot save theni.” tion upon that particular point further. If it is ll the impression that Captain Flinn was not released It is difficult lo tell to whom the Senator re
ferred. The most earnest denunciation of the Danton was tried and executed? When the mas- the light of the speech. I do not consent to that. measure was from the Scnator from Massachu- sacres had gone to such an extent as to shock even His proposition of starvation, and the proposition Retts, (Mr. SumnER.] I had not known that the Danton, he was put upon his trial, and this is the of the Senator from Michigan, of the stake, I think Senator from Massachusetts had ever very inti- | charge:
would find but little support in this body. I do mate fellowship with the leaders of the rebellion. “A secret meeting of the Committee of Public Safety was not go for it, and we cannot go for it. Senators I had not known that he was in high standing with convened by night, and Danion was accused of the trea- say it shall be, but I say it will not be. It cannot the leaders of the rebellion. I think that anything
son of clemency.'»
be, for God and His religion forbid it; it cannot but very intimate relations existed between that
entered the gloomy portals of the prison le said,
be, for civilized humanity forbid it; it cannot be, Senator and the leaders of the rebellion; and I
power ultimately rests with the most abandoned.'» for the genius of our country presiding over its cannot conceive why the Senator from Ohio should
I have said, Mr. President, that I am in favor | destiny forbids it. Let the resolution, then, be attribute to the Senator from Massachusetts rela. of that policy which will secure the return of our
modified by the committee so as to reflect the sentions of that sort or sympathy with the rebellion. brothers and friends now in southern prisons to
timents of the body as shown in the debate, and Does he refer to other Senators? In the course of their homes. I have said that I am in favor of the many amendments that have been offered, and this debate there has been nothing said which jus- such retaliation as will secure to them treatment
there will be no difficulty in passing the measure. tifies the charge of sympathy with the rebellion.
according to the usages of civilized nations. Does Mr. TEN EYCK, Mr. President, I listened So far as I am concerned I disclaim all sympathy. any Senator object to that proposition? This
the other day to the statement of the Senator from with the rebels. Politically, I have more cause of is clemency, they say, and this justifies Senators
Indiana as he understood it to have been made complaint against the leaders of the rebellion than in intimating that there is a sympathy with the
by Captain Flinn to his neighbors at home in rethe Senator. They never were his friends politirebellion. My sympathy is not with the rebel
lation io the manner in which our prisoners bad cally. Many of them once belonged to the Demo- | lion, but with my country. I say we cannot do
been treated in Libby prison, or at Richmond. cratic party, and in my judgment they were in what is proposed and stand as a civilized people
That statement did not exactly accord with the honor bound to stand by the doctrines of that
among the nations of the earth. I wish I could statement I myself had received from an authorparty as enunciated in the Cincinnati convention command at the present moment the language of
itative source; but I did not feel myself called in 1856; and when they abandoned the Union they one of the greatest orators of our country. The
upon to arrest the Senator in the progress of the abandoned their obligations to the party to which I sentiment he expressed I can give. He was speak
debate for the purpose of making a counter statebelong;they cutthemselves off from the sympathy | ing of the conduct of Russia toward the exiles
ment, nor did I consider it necessary at that time to which they were entitled while they stood faithfrom Hungary. He said the earthquake has its
to interfere with the discussion for the purpose fully to the Union and the Constitution. Mr. WADE. If the Senator will allow me, I
power, the lightning has its power, the tornado of counteracting the influence of that stutement, has its power, but there is a power greater than
supposing it was not materially to be relied upon, think he is mistaken in one thing. He says that
all, and that is the judgment of the civilized world. or that a point would not be made of it in relathe leaders of the rebellion belonged to the Demo- When the Senator from Ohio speaks ot' courage,
tion to the mode in which our prisoners were cratic party. I think the Democratic party beI claim to have the courage which I accord to him;
treated at Richmond. But since ihat matter has longed to them. I think he is wrong in that. but I say, as a Senator representing one of the
been referred to over and over again, and reiterMr, HENDRICKS. I do not intend in the
proud States of this Union, I do defer to the judg. | ated during the course of this discussion some course of this debate to bandy words. I am anment of the civilized world.
three or four times, I think it is my duty, in jusswering the insinuations of the Senator. I should What record does the Senator propose that we tice to the true history of the mode of treating have liked it better if he had made a direct charge
shall make? The South say that they have treated prisoners there, and in justice to a gallant Union against some Senator that he held sympathy with our prisoners as well as they could. le is not be- soldier and sufferer, that I should make a simple the rebellion, rather than by insinuation to make lieved here; it is not believed by myself; but that statement of the evidence in my possession. the charge. The Senator spoke earnestly yes- is their defense; that is what they say to the na
Captain Henry Sawyer, who was taken at the terday of courage. I think, sir, it is evidence of | lions of the world. " We have treated these
same time with Captain Flinn, and who was held courage where a man makes a charge squarely | prisoners as well as our means would allow; we
by the rebels for retaliation on account of iwo of and direcily, rather than by insinuation. So far have not wantonly and willfully inflicted cruelty
their officers who had been executed under Genas I am concerned, I throw the insinuation back and barbarity upon them.” That is the message
eral Burnside's command, came to the city of to the Senator from Ohio. I have never done an they send out io the world. What message do
Washington the very day after he lunded at Anact, I have never said a word, that evidenced a
we send? We say to the nations of the world, | napolis, fresh from the Libby prison. He was sympathy with the rebellion. This far I have
in the language of the Senator from Michigan, | from my State; and I am proud of the mun who gone; this far I go now: I hope to see the day | [Mr. Chandler:)
has by his gallantry, although acting in an infewhen they will be back among us, friends again,
“I shall vote for this measure of retaliation, and for any
rior capacity, shed luster and honor upon her obedient io the law, honoring and respecting the measure of retaliation that promises to be effective. Ay, soldiery. Captain Sawyer came tottering into Constitution and the flag of my country, so that sir, I will carry it to the point of starvation. A Senator my house in the presence of my wife and chile we shall once more be the united, prosperous,
the other day put the question, would you carry it to the dren, and he detailed the sufferings of our Union and happy people that we were before these dif.
