the State but what has, without examining the question critically, demanded a repeal of all duty on paper. Since this subject has been called up, in opening one of my letters, I find this extract inclosed to me by a friend:

"Senator SHERMAN does not deserve the thanks of the people of Ohio for his motion in the Senate the other day to amend the House resolution reducing the duty on paper, by striking out three and inserting fifteen. We hope the Senate will not sanction any such measure, even though backed up by the Finance Committee."

I have no doubt that this is a friendly criticism; and I have not the slightest doubt that the editor of that paper, whom I know personally, if he was here this day, and called upon to vote, as I am, would vote against the proposition to reduce the duty to three per cent.

revenue, I do not care by whom demanded, I am opposed to; and every proposition that is reasonable in itself, that will increase the revenue, either in the form of gold or paper money, that I am in favor of. Our people must be prepared, and they are willing, to meet these large taxes; and no class of the community can evade them, however powerful they may be. I trust, therefore, sir, that the Senate will not postpone this bill, but will let us have a fair vote on the different propositions. I am informed by the honorable Senator from Indiana [Mr. LANE] that he desires to submit to the Senate a proposition to make the duty ten per cent. I was instructed by the Committee on Finance to submit an amendment making it fifteen per cent. I trust that we may have a vote and decide these questions, so that we shall close the

matter to-night.

Mr. COLLAMER. On that question I ask for the yeas and nays.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

Mr. JOHNSON. I shall vote against the motion to postpone indefinitely, because I think it is much more advisable to take a vote upon each one of these propositions. I am in favor of re

In the first place, this extract misrepresents my position. have never been in favor of a duty of fifteen per cent., because I think that is The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The question higher than is necessary. As the organ of the is on the motion of the Senator from New HampCommittee on Finance, I reported it as an amend-shire, that the bill be indefinitely postponed. ment. My position from the beginning has been that a duty of ten per cent. was ample for all the purposes of creating a healthy competition between the manufacturers abroad and the manufacturers at home. The article itself does not need any protection. I have no doubt the writer of this paper thought that a duty of three per cent. on the imported article would be ample protec-taining the duty of twenty per cent. just as it is, tion and would yield us as much revenue, when it can be demonstrated by the plainest figures that it would be a surrender of at least $5,000,000 of revenue and a discrimination against our own industry; that it would tend to destroy all the manufactories of paper in this country, and thus eventually lead to an increase of the price. I do not believe that either the Legislative Assembly or the newspaper editors of Ohio would favor such a result.

but, as I have stated, I shall vote against the indefinite postponement of this bill.

The question being taken by yeas and nays, resulted-yeas 14, nays 25; as follows:

YEAS

Messrs. Collamer, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Foot, Foster, Hale, Harris, Morrill, Nye, Sprague, Ten Eyck, Van Winkle, and Wade-14.

NAYS-Messrs. Brown, Buckalew, Clark, Conness, Davis, Farwell, Grimes, Henderson, Hendricks, Howard, Howe, Johnson, Laue of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Powell, Ramsey, Richardson, Riddle, Sherman, Sumner, Trumbull, Willey, and Wilson-25. ABSENT--Messrs. Authony, Carlile, Chandler, Harding, Harlan, McDougall, Morgan, Saulsbury, Stewart, Wilkinson, and Wright—11.

So the motion was not agreed to.

Mr. LANE, of Indiana. I move to amend the amendment of the committee by striking out the word "fifteen" in the fifth line, and inserting the word "ten," so as to make the duty ten per cent.

