by which the second section of the bill was struck out; and also moved to lay the motion to reconsider on the table.

Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois, called for the yeas and nays on the latter motion.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

The question was taken; and it was decided in the affirinative-yeas 65, nays 56, not voting 61; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Ames, Ancona, Ashley, Baily, John D. Baldwin, Bliss, Blow, Boyd, Brooks, Broomall, Freeman Clarke, Cox, Henry Winter Davis, Thomas T. Davis, Denison, Eldridge, Finek, Garfield, Grinnell, Griswold, Hale, Harding, Harrington, Charles M. Harris, Herrick, Holman, Hooper, Kasson, Kelley, Knapp, Lazear, Le Blond, Long, Longyear, Mallory, Marey, McBride, Melndoe, Morrill, James R. Morris, Leonard Myers, Noble, Charles O'Neill, John O'Neill, Orth, Pendleton, Perry, Pike, Pomeroy, Pruyn, Samuel J. Randall, Alexander H. Rice, Schenck, Scott, Shannon, Smithers, Stevens, Strouse, Stuart, Thayer, Townsend, Van Valkenburgh, Voorhees, Ward, and Yeaman-65.

NAYS-Messrs. William J. Allen, Alley, Allison, Anderson, Arnold, Baxter, Beaman, Blair, Boutwell, Brandegee, James S. Brown, Chanler, Ambrose W. Clark, Cobb, Coffroth, Cole, Dawes, Dawson, Deming, Dixon, Driggs, Eekley, Eden, Eliot, Farnsworth, Frank, Ganson, Hotchkiss, John H. Hubbard, Huiburd, Jenckes, Francis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Knox, Littlejohn, McClurg, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Perham, Price, William II. Randall, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, James S. Rollins, Ross, Scofield, Spalding, John B. Steele, Tracy, Upson, Wadsworth, Elihu B. Washburne, William B. Washburn, Williams, Wilson, and Windom-56.

NOT VOTING-Messrs. James C. Allen, Augustus C. Baldwin, Blaine, William G. Brown, Clay, Cravens, Creswell, Donnelly, Dumont, Edgerton, English, Fenton, Gooch, Grider, Hall, Benjamin G. Harris, Higby, Asahel W. Hubbard, Hutchins, Ingersoll, Philip Johnson, William Johnson, Julian, Kalbfleisch, Kernan, King, Law, Loan, Marvin, McAllister, McDowell, McKinney, Middleton, William H. Miller, Daniel Morris, Morrison, Amos Myers, Nelson, Norton, Odell, Patterson, Radiord, Robinson, Rogers, Sloan, Smith, Starr, William G. Steele, Stiles, Sweat, Thomas, Webster, Whaley, Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Joseph W. White, Wilder, Winfield, Benjamin Wood, Fernando Wood, and Woodbridge-61.

So the motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

The bill was then ordered to be engrossed and read a third time; and being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time.

Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. I desire to give notice that, if that section be stricken out, I shall offer it to every proposition to which it may be appropriate.

The bill was then passed.

Mr. STEVENS moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill was passed; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table. The latter motion was agreed to.

ENROLLED BILLS.

Mr. COBB, from the Committee on Enrolled Bills, reported that they had examined and found truly enrolled bills of the following titles; when the Speaker signed the same:

Joint resolution (S. No. 83) tendering the thanks of Congress to Captain John A. Winslow, United States Navy, and to the officers and men under his command on board the United States steamer Kearsarge, in her conflict with the piratical craft the Alabama, in compliance with the President's recommendation to Congress of the 5th of December, 1864;

Joint resolution (S. No. 84) tendering the thanks of Congress to Lieutenant William B. Cushing, of the United States Navy, and the officers and men who assisted him in his gallant and perilous achievement in destroying the rebel steamer Albemarle, in compliance with the President's recommendation of December 5, 1864; and

An act (S. No. 222) authorizing the holding of a special session of the United States district court for the district of Indiana.

Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. I move that the House adjourn.

Mr. STEVENS. I hope the gentleman will withdraw that motion. I want to move to go into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. There is some business that ought to be done in the Committee of the Whole.

Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. I understand that the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. SPALDING,] desires to make a speech in the Committee of the Whole, and I therefore withdraw my motion for the purpose of permitting the gentleman from Pennsylvania to make the motion that the House go into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Mr. STEVENS. I move that the House go into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Mr. PRICE. I ask the gentleman to withdraw that motion for a moment in order that I may offer a resolution.

Mr. STEVENS. I withdraw my motion for that purpose.

UNITED STATES CHRISTIAN COMMISSION.

resolution:

Resolved, That the use of the Hall of the House of Representatives be, and is hereby, granted to the United States Christian Commission for their public anniversary meeting, to be held on Sunday evening, January 29, 1855.

Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. I am compelled to object to that, and all other similar propositions.

Mr. PRICE. I move to suspend the rules in order to allow the introduction of the resolution. I do not see why the resolution should be objectionable to any one. On the motion to suspend the rules I demand the yeas and nays.

The yeas and nays were not ordered.
Mr. PRICE demanded tellers.

Tellers were ordered; and Messrs. PRICE and ELDRIDGE were appointed.

The House divided; and the tellers reported— ayes forty-six, noes not counted.

Less than two thirds voting in favor of the motion, the rules were not suspended.

Mr. STEVENS. I renew the motion to go into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Mr. HALE. I ask my colleague to withdraw the motion for a moment, to allow me to offer a resolution.

Mr. STEVENS. I withdraw for that purpose.

DICTIONARY OF CONGRESS.

||

sideration.

The President gives us to understand in this, his annual message, that the condition of our foreign affairs is "reasonably satisfactory"-that is to say, that amicable relations with all foreign Powers are still preserved through the arts of diplomacy. He says, however, that unforeseen political difficulties have arisen on the "northern boundary of the United States," and, "in view of the insecurity of life and property in the region adjacent to the Canadian border, by reason of recent assaults and depredations, committed by inimical and desperate persons, who are harbored there, it has been thought proper to give notice that, after the expiration of six months, the period conditionally stipulated in the existing arrangement with Great Britain, the United States must hold themselves at liberty to increase their naval armament upon the lakes if they shall find that proceeding necessary."