stake? Yes, sir, I will carry it to the stake, and I will ficulties came upon us. carry it to any extent that is necessary to preserve the lives
soldiers in the Libby prison. He stated, if I reIs that sympathy with of those suffering and helpless prisoners now dying by thou- member his declarations aright, and they made a the rebellion? That, sir, in my judgment, is sym- sands in the hands of these accursed, hellisha rebels." deep impression upon me at the time, that they pathy with my country, my whole country: Nobody can charge the Senator with any sym
suffered almost everything but death. He stated This is not ihe first time in the history of legis- pathy for rebels after the use of such powerful that they were nearly starved; that they had not lation that fear has been held up to control the language. If thoughts become powerful as the sufficient clothing and protection from the weather; action of legislators. The Senator from Michi- language is very strong, the Senator from Ohio and so far as regarded himself and Captain Flinn, gan (Mr. CHANDLER) makes threats of our con- and the Senator from Michigan certainly com- they were cast into a dungeon, and one had to sit stituency, particularly the constituency of the
mand most potent arguments. “Hellish rebels !” up and watch while the other slepi to prevent Senators from Massachusetts. Is the Senator
As I said, I hope to see the day when they will them from being gnawed by the rats. The story not aware that the language of threat can only be be American citizens again, obedient to the laws made such an impression upon me that I have answered by that of defiance? Who constituted and the Constitution, and when that time comes, thought of it since in my dreams. Whether the the Senator from Michigan a pedagogue in our I think the Senator from Michigan will look back report made by Captain Flinn's neighbors of the body to hold the ferule over shivering children? to this little record of his with some regret. When treatment of prisoners in Libby is correct, or I expect to vote according to the diciates of my
we come to be one people again, as he and I alike whether the report made by my friend Captain judgment and conscience, and intimations of hope for, when the social relations are restored, Sawyer is correct, I am unable to say; but the "sympathy with the rebellion” will not control when we visit them and they visit us, when the
effect of that treatment upon Captain Sawyer me. My conscience being right on this subject, railroads shall be reconstructed that bind us to was such that as soon as he was able to resume I shall vote according to that conscience. Ås 1 || them, when our trade shall be renewed, and the the saddle he went, in accordance with the indigreferred to the French Revolution the other day men of his State and of my State shall again
nation of his feelings, declaring in the presence by way of illustration, I will refer to it again,
carry the products of our rich lands down the of my family that he would retaliate upon these and will read one passage from Abbolt's French rivers to sell to them, and buy from them and rebels with his saber; and he has done it since Revolution. Speaking of the horrible butcheries bring back the means of increasing prosperity to
to our credit and to his credit. daily perpetrated in Paris, the author says: our respective States, then the Senator will wish I make this statement in justice to him, and for
"And yet there was a cowardly spirit impelling these he had used such terms in this debate that all the purpose of putting his testimony before the massacres. No one dared speak a word in behalf of inercy could look back to it without a regret.
country in relation to the mode in which our Jest he should be deemed in sympathy with aristocrats. He alone was sate from suspicion who was merciless in
Mr. President, I cannot support the proposition Union prisoners are treated at Richmond as well denunciation of the suspected. It is, however, remarkable
of the Senator from Ohio, though it is hard to tell as at Andersonville. that nearly all the actors in these scenes of blood, even in what his proposition is. He argued yesterday for Mr. SPRAGUE. Mr. President, I desire to llic hour of death, protested their conscientiousness and starvation; but his resolution is not for starvation. occupy the attention of the Senate for but a motheir integrity.”
He has yielded that. His proposition before the ment or two only upon this question. It has been In the midst of those horrible scenes the most body upon retaliation, conceding the power to the discussed so fully and freely and frankly that I extreme men excited suspicion against those who | President, directs him
to exercise that power only feel in reference to my position upon the question were in favor of a wiser and a more humane policy. | according to the laws and usages of nations. Then very much as a patriotic lady from Philadelphia I have here a list of the executiens during those if he wished this debate to come to a close and felt' yesterday. After listening to the debate on horrible times, but I will not detain the Senate by that we should have a vote on the measure, why this subject for aday or two she said, "My grandreading it. But, sir, he in Paris in those days was it necessary to go back and discuss a prop- son shall be a Senator of the United States." You who was not in favor of wholesnle butchery was osition which he had himself abandoned? My can imagine the mother's feeling in reference to a a suspected person; and why? Because the lead- objection to it is this: after he had abandoned his relation so intimate as that of grandehild; and, ers chose to use that suspicion as a power to con- original resolution by his modification, he then sir, if it is in my power to be of any service on trol the votes of members of the Convention. Why, makes this speech with the expectation, I sup- this floor in my capacity as a Senator, I shall yet sir, did you ever observe the charge upon which pose, that the President will read thc resolution in be inspired with a feeling to do and to dare for that country whenever her service may seem to ate practices of that character upon rebel soldiers are against it. Arrange n system, perfect it,
bring require it.