Mr. SPRAGUE. Should this amendment prevail, the whole cotton interest of this country will have reason for complaint. The causes that have operated to enhance the price of paper are the le

It is now manifest, Mr. President, that Congress must hereafter act upon new principles in framing revenue laws. No longer will we have controversies about protecting domestic industry. Our debt and the necessities of taxation will be ample protection. During war the inflation of paper money and the withdrawal into the Army of a vast number of operatives will leave ample and profitable employment for all others. We now need labor, and it wants no protection. It can protect itself. Everywhere it is profitably employed. But we want money. Our laws hereafter will be revenue laws. The only principlegitimate consequences of this war. Previous to upon which they will be hereafter based will be to produce the largest revenue from sources least burdensome to the people. All interests must pay their fair share. I do not agree with my colleague that protection is now necessary, for the taxation indispensably necessary is protection enough. We may hereafter with many commodities wish to invite foreign competition, as we do now with printing paper. Whenever the tendency in any manufacture is to monopoly or an unreasonable advance of prices, it may be politic to induce some competition; but this should never be done by discriminating against home producers, and never by levying a higher tax on our manufacture than we do on the foreign one.

The principle to be adopted now, while we are so much in debt, is to levy that rate of duty which will yield the largest revenue. The great want of the Government now is revenue. Whether that revenue comes to us in the form of duty on imported goods, or whether it is yielded to us in the form of internal revenue, it equally sustains the public credit. There is no basis of public credit, there is no mode by which we can sustain the public credit, there is no mode by which we can pay the national debt, except by heavy taxes; I do not like any class of men to seek to evade their portion of the duty. Whoever they may be, they are the common enemies of the country. Those who during the last year evaded the income tax all over this country, those who seek in any way to evade their portion of the taxes, are the common enemies of the country.

I therefore am in favor of such a system, not only of tariff but of our revenue laws, as will yield the largest sum of money possible that can be collected from the people. It can be collected now better than at any other time. It can be collected now in the form of currency, which will answer our purpose; but if it be delayed two or three years longer it will have to be paid in gold. Therefore every proposition which reduces the

the war, the cotton interest of this country consumed perhaps nine hundred thousand bales per annum. The paper interest, consuming the refuse of this cotton, used nearly twenty per cent. of that amount. To-day the cotton manufacturing of the country is reduced to twenty-five per cent. of its former value. This interest pays large sums into the Treasury; five per cent. of the gross amount of its product directly, and indirectly double this amount. My belief is that this interest has not accumulated a dollar of profit in the aggregate since the commencement of this war. Its only accumulation has been derived from the enhanced value of stock on hand. Newspaper interests may present as favorable a condition in this respect. The value of paper has been enhanced by the withdrawal from consumption of the cotton-waste of these manufactures. By this amendment, you virtually deprive this cotton interest of what remains of this source of their revenue, and thus advance the price of all commodities produced from cotton. It will be seen that if foreign manufactures are employed in the production of this paper-and such will be the legitimate result of the proposed amendment-this twenty per cent. of cotton, now sold to our paper manufacturers, will have no market, and cotton manufacturers must compensate themselves for this loss of revenue by increasing the price of other products..

I desire to call the attention of the Senate to one other phase of this question. This matter, upon its introduction, was first referred to the proper committee of the House of Representatives; but before they had opportunity to listen to the remonstrances of the manufacturers, or to consider the facts bearing upon this question, the subject was hurried before the House, and, without discussion, presented to the Senate. Whatever may be the result of the vote upon this question, I shall rejoice that the subject has received proper consideration from this body; for, sir, in the op

erations of any interest, in the prosecution of any business, let the fear once become instilled that legislation unnecessarily interrupts the ordinary prosecution of business, and it will destroy confidence in trade. When the people begin to understand that they cannot depend upon the stability and justice of legislation, there is then no confidence, and no reward for labor. It has seemed to me that the cause for this legislation is synonymous with that of the king in the parable, who, not because he feared God or regarded man, listened to his petitioners. "Yet because this woman troubleth me I will avenge her, lest by her continual coming she weary me," said he. There is no interest in this country that has not as good claim to a hearing before the Senate as the newspaper or printing interest, which so strongly urges the adoption of this measure. It was because they were troubled and wearied by the newspaper press throughout the country that this measure received the assent of the other House, and it is now proposed to give to it the sanction of the Senate. The interest of the paper manufacturer, the laborer, and the Treasury, cannot be heard. They cannot say to their legislators, "Unless you defend and protect our interest we shall deny our aid when you feel the necessity for our favor."