Mr. Chairman, as the Representative of a wealthy, intelligent, and highly patriotic population in the immediate vicinity of one of these great lakes, whose peaceful waters have the last summer been rudely violated by the marauders from Canada, I desire to thank the President for this signal manifestation of executive firmness and sagacity.

Resolved, That there be printed for the use of the members of this House a sufficient number of extra copies of the Dictionary of Congress to make the quota of the House equal to that already ordered by the Senate: Provided, That the copyright hereby directed to be paid by the Clerk shall not exceed per copy what was heretofore allowed for the same work.

Several MEMBERS objected to the introduction of the resolution.

The SPEAKER. The resolution being objected to, is not before the House.

Mr. HALE. Does it not go to the Committee on Printing under the rules?

The SPEAKER. It would, if it were regularly introduced; but any member can object to its introduction.

Mr. STEVENS. I now renew the motion to go into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Mr. W. J. ALLEN. I hope the gentleman from Pennsylvania will allow me to introduce a bill simply for reference.

Mr. STEVENS. I yield for that purpose.

UNITED STATES COURT IN ILLINOIS.

Mr. W. J. ALLEN, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill to provide for additional terms of the United States circuit and district courts in the southern district of Illinois; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

Mr. STEVENS. I now again renew the motion to go into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. I understand the object in going into Committee of the Whole is simply for the purpose of allowing speeches to be made. I therefore ask that, by unanimous consent, it be understood that when the Committee of the Whole shall rise no further business shall be done in the House this afternoon.

anating from the Committee on Naval Affairs, requesting the Executive to give to Great Britain this very notice so vitally important to the commerce of the lakes and to the security of the inhabitants living upon their borders. This resolution "fell asleep" in the Senate.

Another resolution touching the interests of the British provinces in a strictly commercial point, and giving reciprocity in fact where none existed but in name, has recently passed this House in accordance with the just expectations of the people, and they seem now to be waiting somewhat impatiently the further action of coördinate branches of the Government.

Mr. Chairman, I am fully aware of the delicacy of our relations with Great Britain, and have no disposition at this moment to provoke open hostilities with her; but I am free to confess that I do not look upon that Power as a friend to the United States. She is greatly ambitious to be the leader of the nations by means of her supremacy on the ocean, and she is preeminently selfish in all that appertains to commerce and trade. In both of these particulars, a Navy and commercial marine, the United States having peace within her own borders, would speedily overshadow her. Neither do I fear Great Britain. This Government has no occasion to fear her, for, with all her wealth and military and naval strength, the loyal people of the United States are at this moment, with the "great rebellion" on their hands, more than a match for her. While we deprecate war with foreign nations, we should always remember that the surest way to avoid that calamity is to be fully prepared for the emergency. Pusillanimous legislation and pusillanimous diplomacy will bring ruin upon a nation sooner than armed legions. It is therefore the true policy of our Republic to be continually "girding on her armor," to erect fortifications upon her exposed coasts and borders, to establish dock-yards and depots upon the shores of our inland seas, as well as upon the shores of our two great oceans.

The message informs us that the financial affairs of the Government have been beneficially affected by the legislation of the last session of Congress. The receipts into the Treasury from all sources during the year, in cash, were $884,076,646, of which there was derived from customs $102,316,152; from lands, $588,333; from direct taxes, $475,648; from internal revenue,

$109,741,134; from miscellaneous sources, $47,511,448; and from loans, $623,443,929. The disbursements were, in the sum total, $865,234,087, of which the War Department consumed $690,791,842, and the Navy Department $85,733,292. These estimates, it will be noted, were made on the 1st day of July, 1864, at which time the increased tariff and internal duties were hardly felt at the national Treasury. The national debt, at that date, was $1,740,690,489. It is believed that by a judicious revision of the system of tariff and taxation, and especially by the imposition of a reasonable duty upon sales of all sorts, the internal revenue may be made to exceed the sum of $300,000,000 a year, without being burdensome to our people. What a picture that will present of the unfathomable resources of our great nation! Not yet fourscore years of age, and with one third of the States in open and active rebellion for four years, sustaining an Army of a million men, and a Navy of seven hundred ships of war, and yet not one dollar borrowed, except from our own loyal citizens! And still we have but a faint conception of the wonderful resources of the United States Government and people. I am persuaded that I speak within the bounds of modesty and truth when I say that a single article of commerce, almost unknown to the arts at the breaking out of the rebellion, will command annually, in the market, money enough to pay the interest on our national debt.

It is gratifying to learn from the message that notwithstanding the exactions for the military service, some nine thousand persons had been enabled to enter lands for farms during the five quarters preceding the 30th day of September last, under the benign provisions of the homestead law. This is the only legitimate mode of making sovereigns in our country-lords of the soil-and they will be very apt to stand by the Government whence they have derived their title of aggrandize

ment.

It is painful to hear of the devastating effects of war upon our fighting population; and, at the same time, we are happy to know that republics are not, all of them, ungrateful. The President tells us there have been placed on the Army pension rolls, during the year, twenty-two thousand one hundred and ninety-eight widows, orphans, and mothers. The number seems large, but we must increase the list until every dependent relative of a deceased soldier shall, by the bounty of the Government, be made secure against want. Then, and not till then, shall we be permitted to sing

"How sleep the brave, who sink to rest,

By all their country's wishes blest."

voices of two hundred thousand of our sons who have fallen a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom cry to us from their graves, "Extinguish slavery!" The widows and orphans of the slaughtered soldiers implore us to "abolish slavery.' Two hundred thousand stalwart men with bayonets in their hands, once slaves, but now soldiers of the Union, admonish us to wipe out the foul stain of slavery; but, above all, right and justice and the perpetuity of our free institutions of government call upon us to remove this curse from the land.

And why should gentlemen on the other side of this House hesitate in this matter? Have they not always, as partisan politicians, expressed a desire to abolish slavery so soon as they could do it in a constitutional manner? And now what are they asked to do by their votes? Simply to aid the majority in giving a two-thirds vote, so that the proposition to amend the Constitution may be submitted to the people of the States through their Representatives in the legislative bodies. If they refuse to do this, what is the just inference? That they are so wedded to the institution of slavery that they will not trust the people with the privilege of saying whether or not it shall continue its existence in the land. If they refuse to do this, what is the inevitable consequence? The Thirty-Ninth Congress will adopt the measure within one week of its organization, and then the issue will be with the country, in all time to come, which body most truly represented the wishes and interests of the great American people.