either upon the battle-field or in the prison camp. it to the proper authorities, bring it to the PresiIt may not be improper for me to state some- I could not, in the beginning, agree to that propo- dent of the United States, to all men who have an thing in relation to the early progress of this ques- sition. I asked of the men who represented those opportunity to act in the matter, and to act quickly; tion in committee and out of committee. li was dead heroes that, instead of imitating the exam- but do not brutalize your acis, do not become my privilege early in this war to know something ple of the cnemy, they should prove themselves savages, because suvages are around you; but inof hc barbarities of the enemy toward our sol- better and braver soldiers upon the battle-field; stitute some measures of retaliation." That, sir, diers. It has since been my privilege to know they should show by their courage and their en- is the evidence which comes to us, and which we something of the progress of this question of re- durance that they were better and higher in the are advised to receive as the testimony of a man taliation in committee and out of committee. It glorious cause in which they were engaged; that who has witnessed these sufferings. wils carly agitated there. One of its distinguished they would perform with that motive before them Sir, I shall occupy the attention of the Senate members wus called upon to make & report upon ten thousand times more of service to the country no longer. I desire that this resolution, with all the subject long before it was agitated in the Sen- than they could with their hands covered with the amendments which have been proposed to it, atc. When he was about ready to make that re- deeds so black as those which it was proposed to shall be recommitted to the Committee on Miliport, the subject was agitated in the Senate by the avenge.
tary Affairs, from whence it originated. I believe Senator from Indiana (Mr. LANE) and the Sena- Sir, the cause of this treatment of our men by that such a reference is eminenily proper. I bealor from Ohio, (Mr. WADE,) who suggested a the rebels has not been so thoroughly understood lieve that no hasty resolutions should come from course of action upon it, and their propositions as it might have beer). The Senator from lowa any individual or from any set of individuals in were referred to that committee. The Senator | [Mr. Harlan) has suggested to you the good ef- this Senate upon a question so important as this, from Ohio has informed you that when this reso- lects that have been produced by our retaining the until some committee or some organized body lution was first presented to the Senate they were rebel prisoners in our hands. I agree heartily shall have the matter before them and suggest unanimous, or he thought ihey were, in reference with the suggestion that he made early in this something proper in the case. Let the committee to this subject. The Senator was mistaken. debate. I know something of the disposition of suggest what is proper to the Senate, and let us
Mr. WADE. I do not think I said the Senate our people early in this war to let their blows then act upon it. were unanimous.
strike lightly upon the head of this rebellion. I Mr. SUMNER. I desire to express my thanks Mr. SPRAGUE. I mean the committee. know that the disposition of our soldiers was not to the Senator from Rhode Island, not only for Mr. WADE. I supposed so.
to form their lines as steadily as they should, and the practical humanity but for the practical wis. Mr. SPRAGUE. I did not think it then neces- to do the real, hard service that was demanded of dom of his remarks. He is right on the question sory to interrupt the Senator, as I believed that them. This treatment has been practiced by the of humanity, soldier and Senator as he is. He in the progress of the debate that fact would be- rebels upon Union soldiers to bring aboul the very is right, also, on the question of the reference. A come known to the Senate. But, sir, the Senate, result that has been brought about, and that is, matier of so much importance, debated so many in the modifications of the resolution before them, || an exchange of prisoners. It was known that the days, with regard to which there have been so have arrived very much at the same conclusion exchange proposed between this Governmentand many conflicting opinions, so many different to which their committee had arrived. The res- the authorities of rebeldom was unfair; it was propositions, differing from each other more or olution which came from the Committee on Mili- known that they captured private citizens and less, ought not to be acted upon without the intary Altivirs was presented not so much as a prop- endeavored to offset ihem with our soldiers. We lervention of a committee of ihis body. It is for osition expressing the views and opinions of that refused to agree to it; and these retaliatory meas- just such a case as this that we have committees, committee as with a view to place the subject be- ures on their part have been the means of produ- | who, as we are told by parliamentary authors, fore the Senate, that they might act upon it as cing the results which have come to us in the in familiar words, are the eyes and ears of the they thought proper under the circumstances. newspapers and otherwise,
body. Never, sir, was there an occasion when Thill proposition has been presented to the Sen- I do not mean to apologize in any way for these eyes and ears were more wanted than on a propate; it has received modifications; it has been barbarities, but this much I will say: that the re- osition which has been the subject of such a concurtailed, and almost entirely separated from its fusal of this Government to exchange has wrought || flicting discussion. If there was a general harobjectionable features. I do not know that I up the soldiers of our armies and the people to mony in the statements on this subject, if these should refuse to vote for it in its present shape. the prosecution of this war with an energy un- differences had not been developed day by day There are, however, some objections to it; and known to any other people; and the victories of in the discussion, then I should say, let us act it does seem to me that a proposition so im- Nashville, the campaign of Atlanta, the splendid | directly on the proposition; but, under the cirportant, a proposition which affects so much the success of Savannah, consummated by the cap- cumstances of the