Sir, this measure affects every interest in the country. The income to the Treasury is affected unfavorably by its adoption, as is the income derived from the prosecution of this business by the capitalist and employés. The men engaged in this manufacture pay heavy taxes to the Government; the operatives pay taxes upon everything necessary to their subsistence; and the farmer is furnished with a market for his produce proportionate to the number engaged in the development and prosecution of this interest. Now, it is proposed to introduce into this country, in competition with this interest, a foreign commodity, free from all Government taxes, and from all the burdens incident to this great war. Sir, this is no time for legislation unfavorable to the interests of the laborer, the interests that sustain the Government and support the war.

I do not believe that the newspaper interest of this country will derive the smallest advantage from the adoption of this measure to reduce the tariff. I have given my opinion as to one of the causes of the increased price of paper-the enhanced value of cotton-waste, increased by the small quantity necessarily produced. The cost of every other material that enters into its production, from the increased demand and Government imposts, has also advanced. When this clamor respecting the duty on paper was first raised cotton was at $1 90 per pound. Now it is eighty cents, and the price of paper proportionately affected. It is not legislation that is needed to decrease the price of paper.

But, sir, the honorable Senator from Ohio has suggested the dangers arising from a monopoly. There is no doubt that at times there are temporary evils to be feared from monopoly; but the energy, the ingenuity, the enterprise, and the public spirit of the American people will never tolerate, for any length of time, such a system. It may not be known to Senators, but it is a fact, that previous to this war the products of manufactures that had had time to perfect themselves in this country could be produced here and were furnished to the people of this country nearly as cheap as were similar articles to the people of England and France, where their manufacture had been brought to the highest state of perfection. At that time our rate of duty was twentyfour per cent. So, in this case, we shall achieve the same result in the manufacture of paper, if we do not discourage and destroy our own manufactures by introducing as competitors with their products foreign products that are exempt from the duties and taxation imposed upon our own. I have before asserted that I did not think the newspaper interest would derive the least advantage from the proposed legislation; but this blow, aimed at the paper interest, strikes at the foundation of our strength. It strikes at our resources, and at the laboring and producing interests of the country. It is for these reasons I complain of it and resist it.

Mr. LANE, of Indiana. Mr. President, there are three theories on the subject of impost duties advocated by their respective believers. One is the system of free trade, which is wholly inap

plicable to the present condition of the finances and debt of this country, and which, I think, would be impolitic even if we had no debt, in a time of peace. There is another theory, that we should tax for the purpose of revenue; and still a third theory, that we should tax to protect the American article. Let us test this matter of the paper tax in reference to the last two theories.

First, then, it is an admitted fact that as a revenue measure the twenty per cent. fails; it does not produce any revenue, because there are no foreign importations; in other words, the tax of twenty per cent. is a prohibition and not protection. So far forth as it may be necessary to raise revenue and pay the debts of the country, the whole argument has failed. Then how far should we protect, and what is the measure of protection? Surely not twenty per cent., because that is prohibition, and there is no competition with the foreign article at all; and I have introduced this amendment proposing ten per cent, supposing it would give ample protection and retain the market in the hands of our manufacturers, and at the same time lessen the price of paper to the paper consumer.

The distinguished Senator from Rhode Island [Mr. SPRAGUE] sets out with the proposition that there should be stability in our legislation. Doubtless stability is a good thing, but why do we tax at all? For the purpose of raising revenue to pay our debts. And what is the measure of that tax? Simply the necessities of the Government; and what it may be necessary to tax one day we may be compelled to increase the next, and the whole theory of taxation in a time of war, when debts are rapidly accumulating, implies change and instability, and nothing else, and manufacturers and all others must operate with a view to that continuing and shifting change in the debt of the country, for taxes are only necessary to pay the debt.