In connection with this subject of amending the Constitution so as to prohibit slavery in the land, I commend to the consideration of gentlemen on both sides of the House the following historical fact: Colonel George Mason, of Virginia, one of the distinguished statesmen who assisted in framing the Constitution, nevertheless refused to give it the sanction of his name, and protested against its adoption for this among other reasons by him publicly assigned:

"The general Legislature [Congress] is restrained from prohibiting the further importation of slaves for twenty-odd years; though such importations render the United States weaker, more vulnerable, and less capable of defense.”

Is it not passing strange that one of the fathers in the days of Virginia's manhood should object to our national charter because it contained “a negative" upon prohibition of the slave trade, and, at this day, after three fourths of a century's experience of the wisdom of that objection there should be found in this Hall men nurtured in the lap of freedom and blessed with all the precious privileges appertaining to free institutions who by their voices and their votes express a determination to scourge their posterity as we in our day are scourged with the curse of human slavery?

With respectful submission I here venture to suggest that the President has himself performed an official act since the commencement of the present session of Congress that will do more in the future toward "molding society for durability in the Union" than any conceivable action of any one State.

The President adverts in his message to the recent quadrennial election as evidence of the will of the people in favor of the constitutional amendment for the prohibition of slavery throughout the United States. He is clearly right in this, so far as regards the sentiments of at least three fourths of the voters in the loyal States. It is in vain that politicians plant themselves upon the track of progress and attempt to impede the car of freedom! It is in vain that the learned, eloquent, but erratic Representative from the city of New York invokes "toleration" in behalf of an institution that he says 66 was tolerated by the Saviour and His apostles.' The enlightened sense of the age in which we live imperatively demands the complete extinction of slavery; the

19 DEAD."

But I do desire to "set a seal" upon the door of its tomb. Such a seal, in my judgment, will require the proposed amendment of the Constitu

tion.

I do not advert, Mr. Chairman, to the long string of hallucinations introduced by the gentleman from New York into his speech to show a pretended parallelism between the patriotic efforts of" Burke and Fox and Chatham and Camden" and others of the British Parliament, in the early days of the American Revolution, and the treasonable ravings of disappointed politicians in another and different arena. I turn all such contestants over to another and different tribunal where more summary justice may be administered. I will stop long enough, however, to say to the gentleman from New York that since he made his proud boast, on Wednesday last, that his "southern brethren could never be subjugated," very much evidence has accumulated on that point. I send to the Clerk the remarks of a morning paper on the present aspect of military affairs, and beg leave to say that I heartily agree with the patriotic editor in his ascriptions of praise to the heads of the War and Navy Departments, and to the officers and soldiers of our armies.

The Clerk read, as follows:

"THE SITUATION.-The cause looks grandly upward.

From every quarter of the theater of war come glorious tidings. Everywhere where the flag of the nation floats over the embattled hosts of the Union, it is borne in triumph. We give this morning the proudest bulletin of the war. It makes a noble record for the presiding genius whose masterly intellect controls the movements of the Union armies from his unobtrusive headquarters at City Point, for the executive talent of the great War Minister and his subordinates, whose unwearying activity and promptitude furnish in abundance the requisite material for so many distant armies, for the military talent and aptitude for command of the leaders who are so nobly guiding our troops to victory, and for the daring endurance and patriotic enthusiasm of the rank and file, whose achievements will stand comparison with the best soldiers of any age or clime. Nor should the valuable cooperation of the Navy be forgotten-the energy and skill which have placed the United States in the foremost rank of the naval Powers of the world, the ability and heroic zeal of the officers, and the indomitable pluck of our gallant tars. The news which we publish this morning, confirmatory of the glad tidings which has sent a thrill of exultant triumph throughout the land, is the sure precursor of the approaching doom of the rebellion.

"Sherman has made his devastating swath of sixty miles in breadth through the very heart of Georgia, breaking up workshops and factories, destroying stores and supplies, scattering the panic-stricken Legislature, and assuring the Empire State of the South that war is no child's play, and that though it has been long free from its ravages, it is idle to defy the Government of our fathers and to cope with the resources of a people bent on the maintenance of its nationality. He has reached his objective point on the coast. Fort McAllister is in his hands. Savannali is partially invested, and its fate sealed.

"In the mean time General Foster has moved up from Beaufort, has laid devastating hands on the railroad connection with Charleston, and is ready to cooperate with Sherman in an attack on Savannah, while the Navy is inoving up its ships and gunboats into Ossabaw sound for like purpose. Further on, in the far Southwest, General Canby has dispatched a force from Vicksburg, which has destroyed the bridge over the Big Black river, with thirty miles of the track of the Mississippi Central railroad, twenty-six hundred bales of cotton, and over a hundred and sixty thousand dollars' worth of property, cutting off Hood's connection with Mobile and endangering his supplies.

"Breckinridge has been checked in his demonstrations in Tennessee, by a daring raid under Stoneman and Burbridge in his rear, who seized Abingdon, Glade Springs, and other points along the East Tennessee and Virginia railroad, destroying the track and valuable property, and spreading universal consternation among the rebels, and threatening, according to their accounts, their invaluable salt-works at Saltville and vicinity.

"Along the Roanoke a joint land and naval expedition, despite the torpedoes which blew up three of our vessels, are pushing up into the interior, laying waste rebel supplies to the amount of a million dollars and more, and scattering dismay among a people who thought navigation entirely obstructed.

"In Tennessee the gallant Thomas is giving the finishing blows to that grand stroke of the Davis-Hood-Beauregard policy which was to annihilate Sherman and ignominiously expel the Federal troops from the soil of Tennessee. Sherman paid no heed to the vain boast, but pursued his march, leaving the vaunting enemy to the care of Thomas and his gallant men, and right nobly have they done their duty. Falling back, as if under compulsion, Thomas administered a severe check to the enemy at Franklin, and concentrated his lines on the Cumberland. When Hood sent out his detached parties, expecting to flank the old veteran into further retreat, he was suddenly pounced down upon and vanquished. We give his official dispatch this morning. Forrest, too, the chief of the Fort Pillow massacre, is reported as killed.