case, I say that it is according interese, the feeling, and the policy of the coun- ture of Fort Fisher, may be as much owing to the to parliamentary usage and according to common lry, should be recommitted to inat committee, and sacrifices and sufferings of our brave men in rebel sense that this question should go to a committee. dae that committee, with the benefit of the re- prisons as to any other cause. While I will not Mr. HOWE. Mr. President, I do not hold marks that have been made and the propositions for a moment upon this floor apologize in the least I myself responsible for the fate of this resolution. which have been suggested, should present to the for the barbarities of this cruel foe, 1 yet see some- liis under the care of the Senator from Ohio, Senate and the country something upon which thing in the course they have pursued to the ad- (Mr. Wade,) and he knows how to take care of Senators can act so that hereafter no one will ever vantage of this country, and a greater reason not it. It is not his habit to put any of his children regret the act or the vote which he gave upon it. to imitate their example. Sir, there will be no to a charily school. And if only the fate of this
Sir, the recommendations which have come individuals or families who will receive from the resolution were at stake I should not trouble the from eminent Senators from New England, and people of this country more real respect and ado- Senate with another word during this debate. from the Senator from Ohio, advising barbarous ration than will go forth from the whole people But I have sat here, Mr. President, four or five treatment to rebel prisoners on account of bar- to these suffering heroes. I believe it has been days, and heard for the first time in my life mybarilies practiced toward ours can find no sym- their fortune, sutfering as they bave, to do more self arraigned and prosecuted for a want of bu. pathy in the people they represent. I believe if real service to their country in this, its greatest | manity. I have said that I did not hold myself ihere was established in either of those States a emergency, than ten thousand times the efforts / responsible for the fate of the resolution, but I camp for rebel prisoners, and it was duly guarded of any other of our citizens. I believe that if you hold myself responsible for the support I give it; by persons who would treal rebel prisoners with had put upon our advancing armies the strength and, if I may be allowed to make use of an exthe barbarities suggested in the beginning of this that we have with held in our prison camps, if you | pression which is net so much in vogue in this debate, viat the men who practiced them upon had put the thirty or forty thousand rebel troops Senale Chamber as it used to be, I wish to say defenseless prisoners would have no place in those whom we held as prisoners again in arms against that I hold myself “personally responsible" for Slates.
this Government and against our soidiers, the re- it. Sir, I did not come to the Senate of the United Early in the history of this war it was my sull of their efforts would liave put back the suc- States to be taught what was or was not humane, privilege to have intimate and near friends cori- cess of this contest for years, and would have
pro- and I am not likely to learn it here, I fear. If nected with the Army. It was my good fortune duced more suffering and more disastrous effects know anything about it now, or if I ever shall, to be with them upon the battle.field. I saw many than the suffering that has been brought on our I learned it before I came here; and I did not of them wounded, others struck down. The pa- heroes and martyrs in southern prisons.
learn it from the jurisis, nor from the publicisis, triotic people of my State demanded of me that It was my province on Sunday evening to lis. nor from the poets. What little sentiment of hutheir renainis should be relurned to the State; that ten to the addresses before the Christian Com- || manily I have I acquired before I was put to the the ground of that State should be hallowed by mission-a commission which is part and parcel schools; ! acquired it when I was put to my their bones and remains; that their history should of the country's cause and of the country's he- || mother's breast; and I beg leave to tell the Senate be a part of that of the State. In obedience to roes. We there heard an address from the person that so many of them as have not drawn their that demand I traveled with a proper escort to en- whose testimony was presented to the Senate yes- notions of humanity from the same great fountdeavor to secure their bodies; and what did I find? || cerday morning. What was his advice? Nou ain had better not parade their humanity here I found that the friends whom I had left wounded that which is recommended by the Senator from too freely, for it is not reliable. upon the battle-field had been murdered after we Ohio. He suggested no such thing, although cog- Day atier day, during this debate, every one of had left. I found the dead that we were obliged nizant of all the brutalities that have been spoken | those who have asked you in the name of facts to leave upon the balle-field with their faces of for the last twenty-two months. “But,” said wbich make the nation shudder to do something downward as a mark of indignity. I found the heads of the bravest and best of my companions have suffered, men who have been brutalized, men | up as criminals against the holiest dictates of busevered from their bodies to be used as drinking who for twenty-two months have been so im- | manity, as offenders against the religion of the cujus by southern rebels. Of the remains of some paired in their intellectual and physical capucity | land, as cri inals in the judgment of civilized of the best, most intelligent, and bravest officers as to be not men, but brutes? Would you place mankind; and Senators read us authorities here that ever served any cause, I found but the por- such men over defenseless prisoners? I advise to prove it. When the Senator from Massachution left from a bonfire.
retaliation thus far, to prevent these barbarities; selis (Mr. SUMNER) harangued the Senate on SatThe proposition now would be that the Amer- but my instincts, and the instincts of every pa- | urday last against barbarity, I enjoyed the occaiean troopa and American generals should relali- Il triotic officer in the service, and of every true man, aion as much as any man who listened to him.