There is another position of the distinguished Senator from Rhode Island which I think answers itself. He says he does not believe the newspaper men will be benefited one cent by this reduction of the duty on paper. If not, why not? Because they will have to pay precisely as much for the paper then as they do now. Then if the manufacturer sells at the same price, he is not injured to the amount of a single cent. If the paper buyer pays the same price the manufacturer cannot be injured, for he gets the same price; and it seems to me that that argument thoroughly answers itself.

the war commenced. A dollar is yet but a dollar; and although a dollar in gold is equal now in point || of value for all purposes to some two dollars or more in currency, it is not because its intrinsic value is any more than it was at first, but is owing to the fact that we have an inflated currency, and to the further fact that a great part of that inflated currency is made a legal tender.

The tax of twenty per cent. on the foreign manufacture has been in existence some time, and the effect of it has been to induce the domestic enterprise of our citizens to an extent which has led them to invest some eighty or ninety million dollars in paper factories, and they are producing now an annual product of about one hundred and seven million dollars. The honorable member from Indiana says that there are two things to be accomplished by means of a tariff. The first is to raise revenue, and the other is to protect domestic industry. He thinks that this tax of twenty per cent. is not a tax which can be supposed to be one to raise revenue, because the effect of the tax has been to exclude altogether the foreign article. That is true. We are not raising revenue, to be sure, by an impost upon the foreign article; but if the effect of the impost upon the foreign article has been to encourage the creation of the domestic article, and to such an extent that the taxes which we have imposed upon the domestic article amount to a sum much larger than would be the duty upon the foreign article, then the effect of the duty in its result is to raise revenue. If, for example, you were to reduce the duty, and the foreign article was imported, and the impost upon the foreign article would only be, as the chairman of the committee says, some two or three million dollars, and by doing so you prostrate the domestic article, the duty upon which is eight or ten million dollars, you are just a loser in revenue of the amount of the difference, and you must make that up in some other

way.

Now, whatever doubt there may have existed originally, and particularly with those gentlemen at the South, and some at the North, who have contested the authority of Congress to protect directly the domestic manufacture by imposing a tax, yet I suppose it never has been doubted by anybody that you can so appropriate the taxes among the foreign articles as to operate indirectly to encourage the production of domestic articles; and the whole question is, to what extent will you go in that indirect encouragement? I do not doubt now, I never did doubt, that under the au

foreign article altogether. The debates in the Convention, the writings of Mr. Madison and Mr. Hamilton contemporaneously with it, the passage of the first tariff bill by the First Congress which was organized under the Constitution, and which upon its face professed to be a bill for the encouragement of manufactures, all in my judgment warrant the opinion that under the power to lay such taxes you may exclude altogether the foreign article.

Gentlemen talk of protecting American labor. Here are fifty thousand people employed in manufacturing paper, while there are six or eight million, perhaps, habitually buying paper; and for the purpose of protecting the smaller number you enable that smaller number to extort from the larger, for it is nothing else. Whenever a tariff becomes prohibitory, whenever it excludes the foreign article, to that extent the home manufacturers are enabled to charge precisely, in an ordinary state of market, that much more to the consumer. I propose now to reduce to the consumer at the rate of ten per cent. upon paper, and at the same time give ample protection to the paper manufacturer, and with no view to leave unprotected American capital and American labor.

Mr. JOHNSON. Mr. President, I do not propose to enter into statistics in relation to this article of manufacture, but merely to state in a very few words the conclusions to which I have come. The proposition that the increased price paid by the American consumer who uses paper is to be attributed to the tax is, as I think, wholly unfounded. That increase is to be attributed, as is the increase upon every article, whether of necessity or of luxury, to the state of the currency. Gold itself is worth no more now than it was before

But that is not the question here. The question here is, we being in a state of war is it not better to keep the taxes as they are, the domestic tax as it is, and the foreign tax as it is, provided the result of the two is that we get a larger amount through the taxing power than we should do if we repealed the foreign tax?

But there is another consideration. If by your legislation you encourage the industry and enterprise of the country to appropriate its means to any particular article of manufacture, and by force of that encouragement millions and millions of dollars have been invested, it seems to me to be unjust, after men have made the investment, while they are in the course of realizing what they expected to realize by reason of the investment, and after they made the investment at your instance, under the protection of your legislation, that you should strike at once a blow that will render it either altogether or comparatively valueless.