"While thus from other quarters of the military horizon we are cheered by tidings of success, the army of the Potomac is not idle. The gallant Warren has just returned from a damaging raid upon the Weldon road, and the great leader of our armies is steadily maturing his preparations for the final demonstration against the rebel capital. Its fate may be postponed, but it cannot be averted."

Mr. SPALDING. Mr. Chairman, I do not adopt the term "subjugate "as used by the gentleman from New York but in the last necessity. I heartily concur with our excellent Chief Magistrate in the sentiment embodied in the last paragraph of his message, and commend it especially to the gentleman from New York, and all who may sympathize with him in his efforts to inspire the supporters of a bad cause with confidence:

"In stating a single condition of peace, I mean simply to say, that THE WAR WILL CEASE, ON THE PART OF THE GOVERNMENT, WHENEVER IT SHALL HAVE CEASED ON THE PART OF THOSE WHO BEGAN IT."

Mr. HOLMAN. I move that the committee rise.

The motion was agreed to.

So the committee rose; and the Speaker having resumed the chair, Mr. FARNSWORTH reported that the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union had had the Union generally under consideration, and particularly the President's annual message, and had come to no resolution thereon.

And then, on motion of Mr. HOLMAN, (at ten minutes past three o'clock p. m.,) the House adjourned.

IN SENATE.

TUESDAY, December 20, 1864. Prayer by Rev. THOMAS BOWMAN, D. D., Chaplain to the Senate.

The Journal of yesterday was read and approved.

PETITIONS AND MEMORIALS.

Mr. MORGAN presented the memorial of A. M. Conrey and H. S. Jaudon, praying that the Secretary of the Treasury may be authorized to pay to them a certain amount of money seized by Major General Butler at New Orleans, and remitted by him to the Treasury Department, the same having been previously confiscated in the hands of the Southern Bank of New Orleans, by the rebel government; which was referred to the Committee on Claims.

He also presented the memorial of Catharine Harleston, praying to be remunerated for damages to her house and furniture, occasioned by the shelling of her house on the Seventh street road, in the District of Columbia, in the month of July last, as is alleged, by order of the President of the United States; which was referred to the Committee on Claims.

Mr. HENDRICKS presented a petition of officers in the subsistence department of the Army, praying that that department may be placed on an equality with the quartermaster's department in respect to promotion; which was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia.

Mr. WILSON presented three petitions of officers in the military service of the United States, praying for an increase of their pay and allowances; which were referred to the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia.

He also presented the petition of Selina Barclay, praying for remuneration for the loss of her property occasioned by the burning of the navyyard at Portsmouth, Virginia, in April, 1861; which was referred to the Committee on Claims.

He also presented the memorial of James N. Carpenter, paymaster United States Navy, praying to be compensated for losses sustained by him by reason of the rebellion, in consequence of his absence on duty on board the United States ship Saratoga; which was referred to the Committee on Claims.

Mr. GRIMES presented the petition of J. B. Parker and forty others, acting assistant surgeons in the United States Navy, praying for an increase of their pay; which was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

that it be printed and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia. The motion was agreed to.

PAPERS WITHDRAWN AND REFERRED.

Mr. TRUMBULL. I move that permission be granted to withdraw from the files of the Senate the petition of Charles Taylor, praying compensation for service rendered and supplies advanced to the United States, at Chicago, Illinois, during the Black Hawk war, in 1832, and that it

be referred to the Committee on Claims. No report has been made upon the case. The motion was agreed to.

MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE.

A message from the House of Representatives, by Mr. MCPHERSON, its Clerk, announced that the House had passed a bill (H. R. No. 618) to amend the act entitled "An act to provide internal revenue to support the Government, pay interest on the public debt, and for other purposes," approved June 30, 1864; and that the House had concurred in the amendment of the Senate to the resolution proposing an adjournment from the 224 instant to the 5th of January, 1864.

REPORTS FROM COMMITTEES.

There being no objection, the bill was considered as in Committee of the Whole. It proposes to provide that in computing the three years allowed by the twenty-first section of the "act increasing temporarily the duties on imports, and for other purposes," approved July 14, 1862, for the withdrawal of goods from any public store or bonded warehouse for exportation to foreign countries or transhipment to any port of the Pacific or western coast of the United States, if such

exportation or transhipment of any goods shall, either for the whole or any part of the term of three years, have been prevented by reason of any order of the President of the United States, the time during which such exportation or transhipment shall have been so prevented shall be excluded from the computation.

The bill was reported to the Senate without amendment, ordered to a third reading, read the third time, and passed.

WASHINGTON GAS-LIGHT COMPANY.

Mr. DIXON. The Committee on the District of Columbia, to whom was referred the memorial of the Washington Gas-Light Company, praying for the repeal of certain amendments to their charter, have had the same under consideration, and have instructed me to report a bill on the subthe Senate. It is a matter of very great public as well as private importance.

He also, from the same committee, to whom were referred various petitions from citizens of California on that subject, asked to be discharged from their further consideration, which was agreed to.

Mr. POMEROY, from the Committee on Public Lands, to whom was referred the bill (S. No. 354) extending the time for the completion of certain land-grant railroads in Minnesota, and for other purposes, reported it with an amendment.

He also, from the same committee, to whom was referred a joint resolution (S. R. No. 33) to enable the Secretary of the Treasury to obtain the title to certain property in Carson City, and Territory of Nevada, for the purposes of a branch | mint located in said place, reported it without amendment.

THE RECIPROCITY TREATY.

Mr. SUMNER. The Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom was referred the joint resolution (H. R. No. 56) authorizing the President of the United States to give to the Government of Great Britain the notice required for the termination of the reciprocity treaty of the 5th of June, A. D. 1854, have had the same under consideration, and directed me to report it back to the Senate with an amendment striking out all after the words "joint resolution” and inserting a substitute. I am further directed to ask for the consid

The motion was agreed to.