I like to see great faculties put face to face with Let us see in what terms and from what stand-li implicit credit to the testimony of Professor Liegreat infamy, and I do not enjoy the spectacle | point he did it:
ber on this point, want to examine him on his any the less because the infamy is imaginary and “Indeed, it is no more than our duty to treat the pris
voir dire; I should want to know whether he unnoi real; I think I enjoy it the better for that very oner well. The law of nations requires it."
derstood the measure upon which the Senate is reason. I think I would better like to see John Unquestionably it requires it.
deliberating as well as that he understands the C. Heenan sparring with a dummy than with Tom
"The Government that relises or neglects it does not
code about which he undertakes to instruct us. Sayers, because you can see the play of the muscle deserve the name of civilized."
Hle shows manifestly in this instance that he does and the spring of the sinew just as well, and the
Does any man doubt that when Mr. Everett
not understand the measure which is before the beauty of the spectacle is not marred by hearing | struck that point in his remarks and made that
Senate; for he says, bringing it down to practice: any grouns or seeing any bruised and lacerated
observation, he had in his mind, not the conduct “It is supposed, then, that retnliation is resolved upon; flesh. So I say I enjoyed the occasion the other of our Government, but the conduct of those au
what next?' The order is given to harass, starve, expose, day all the better because there was not any real thorities ngainst which we remonstrate and pro
and torture, say twenty thousand prisoners in our hands barbarity here for the Senator from Massachu.
until their bones pierce the skin, and they die idiots in test to-day? From that point onward he com- their filth." selts to hit. I liked to see him strike out at it all
menced to arraign, not our Government nor anythe better because of that fact; and he admitted thing we had done, nor anything we proposed to
Professor Lieber, well as he understands inthat it was not here. He said that the proposi- || do, but he commenced to arraign the rebel author
ternational law, does not at all understand the tion before the Senate had been so changed that ities for their violations of the law of nations:
measure before the Senate. No such command there was nothing left of it but the name retalia
« The Government that refuses or neglects it does nou
(as has been repeatedly pointed out) could issue tion. Against the specific proposition before the deserve the name of civilized. Even inability is no justi
upon the enactment of this resolution in any form Senate he had not a word to say in behalf of hu- fieation. If you are yourselfso exhausted tliat you cannot
in which it has been proposed. It has no retromunity, of Christianity, of civilization, of poetry, supply your prisoner with a sufficient quantity of whole- spective action whatever; it looks steadily to the or of philosophy; but he could not forbear the
some food, you are bound, with or without exchange, to set future. It does not propose to stárve any man
him free," opportunity to impress upon the Senate and the
in the world; it proposes simply to put an end, world the notion that some of us here had been,
Speaking manifestly with direct reference to the
a final and speedy end, lo starvation. The comat some previous time, defending a measure which action and to the excuses, not of our own Gov.
mand would not go to take twenty thousand men was full of barbarity, which was but an imitation ernment, but of the rebel authorities. But he lays
or one man and scarve him until his bones pierced of that of which we complain.
down the law correctly. Who disputes it? It is through the skin and he died in his own filth. Sir, was that fair and just toward those who
the duty of a nation io treat its prisoners well. The command would simply go to the men who have differed from him here on the floor of the
That is the law. The exception to the law is just have been practicing these enormities, who have Senate? Was it just and fair toward that Sensuch a case as is presented here, when we are not
been engaged in the wholesale work of starvation, ator who has brought forward this proposition,
to prescribe treatment as a mere end, but when to stop it. To stop it at what peril? At the peril and consented to its being put into this form, (Mr.
we are to prescribe treatment as a means to an end. that if they do not commence to feed our pris. Wade,) in order to convince the Senate and to
I am asked by the Senator from Massachusetts oners in their hands, we will withdraw the racions convince the world that he did not intend and did to read the last sentence. I will:
which we are daily meting out to their prisoners not altempt any of those measures which have “You have no more right to starve than to poison him. in our hands. And the command does not go to
It will, however, be borne in mind that while the hard fare been ascribed to him? He sees and consents to of our prisoners is defended by the southern leaders on the
our agents; it goes to the agents of that rebel his own resolution being remodeled and remod- ground that it is as good as that of their own soldiers, at the
organization. eled, until now they whocarp at it most and crit- same time they maintain that their liarvests are abundant Mr. President, Senators, steadily shutting their
and their armies well fed." icise it most bitterly can point to no ugly feature
eyes and ears to what this resolution says, and in it. But was it fair to say to him that he had “You have no more right to starve than to what it means, have contrived to give it a bad ever been the advocate of anything that was mon- poison him," says the witness, speaking still not name. Nay, I do not find any fault with the strous or barbarous ? What he intended, if il to our Government but to the rebel authorities name; the name is well enough. They call it were not proved by the language of the resolution who alone have starved; speaking evidently to not merely retaliation, which it is, but retaliation which he originally introduced, is abundantly them, because he goes on to say that the justifi- l in kind. I do not complain so much of the name proved by his consenting to its being put into cation which the rebel authorities make for that they give it as the manner in which they treat language against which the Senator from Massa- starvation is utterly untenable:
that name. If the Senator from Massachusetts, chusetis can file no protest whatever.
“ It will, however, he borne in mind that, while the hard in the tragic mood in which he spoke the other Mr. SUMNER. " I made my protest in my fare of our prisoners is defended by the southern leaders 011 day, had seen fit to call it the balm of a thousand remarks. the ground that it is as good as that of their own soldiers, at
roses, it would have sounded bad to almost all the same tiine they maintain that their barvests are abunMr. HOWE. Against this resolution? dant aud their armies well fed."
listeners. No matter what name you call a thing Mr. SUMNER. Yes.
The next witness
by, if you cram your countenance chock full of Mr. HOWE. Then I misunderstood the Sen
Mr. SUMNER. Finish that passage from Mr.
horror, and throw a sepulchral tone into your ator's remarks, and have misread them. I say, Mr. President, that authorities have been brought Everett, if you please.
voice, it will sound bad, no doubt. But it is afier Mr. HOWE.' I will.
all only retaliation. There is nothing bad about forward here to convict us who support this res
retaliation. All say that. It is strictly in accordolution of barbarity and of inhumanity. They humanity; it is simply infainous aud wicked to treat him
" There is no merit treating a prisoner with common
ance with the laws of nations. All acknowledge are not witnesses to the point; they are not fairly otherwise."
That. treated, and we are not fairly treated by their be
Mr. SUMNER. That is the point: that is the
Well, let us admit that what we propose hero ing produced here. law of nations.
is retaliation in kind; is there anything bad about The Senator from Massachusetts read to us an Mr. HOWE. The law of nations! We are
retaliation in kind, like for like? What is retalia extract from a recent speech of the lamented Ev. not disputing about what the law of nations is.
ation in kind? If they assassinate a mail, retal. ereit. It is to be noticed that the Senator and The simple question is, upon whom was Mr.
iation in that case would be to execute a man. If that was fair in him; it is entirely allowable by || Everett enforcing the laws of nations? Upon the
they take a looth, retaliation in that case would be the rules of debate-look pains to eulogize every Senale of the United States or upon the rebel au
to take another. If they tear your jacket, retaliwirness whom he introduced here. I do not com- thorities? If the Senator insists that he was in.
ation in that case would be to tear another jacket. plain of that; but if you will consent to look aside | strucling the Senate of the United States in refer- | Necessarily, retaliation in kind is not awful, is from the character of the witnesses and just listen ence to our action upon this resolution, I differ
it? In reference to the particular evil with which to what they state, I shall not feel at all incul- from him altogether. The evidence to the con
we have to deal, I beg leave to say that retaliation pated by the testimony they give. Mr. Everett trary is patent upon the face of the extract. in kind not only is not the terrible enormity it is says-speaking, if I do not mistake the occasion, Again, Professor Francis Lieber is placed upon
held to be, but it is the mildest species of retali. before a public meeting called to concert meas- the stand; a competent witness, says the Senator,
ation that you can apply. ures for furnishing relief, not to starving prison. upon a question of international law. Undoubt- Senators all tell us that retaliation is right; ers, but to a hungry population in Savannah- edly competent; and if it had been his purpose
retaliation is entirely in accord with the law of "I believe that the best way in which we can retaliate or his aini to instruct us in international law I
nations; retaliation is abundantly indorsed by civupon the South for the cruel treatment of our prisoners is should have listened to what he said with as much ilization, by Christianity, by Professor Lieber, for us to continue to treat their prisoners with entire hu. manity and all reasonable kindness, and not only so, but to respect as the Senator from Massachusetts or any
and by the Senator from Massachusetts. Reseize every opportunity like the present to go beyond this.” body else. Professor Lieber says:
taliation is all right, but you must mark the limHe was not talking to the resolution which the “No mawkish sentimentality has induced the writer to
itations, says the Senator from Massachusetts. express bis views. He has liad dear friends in those south- And what are they? That you must not be inSenator from Ohio has been defending, or to any ern pens, which have become the very symbols of revolt- human? No; bui you may be humane, I take modification of that resolution before the Senate; ing barbarity, but he desires, for this very reason, that the it. You must not siarve a prisoner. We do not he was talking to a public meeling in behalf of a
subject be weighed without passion, wliicb never counsels
want to starve any one. We are trying to subpublic charity, appealing purely to the benevo- Let us bring down this general call for retaliation to prac
serve a humane purpose. We do not mean to lence of those who heard him, and appealing to tical and detailed measures. It is supposed, then, that re- be driven from it. But what sort of retaliation, that benevolence for a specific purpose. He was taliation is resolved upon; what next?”