Mr. HALE. I have received, and been requested to present to the Senate, a memorial from Sister Ann Simeon Norris, mother superior of the Sisters of Charity, which represents that by the discipline of their order they are obliged to wear a uniform of a certain description, which is manufactured only in France, and that the duties upon it are now so oppressive that they are not able to receive the importation. They represent that they spend their lives, a great many of them, in gratuitous service in the hospitals, and there are, I believe, some three or four hundred of them who devote their whole time to purposes of charity in the Army. They request that the duties on that material may be remedied. I move that the memorial be referred to the Committee on Finance. The motion was agreed to.

Mr. RAMSEY. I present the memorial of the board of managers of the Soldiers' National Cemetery Association, asking for a slight appropriation on the part of the Government to aid in the erection of the monument at Gettysburg. As the facts contained in the memorial are very interesting, and the memorial itself is quite brief, I move

Senate will give me permission, I shall call it up at some convenient moment to-morrow.

The same committee, to whom were referred a memorial of the Chamber of Commerce of St. Paul, Minnesota, remonstrating against any action at the present session of Congress terminating the reciprocity treaty, and also sundry petitions from Connecticut, from Wisconsin, from the Chamber of Commerce of Milwaukee, and

sundry other papers on the same subject, having had them under consideration direct me to report them all back to the Senate, with a request to be discharged from the further consideration thereof. The committee was discharged.

Mr. FOOT. I desire to present the petitions of a large number of citizens from various towns in the State of Vermont, praying for the abrogation of the reciprocity treaty, so called. As that subject has been reported upon this morning by the Committee on Foreign Relations, I move that the petitions lie on the table.

The motion was agreed to.

WITHDRAWAL OF BONDED GOODS.

Mr. SHERMAN. The Committee on Finance, to whom was referred the bill (H. R. No. 603) to extend the time allowed for the withdrawal of certain goods therein named from public stores, have had the same under consideration, and directed me to report it back without amendment and to ask that it may be put on its passage at once.

By unanimous consent, the bill (S. No. 363) to amend the charter of the Washington Gas-Light Company was read twice by its title and considered as in Committee of the Whole. It proposes to repeal so much of the acts of June 25, 1860, and July 11, 1862, as relate to the price of gas furnished by the Washington Gas-Light Company, and to amend the act incorporating the company so as to prohibit the company from receiving, on and after December 1, 1864, for the benefit of its stockholders, a greater price for gas than the average net or cash price which may be charged in the capitals of the States of Maryland, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York, and from that price five per cent. is to be deducted on all gas furnished to the General Government.

The bill was reported to the Senate without amendment.

Mr. SHERMAN. It seems to me that if we are to change the charter of this company we ought to fix definitely the price of the gas consumed. The gas consumed by the Government of the United States now amounts to somewhere between fifty and one hundred thousand dollars per annum; and this bill affects also the price paid by every consumer in the city of Washington. I think all of us are more or less interested in it. If the price now allowed by law is not sufficient, certainly the Committee on the District of Columbia ought to fix the price, and not make it so uncertain as to depend upon the legislation of three or four different States-a standard that no citizen interested in the subject can fix. How would it be possible for a citizen of Washington to know what is the law of these various States? It would be impossible for him to ascertain it. It seems to me, therefore, that if the price allowed is not sufficient, the Committee on the District of Columbia should fix a definite price per thousand feet, and then every citizen will know precisely whether they charge him according to law or not. Mr. JOHNSON. Is there no limit?

Mr. SHERMAN. No. It is to be fixed, as I understand it, by what is allowed in the capitals of Maryland, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York.

Mr. JOHNSON. They charge differently in the cities to which reference is made.

Mr. WILSON. I think we had better not pass this bill this morning. Let us have a little time to reflect upon it and to inquire into it. It seems to me, however, that some action ought to be had not only in regard to the price, but especially in regard to the quality of the gas. The quality of the gas of this city is of the very poorest description. Everybody sees it, feels it, tastes it, and smells it. I think we had better let the bill lie over, and we shall probably hear something about it in a few days and can make the bill what it ought to be; but I am sure that some action ought to be had in regard to this matter of gas in this city.

Mr. DIXON. I have a letter here from the sec

retary of the company with regard to the quality of the gas, and I may as well, perhaps, allude to that, as the Senator from Massachusetts has referred to it. It is true that about one week ago there was a very great defect in the character of the gas, which was probably perceived by every person who had occasion to use it; but I believe, with that exception, there has been no complaint. The secretary of the company, Mr. Brown, wrote me a note in regard to that, which I will read to the Senate. He says:

OFFICE OF THE WASHINGTON GAS LIGHT COMPANY,
No. 483 TENTH STREET WEST,
WASHINGTON CITY, December 19, 1864.

DEAR SIR: Last week we received a cargo of coal from Nova Scotia, out of the Glace bay mines, from which there has been sent us about a thousand tons in 1864, all good coal, such as is used in Boston and other eastern cities. Being scarce of coal we commenced using it at once, and did not observe the unpleasant odor of the gas until we had carbonized some fifty tons; it was immediately stopped as soon as discovered, but one hundred and seventy five thousand feet of the gas had passed into the holders and affected the whole supply for forty-eight hours. This coal cost more than the coal from West Virginia, and nearly as much as that from Pittsburg, and was only ordered because we could not get our winter supply from the United States. This company has always furnished purer and better gas than was used any other place, and it is our intention to do so regardless of the cost of coal, as long as we can furnish any at all. The cargo of coal referred to will not be used for manufacturing gas, and every care will be taken to prevent the production of an article of the character complained of. 1 am, &c., J. F. BROWN, Secretary, &c. Hon. JAMES DIXON, United States Senator.

That is with regard to the quality of the gas. Now, as to the question of postponing this matter, I will state to the Senate, and I think the Senate will see, that immediate or at least early action is required on this subject, after hearing

the facts.

On the 25th of June, 1860, a bill was passed limiting the price of gas to be furnished by this company to $3 50 per thousand feet. In 1862 an amendment was adopted to an appropriation bill limiting the company to $2 80 per thousand feet to the Government and $3 to other consumers, with ten per cent. deducted, leaving the price to be paid by the Government $2 52, which is now paid, and by other consumers $2 70. It is perfectly obvious that, with the present price of coal and the present price of labor, it is utterly impossible for this company to furnish the public with gas at these rates. They are, as the committee were informed and believe, at this time actually losing a very large sum of money monthly. They have not made a dividend for eighteen months, and they will not only make no dividends hereafter, at the present prices, but the committee were satisfied they would be compelled to abandon their works, and perhaps give them up to the Government, and the Government will be compelled to furnish its own gas, which we believe could not be furnished at this time at a price less than six dollars per thousand.