I put it to the common sense of the Senate, can not talking to legislature having io grapple with Now, admitting that Professor Lieber is abun- possibly be applied to the evil which we mean to a monstrous crime; he was not attempting to in- | dantly competent to testify upon a rule of inter- prevent, but retaliation in kind ? struct us upon the doctrines of international law. national law, yet if he is asked to testify whether Sir, what do we want to do? There is no venge
Mr. SUMNER. The Senator will bear in mind a given nieasure is within or without the rules of ance hinted at in anything which is proposed that he lays down the rule of international law iniernational law, it would be necessary for him to the Senate. We simply
wish to put an end to there. It was for that that I quoted the passage, to show not merely that he understands what an enormity. We are about to enact a law, not not for the sentiment, not for the eloquence. international law commands and what it pro- to command citizens within the reach of our pro
Mr. HOWE. The Senator reminds me that the hibits, but also that he understands what the spe- cess, but to command a people beyond the reach witness laid down the rule of international law. cific measure is. I would, therefore, before I gave of our process. We want them to give food and
shelter to the men to whom they are bound to ren- your Legislature forbids it.” What will you do? would still allow them space to linger on and air der it by the laws of war, by the laws of civil- What can the commissioners say? But pass
this to breathe; but inasmuch as it took bread and ization, and by the laws of Christianity. How | resolution and then you can negotiate with effect; meat to feed them, and inasmuch as it took loyal shall we compel them to do it? Retaliation is the then your agents of exchange will know what to force to guard them, and inasmuch as I wanted only instrumentality offered to you. But what say. Then that brave, that gallant, that heroic, this loyal force to attack the rebel masses which kind of retaliation? Not “in kind," says the and that Christian man, as I understand him to stand around our prisoners in their dens and starve Senator from Massachusetts. What then? We be, John E. Mulford, can say to these authori- them daily, I would say to them, “ We cannot are compelled to tell these authorities, “. If you do ties, “ I am told by the Government of the Amer- furnish you these guards any more, and you shall not feed our men we will do something, not to ican people to tell you, in the name and by the not incumber the earth any longer. you, because you are not within our reach, but to authority of those millions, that if you do not To make myself perfectly intelligible, I have ihese men of yours who are in our reach." Now, cease your barbarities, if you do not feed these supposed an extremiiy of barbarity in two classes what do we do? Take out a given number of men that you are now starving, and shelter them, of men which I know cannot be found; but when them and shoot them, in order to compel them the command has gone forth that your men in our you find that extremity of barbarity, what will to feed our men to-morrow? No; that would not hands shall not be fed, and shall not be shel- you do but obey God and end it? If you find any be retaliation in kind. It would be retaliation; tered." That is in human, is it? Well, the only milder means of accomplishing this end, very not retaliation in kind, but it would be barbarous, | theory upon which any sort of inhumanity can well. We tell you over and over again that we infinitely more barbarous than to tell them, “ If be made out is that the rebels will not consent to want to altain but a single end, not the punishyou do not feed our prisoners to-morrow we will this, that they will not consent for the sake of ment of anybody for anything that has been done, not feed your prisoners to-morrow. ” That is re- having their prisoners fed to feed ours.
but the relief of human beings from suffering which taliation in kind; but it is the mildest, the most Senators have told you over and over again that is inhuman. Show us any means milder than legitimate form of retaliation that my mind can they deny this conclusion; that it is not the fact; this for altaining that end and we will take them conceive of, and I have heard nothing else pointed that it is not the legitimate inference; that if | and follow them most gladly, but we say that if
You have no means in the world of coer- humanity does not compel them to do their duty we can accomplish it the end must be and shall be cing these authorities to do what duly requires of toward our prisoners, policy will compel when attained, and until you stop merely denouncing them, excepting the power you have over these they see that it is necessary to the feeding of their barbarism, and turn your attention to some pracprisoners in your hands. How will you apply own. I believe it; but I am willing to follow this tical way of ending the barbarism, we must folihat power? If you want shelter for your pris process of sequestration to the end of it, and I low the track, or rather, for I speak only for myoners, withhold shelter from theirs. You may will speak, for a moment, upon the assumption self, I must follow the only path which I see open withhold food, you may withhold clothing, with- that they will refuse, as Senators assume they to that end. hold anything else. You cannot apply any phys- will.
Mr. LANE, of Indiana. If the Senate will ical punishment to them, because that is more Suppose when your agent of exchange goes pardon me for a very few moments, I will eninhuman.
down ihere and tells them, “ This is the law; you deavor to direct the nitention of the body to preSir, instead of this proposition being so mon- must give bread to our prisoners or bread is taken cisely the present position of the question. Some strous and barbarous as it has been constantly de- from yours;"and they tell you,“ Take your bread thirty days ago or more the Senator from Minnounced, if you will take it right before your eyes from our prisoners; we care not for that; we will nesota (Mr. Wilkinson) introduced a resolution and look at it, it is nothing in the world more than not give bread to yours;" what then? You must on the subject of rebel barbarities perpetrated equitable process of sequestration to enforce the violate the resolution or you must withhold these against our prisoners, which resolution was specific performance of a duty, a most equitable, | supplies; but you say it is cruel and inhuman to reterred to the Committee on Military Affairs. and a most Christian duty. I have said, therefore, withhold supplies. There is no other course for Some two or three weeks since I had ihe honor that I do not feel condemned under the testimony you to take. Go back to those estranged, rebel- to present a memorial from a portion of the peoof Mr. Edward Everett, nor under the testimony lious citizens of yours and say to them, " Guilty ple of Indiana upon the same subject, asking for of Professor Lieber. I have shown you abun- of treason as you are, you have been in our hands retaliation, and asking further that discharged dantly that Mr. Everett was not testifying for our for months and we have sheltered you; we have | Union soldiers from rebel prisons should be placed instruction, and I have shown you abundantly fed you; rebels to our authority, traitors as you in the command of rebel prisoners in the North. that Professor Lieber did not understand the meas- are, we have furnished you the treatment which At that point the Senator from Ohio (Mr. WADE) ure which we have before the Senate. But the Sen- belongs to humanity; we are willing to do it; but introduced these resolutions which have been deator from Massachusetts was not content with men who resist your treason have been taken pris- bated for the last two weeks. The memorial and arraying these witnesses against us, he put Mr. oners by those authorities that have commanded the resolutions were referred to the Military ComShakspeare on the stand-Shakspeare, who was you; they are not sheltered; they are not fed; we mittee, and they reported after mature delibera"both jurist and poet,” we are told. I cannot have visited those authorities, and we have told tion and after an investigation upon the whole deny that he was a poet of very respectable pre- them that they must administer this comfort, that subject. When that report was made, various tensions. He might have been a lawyer. How- if they did not we would visit you with like treat- modifications and amendments were proposed, ever that may have been, I did not profess to be ment, and they absolutely refuse; they say, We and after a lengthy discussion one of the disas well read in Mr. Shakspeare as the Senator do not care what treatment you bestow upon our tinguished Senators from Massachusetts (Mr. from Massachusetts undoubtedly is, but accord- men in your hands, we will not feed or shelter the || SUMNER] proposed an amendment by way of ing to my understanding of him, I have read the Federal soldiery.''
substitute for ihe whole report of the committee, tragedy of Macbeth, and I never supposed that Now, sir, you will say to these prisoners, "Are which recited these rebel barbarities and atroci. really it was the intention of the great dramalist you willing to be longer instruments in the hands ties, and wound up with a general declaration that to produce Mr. Macbeth in the character of an of authorities who practice such barbarities not it would outrage Christian public sentiment and illustrator and delineator of humanity or of an ex- only toward their enemies but toward their own Christian civilization to do anything. That is pounder of international law. (Laughter.) soldiery; are you willing to be longer the agents precisely the tenor and scope of the amendment
Sir, there are two or three other questions about and instruments of an authority that will turn you of the Senator from Massachusetts. Recognizing this whole matter. You all agree that there is a out to be treated as they treat our prisoners?” the great evil inflicted upon our prisoners, and recrime in daily perpetration here on this continent What will they say? I think they would say, citing in the most eloquent terms their barbarities, and within our jurisdiction, a crime the magni- "No; we have followed the standards of rebel- it wound up with a lame conclusion that our hands tude of which blanches all of you, and you all || lion long enough; we have followed the flag of were tied, we could do nothing without outraging agree that that crime ought to be stopped. Now | barbarism as far as we can afford to go, and hence- civilization, Christianity, and our common hutell me how you would do it. Seeing the num- forth we will follow the flag of humanity, the flag manily. That is precisely as I understand the bers of our men and the sufferings of our men of loyalty, the flag of the Union."
tenor and effect of ine resolutions of the Senator
from Massachusetts. our men exchanged, to make a levy en masse of we are utterly mistaken both as to what the rebel The Senator from Missouri (Mr. HENDERSON] the American people to go down there and take authorities would do, and what the rebel prisoners then introduced his proposition for the appointthem out of custody. That was considered a would do; and suppose they should say,,
ment of commissaries of prisoners or commisradical measure, and it was dismissed. There are still loyal to this barbarity which has raised its sioners of prisons to visit the rebel States and they are still.
shocking and monstrous head down there; we make arrangements in reference lo ameliorating Gentlemen tell us, “Exchange for them.” We know they mete out starvation to your prisoners the condition of our prisoners, and to facilitate are trying to exchange, and have been trying, but || daily; we are glad that they do it; we stand by exchanges. That proposition is substantially rewe cannot exchange, because it takes two parties the authority which decrees that, and we will peated by the amendment of the Senator from to make an exchange, and, as I showed you the fight their battles when we can get out of your Massachusetts, (Mr. Wilson.) other day, the other party will not agree to it. As prisons; we are ready to do it, notwithstanding Now, how do we stand! The resolution as refast as they do agree we do exchange.
its utter want of humanity." What will you say ported by the committee was retaliation in kind The Senator from Massachusetts who sits at my to them, then? I am following the lessons of this until these rebel barbarities shall cease. I prefer left (Mr. Wilson) says " Negotiate.” Without resolution, as I understand it; following them clear that, to-day, to any other mode of redress. Why this resolution you send commissioners to the to the end. What will you say to them, then? do we retaliate at all? Because it is necessary to rebel authorities, and what in the world can they || There they are, avowing their advocacy of this protect our own prisoners. Where, then, is the say? "Release our prisoners.” "No, we can
great monstrosity, taking part in it, committing limit to retaliation? Simply the relief of our prisá not do it.” “Feed our prisoners.
themselves to it, and to all the cruelty and savagery oners; and if we stop short of that we are playwill not do it.”. What else can they ask? Ne. there is in it. What will you say io them? I do ing a mere child's play, idle and nonsensical.' We gotiate? What have they got to offer? Will not know what you will say, I am sure; I have have no right to retaliate except to accomplish a these commissioners say,
you will feed and some doubt about that; but I have not the slightest good end, and that end is to relieve our prisoners. clothe our prisoners, if you will shelter them, we doubt as to what I should say myself. I should If we stop short of that, the whole thing is a will shelter and feed and clothe your prisoners." say to them that they had incumbered the face of mockery, a delusion, and a humbug, and I will They say, “You do that now, and you dare not the earth too long. I should say to them that if not stop short of that point to whatsoever extreme do the contrary from that; your Senate forbids it; I was more disembarrassed in my movements, I it shall carry me. I am for retaliation earnestly