Now, sir, this company present their bills monthly. They must present their bills at the commencement of the next month, and if no action is had now the subject must go over, and they will be compelled by the Government to furnish gas for another month at a losing rate. not seem to me that that is just or right.

It does

As to the objection of the Senator from Ohio, the committee would have preferred to fix a certain rate of price; but they found it very difficult to do so in consequence of the fact that materials and labor are constantly rising. It would be impossible for the committee to say what would now and six months hence, and perhaps a year hence, be a fair price. It was therefore thought if we adopted as a criterion for the price, the price in several cities where coal is twenty or thirty per cent. cheaper always than here, as in Harrisburg, Trenton, and Annapolis, that that would be a fair rate, and then there would be no occasion for this company to come to Congress again and ask that the limitation be removed. Still, if the Senate prefer to fix a rate, of course the committee would have no objection to it; but the reason why they adopted this mode was that it seemed difficult at this time to fix a rate which would be just at a future time as well as just now.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The question is, Shall the bill be engrossed, and read a third time?

Mr. HARLAN. I move that the further consideration of the bill be postponed until to-mor

row.

The committee that have had this bill un

der consideration doubtless are quite familiar with all the facts connected with it, but it is manifest that a majority of the Senators present are not; and it is not unreasonable, I think, that it should go over a few days until we can become somewhat acquainted with the facts. I believe this company has a monopoly of this whole business in the city of Washington, and if so, we ought to be a little careful in our legislation.

Mr. DIXON. The Senator is mistaken; that is not so. Another company has been chartered, and has the privilege at any time of laying down pipes and supplying gas.

Mr. HARLAN. But practically at this time this company furnishes all the gas consumed in Washington.

Mr. DIXON. They do so at this time. Mr. GRIMES. The other company has forfeited its charter.

Mr. HARLAN. My colleague remarks that the other company has forfeited its charter, so that this company has a monopoly of the whole business. The legislation on the subject, therefore, I think, ought to be prudent and careful. I think it is probable that the price of gas ought to be increased, but we ought to be well informed on the subject before legislation is had. I hope, therefore, that the bill may go over for a few days.

Mr. DIXON. I merely wish to call the attention of the Senate to the fact that here is an existing law compelling this company to furnish gas at a price at which they cannot afford to do it. When that fact is considered, it seems to me that is a reason why the subject should not be delayed. They merely ask a repeal of the restriction upon them. Is it just or right, I ask the Senate, to compel this company to furnish gas at a rate at which we all know they cannot afford to do it?

Mr. HENDERSON. As a member of the Committee on the District of Columbia, when this proposition was laid before it, I took some pains to ascertain what charge the proposed bill would make. I did not know that the bill would be called up this morning. The bill under consideration proposes to allow this company to charge the average price of gas in Annapolis, Trenton, Albany, and Harrisburg. When the bill was first presented I was unable to ascertain the price of gas in Trenton and Albany. I have since that time ascertained it. I knew the price of gas in the other two cities. I find that in Annapolis it is $4 50 per thousand feet; at Trenton, $4; at Albany, $3 80; and at Harrisburg, $3 50. The average price, therefore, if we pass this bill, would be $3 95 per thousand feet in the city of Washington. We now allow the gas company $2 80. Hence the passage of the bill will involve an increase of price of $1 15 per thousand feet. That is just exactly the bill that is now before the Senate.

I have before me a statement of the price of gas in the various cities of the Union. It varies very much. In a great many places the price is higher than the proposed price here, and in a great many others it is a great deal lower. For instance, at Augusta, Maine, it is $5 15; at Portland, $3 61; at Manchester, New Hampshire, $4; at Portsmouth, $4 46; at Boston, Massachusetts, $2 75; at Providence, Rhode Island, $4; at Newport, $4 30; at Hartford, Connecticut, $3 80; at Burlington, Vermont, $6 50; at Buffalo, New York, $3 50; at Syracuse, $4; at Troy, $3 80; at Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, $1 60; at Wilmington, Delaware, $3 30; at Baltimore, $3, &c.

The Senate will see at once what change this bill will make if it should be passed. It will be an increase of $1 15 per thousand feet. I am satisfied that if the prices I have read be but a fair remuneration for furnishing gas in the other cities of the Union, the price ought to be increased here. I do not know whether that remuneration is but a fair remuneration or not. That is for the Senate to judge. Certainly the price of gas is as high as we propose to make it here in a great many cities of the Union where coal and labor can be furnished much more cheaply than they can be in Washington. At other points, again, it seems to me it is lower where it should be really higher than here. It is for the Senate to determine the matter. I do not know much about this subject, but before I consented to the reporting of this bill I felt it to be my duty to look into the

matter, so that Senators might be apprised of the true state of the facts.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The question is on the motion of the Senator from lowa [Mr. HARLAN] to postpone the bill until to-morrow. The motion was agreed to.

VICE ADMIRAL.

Mr. GRIMES. I am instructed by the Committee on Naval Affairs, to whom was referred the bill (S. No. 358) to establish the grade of vice admiral in the United States Navy, to report the same back without amendment and recommend its passage; and I move that the Senate proceed, by unanimous consent, to the consideration of the bill now.

There being no objection, the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, proceeded to consider the bill. It proposes to authorize the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to appoint one vice admiral who is to be selected from the list of active rear admirals, and who is to be the ranking officer in the Navy of the United States, and whose relative rank with the officers of the Army is to be that of lieutenant general in the Army.

The second section provides that the pay of the vice admiral of the Navy shall be $7,000 when at sea; $6,000 when on shore duty; and $5,000 when waiting orders.

The third section provides that the section of an act approved December 21, 1861, entitled "An act further to promote the efficiency of the Navy," shall not be so construed as to apply to any one holding a commission as a vice admiral in the Navy.

The bill was reported to the Senate without amendment, ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, read the third time, and passed.

BILLS INTRODUCED.

Mr. FOSTER asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 365) in relation to pensions; which was read twice by its title, referred to the Committee on Pensions, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. WILSON, in pursuance of previous notice, asked and obtained leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 364) to increase the number of cadets in and to raise the standard of admission to the Military Academy; which was read twice by its title, referred to the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia, and ordered to be printed.

OATH OF ALLEGIANCE.

Mr. HARLAN. I offer the following resolution, and ask for its consideration:

Resolved, That the Committee on the District of Columnbia be instructed to inquire into the expediency and propriety of requiring all residents of the District of Columbia to take and file with the provost marshal of said District an oath of allegiance or fidelity to the United States simiJar to the oath required by law of members and Senators in Congress and other officers of the Government, and also the expediency and propriety of prohibiting all persons from doing business in said District or with the several Departments of the Government who have not or may not take and file such oath; and that said committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.

Mr. HENDRICKS. I am not one of those who believe that the increase of oaths by citizens promotes either individual or public virtue, and Lobject to the consideration of the resolution at

this time.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Objection being made, it will lie over under the rule.

LAND SALES IN KANSAS.

Mr. LANE, of Kansas, submitted the following resolution, which was considered by unanimous consent, and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Interior be Instructed to communicate to the Senate as to the quantity of land which has been actually sold under the provisions of the fourth and fifth articles of the treaty made by the United States with the Sac and Fox Indians of the Mississippi, October 1, A. D. 1859, and ratified July 9, A. D. 1860; the price per acre at which said lands were sold; what opportunity the people of Kansas have had to compete in the purchase of the same; whether any bids are now on file in the Interior Department for the purchase of any portions of said lands; if so, then for what amount of land, and whether at a price above or below the appraised value of said lands; if any of said lands have been sold, what was received for them, money or scrip; if scrip, then what kind of scrip; if any bids for the purchase of any of said lands are now before the Department, what is it proposed by the Department to receive in pay for lands on said bids, money or scrip; if scrip, then what kind of scrip; was the land already sold purchased by citizens of Kansas or speculators; and also

to communicate to the Senate any and all other information the said Secretary of the Interior may have as to the sale of said lands, and the probability of selling the same so as to pay therefrom the indebtedness of the said Indians.

TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR.

Mr. WILKINSON. I offer the following resolution:

Whereas the large number of officers and enlisted men belonging to the armies of the United States who are now held as prisoners of war by our enemies are being treated in the most cruel and barbarous manner, deprived of necessary food and clothing, often left exposed to the weather without fuel, blankets, or clothing, or even a shelter over them; and whereas from such inhuman treatment thousands of our brave soldiers have died from starvation and unnecessary exposure, while thousands who survive are from their extreme sufferings wholly unable to render further service in the Army; and whereas every possible effort has been made by the Government and people of the United States to induce the rebel authorities to pursue a more humane policy toward these prisoners and to relieve their sufferings, which efforts have been of no avail, while on the other hand supplies of food and clothing which have been forwarded to them have seldom reached their destination but have been appropriated to the use of the enemy, thus proving that the rebel authorities not only refused to feed and clothe our soldiers themselves, but they refuse to let the Government or the people of the United States do so: Therefore,

Resolved, That in the opinion of Congress it would be wise and proper for the Secretary of War to direct that the rations, clothing, and supplies to be furnished to the rebel prisoners in our hands be limited in amount and kind to those furnished by the rebel authorities to Union troops held by them as prisoners of war, and that they be treated in all respects as the Union prisoners are treated by the rebel authorities.

I should like to have the resolution put upon its passage this morning.

Mr. JOHNSON. I object.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Objection being made, it must lie over.

Mr. WILKINSON. I wish to say a word or two in regard to the resolution.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It can only be done by unanimous consent of the Senate.

Mr. JOHNSON. I waive the objection.

Mr. WILKINSON. It is well understood throughout the country, and has been for nearly two years, that the Union soldiers, officers and enlisted men, have been treated in the most barbarous and inhuman manner by the rebel authorities. The Government of the United States, on the other hand, have not retaliated, but have endeavored to get through supplies and medicines, and the Sanitary Commission and the Christian Commission have been at work and have endeavored to alleviate or relieve the sufferings of our soldiers who are prisoners in the South. Through the negotiations of the Government every effort has been made to induce the rebel authorities to pursue a different policy in regard to the treatment of our soldiers, until it has become apparent to my mind that their principal object is to reduce these men by suffering, by starvation, by inhuman and barbarous treatment, to so low a physical condition that it will be utterly impossible for them hereafter ever to enter into the service of the United States in the Army, while on the other hand the Government of the United States have been pursuing the course which all enlightened Christian nations pursue in the treatment of captives which are held by them as prisoners of war.

The other night I met the assistant adjutant general upon the staff of the brave and gallant General Custer, who was taken prisoner in September last, and was taken to Columbia, South Carolina, on the 7th day of October, 1864, and he told me that fifteen hundred officers were placed upon an area of five acres of ground one third of which was swamp, without any shelter; that his coat, boots, blanket, and everything of that kind were taken from him, and they were placed in this stockade without axes, without shovels, even without anything to cook their rations or to provide them the least shelter. For two weeks they could not obtain an ax even to cut wood with which to cook their rations, and after that time six axes and some few shovels were distributed among those fifteen hundred officers, which enabled them, by combining their efforts, to get a little wood to cook their food, and by the use of the shovels to dig some holes in the dirt where they could lie in the night and be somewhat protected from the October frost. He also stated that in the months of July and August the deaths at Andersonville, for he was afterwards at Andersonville, from starvation and suffering were eight thousand out

of thirty-five thousand prisoners, and the number of deaths which have occurred at Andersonville, through the inhumanity, the barbarism of the rebel authorities, is thirteen thousand four hundred and eighty. When he was brought to the city of Charleston to be exchanged in company with Captain E. M. Lee, of the fifth Michigan cavalry

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator will pause; it becomes the duty of the Chair to call up the special order of the day, being the unfinished business of yesterday, Senate joint resolution No. 82.

Mr. WILSON. Let that be passed over informally.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. It may be laid aside informally.

Mr. WILKINSON. When he came to Charleston to be transferred to the receiving ship, the City of New York, he came in company with Captain E. M. Lee, of the fifth Michigan cavalry. The rebel steamer Celt came down the harbor, and while they were transferring the Union prisoners to the Union boat, the City of New York, there were eleven dead men: they were either dead before they were carried over the plank from one boat to another, or they died immediately after being laid upon the deck of the City of New York. A newspaper in the city of Columbia, South Carolina, published an article about the time of the exchange of those prisoners, wherein it boasted that the Union prisoners held by them which were sent North and exchanged would never render any more service for the cause of the Union and the cause of their country; and it also stated that the prisoners which were held by the United States and exchanged for those prisoners who had been physically destroyed, were in good condition to enter the rebel service at once.

I know that southern people have sometimes made misrepresentations respecting our treatment of prisoners from their armies, and hence, in addition to the testimony of the editor of a South Carolina paper, to which I have just referred, it may be proper that I should quote a few lines from a work now before me which furnishes the testimony of a well-known philanthropic lady:

"Point Lookout was still another post which had been subjected to the rebel statement that the prisoners there suffered from cruelty and neglect. Miss Dix, who visited those very prisoners, sufficiently disposes of the slander. She says: They were supplied with vegetables, with the best wheat bread, and fresh and salt meat three times daily in abundant measure-the full Government ration.'

"In the camp of about nine thousand rebel prisoners there were but four hundred reported to the surgeon. these one hundred were confined to their beds, thirty were very sick, and perhaps fifteen or twenty would never re

cover.

The hospital food consisted of beef tea, beef soup, rice, milk punch, milk, gruel, lemonade, stewed fruits, beefsteak, vegetables, and mutton. White sugar was employed in cooking. The supplies were, in fact, more ample and abundant than in hospitals where our own men were under treatment.

"The surgeons of the various hospitals, in several instances, alluded to the excellent condition of the prisoners when discharged and exchanged; and in the statement of Miss Dix will be found a brief description of their appearance when leaving the flag of truce boat for their own lines: "All were in vigorous health, equipped in clothes furnished by the United States Government, many of them with blankets and haversacks!"""

Now, Mr. President, this thing has gone too far. It may not be right for us to starve their men because they starve ours, for retaliation merely. I think the laws of war would justify a course of retaliation on the part of our Government; still, perhaps the higher law of Christian civilization would not justify it upon the ground of retaliation alone; but while we are exchanging these prisoners and turning over ten thousand healthy men to enter their armies at once to fight against the cause of this Union, they are sending back in their places ten thousand men physically destroyed, ten thousand men who can render no service to the Union and to the cause of the country. Therefore, in a double sense, the Government of the United States should teach these men that this thing can go on no longer. For the purpose of preventing them from gaining an advantage over us in the field, and giving them the power of strengthening their armies, while ours are not strengthened at all, and also for the purpose of protecting, as far as we are able to do, the brave men who have been fighting for the cause of their country, I think that this course ought to be adopted, and that there should be no delay in regard to the policy which this Government should

adopt. I ask the Senate to take up my resolution and act upon it now.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Chair understands objection to be made.

Mr. JOHNSON. I object.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Objection is still made.

Mr. WILKINSON afterwards moved that the resolution be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia, and the objection to the consideration of the resolution being withdrawn, the motion to refer was agreed to.

ARRESTS IN KENTUCKY.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The special order of the day, being the unfinished business of yesterday, will now be taken up.

Mr. POWELL. I move to postpone all pending and prior orders for the purpose of proceeding to the consideration of the resolution I offered yesterday calling for information as to the arrest and imprisonment of Lieutenant Governor Jacobs and Colonel Wolford of Kentucky.

Mr. WILSON. I hope that will not be done. The question being put, a division was called for.

Mr. POWELL asked for the yeas and nays, and they were ordered.

Mr. CONNESS. What is the resolution? Let it be read.

The Secretary read the resolution submitted yesterday by Mr. PowELL, as follows:

Resolved, That the President be requested to communicate to the Senate all information in his possession bearing on the arrest and imprisonment of Colonel Richard T. Jacobs, Lieutenant Governor of the State of Kentucky, and Colonel Frank Wolford, one of the presidential electors of that State; particularly by whose order they were arrested and imprisoned, where they are at present confined, and what offenses are charged against them.

Mr. POWELL. I desire to say only a word. I had not supposed that such a resolution as this would meet with opposition in the Senate of the United States. It simply proposes an inquiry concerning the arrest and imprisonment of two citizens of the United States, both of them well known to be strong Union men. Both of them have served in the Army of the United States with distinguished honor. Both of them have been more than once wounded in conflict at the front. They were both soldiers of distinguished ability. They were active friends of General McClellan at the last presidential election. Both canvassed the State of Kentucky to a considerable extent. Soon after the election, without any cause known to their friends, they were arrested, and without any trial, placed in prison. Colonel Wolford, I understand, is closely confined at Covington, Kentucky. It is not known where Lieutenant Governor Jacobs is. He seems to have been spirited away in some manner or other. I saw three days agoa telegraphic dispatch to one of my colleagues, from the Governor of Kentucky, which said that Colonel Wolford was confined at Covington, and that it was not known where Lieutenant Governor Jacobs was.

This resolution simply asks the President by what authority they were arrested, and where they are. It strikes me that such a gross violation of all the rights of the citizen should not be passed idly by in this body. I can see no possible objection to the passage of the resolution. If these gentlemen have committed any crime, if they have been guilty of the violation of any law, let them be brought before the legal tribunals and tried and punished. But that citizens, civilians, for they are now both out of the Army, one of them holding the second office in the gift of the people of Kentucky, should be arrested without warrant and without charge, and thrown into prison, in my judgment is the grossest violation of the rights of an American citizen; and we, at least, should pass a resolution asking the cause of the arrest, and the charges upon which it was made, and by whom it was done. We know that they were arrested by the military authorities there, but for what they were arrested we are profoundly ignorant.

I trust, sir, that Senators in favor of the Administration will not longer think that they can promote the interest of their party and their country by allowing the rights of citizens thus to be trampled down. There is no man who can truthfully say that either Colonel Wolford or Lieutenant Governor Jacobs is not loyal to the Constitution