If the object of those who are in favor of a reduction of this tax either to three per cent. or to ten per cent, is to produce what they call a fair competition between the domestic manufacturer and the foreign manufacturer, the way to do that is to reduce the duty upon every article which enters into the manufacture of paper. Do that and we shall start fair, and starting fair I have

no doubt that the skill and industry of the American artificer and manufacturer will be equal to compete successfully with the foreign manufacturer, although the price of labor is dearer here than it is abroad; but such a bill as this is to discriminate against the domestic manufacture; it is to encourage the foreign and to prohibit the domestic.

Mr. President, we can very readily imagine, or at least I think I can, why it is that the popular judgment, the judgment of the House of Representatives and the judgment of politicians generally, has been brought to doubt whether the complaint of these newspaper editors is not well founded. They seem to speak the public voice; they have got the exclusive possession of the public ear; and they are the men who in relation to this particular tax are now acting together. They are monopolizing the public judgment. They are very clever men; but how have they suffered? The daily papers have not suffered; they have raised the prices of their subscriptions and of their advertisements in an amount equal to the increased expense to which they have been subjected by the condition of the currency. The weekly papers suffer, but why do they suffer? A great many of them have gone out of existence a little sooner, perhaps, than they would otherwise have done; but it is to be remembered that we are in a state of war; every man desires to know in the morning in what condition is the country, what battles have been fought, what is the state of the market, what is going on in Washington; and he does not take a weekly paper, for that does not inform him; he takes the papers that come out every day, consults the telegraph, and has no occasion for a weekly paper. It falls not so much because it is unable to compete on account of the difference in the price of paper, but because it is unequal to compete with the daily papers in that kind of information which everybody wants to receive from day to day and hour to hour. A man wants to consult the telegraph, and that goes for those who can pay for it; the weekly papers cannot afford to pay for it.

Now, Mr. President, if we have established a system of manufacture in relation to this article and other articles so that they can compete now with like manufactures all over the world, let us preserve them in that condition. We ought to be able to compete with the world. We ought to encourage (if it can be done without loss of trade) every enterprise in which our citizens may engage. Our people having engaged in this business to the extent of eighty or ninety or a hundred million dollars, and making now just as much paper as is wanted, nobody complains that there is not paper enough in the country to answer the wants of the country; the whole objection is as to its price. Why interfere in this way? If you reduce the price by removing the tax upon the foreign article, and by so doing you destroy the domestic article altogether, put an end to the seven hundred mills which are in operation, how long do you think the price will be less than it is now? Never, except for a few months. Although it is true as a general thing that the tax which you impose upon the foreign article is added to the price which is charged for it to the consumer, we all know that the foreign manufacturer, the moment he gets a chance, if he sees that he can strike a blow upon the domestic manufacturer, will send the material in, and sell it at a loss, and he can afford to sell it at a loss for a year or two, if by so doing he can break down the domestic manufacturer, and himself afterward monopolize the market of the United States.

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The question is on the amendment of the Senator from Indiana [Mr. LANE] to the amendment reported by the Committee on Finance.

Mr. GRIMES called for the yeas and nays; and they were ordered.

Mr. COWAN. I beg Senators to remember that if they vote for this amendment they vote to reduce the revenue. A ton of paper with gold at 225 now yields to the Government $40 63. Reduce the duty ten per cent., admit the foreign article, and then upon every ton of imported paper we shall get, with gold at 225, but thirty-six dollars; so that this proposition is fatal, even according to the argument of its own friends. The honorable Senator from Ohio states that he will treat as the enemy of the country him who endeavors to

duce the amount of revenue. I am not prepared to say that I will do that. If that be the true rule, this amendment ought not to prevail, because it will unquestionably reduce the revenue just to the amount I have stated, $4 63 on every ton of paper when gold is at 225.

Mr. GRIMES. I do not understand that we are in such great straits for revenue as the Senator from Pennsylvania seems to imagine. Since we convened this morning we have passed a bill appropriating $500,000 a year, I believe, for a steamship line, with the approbation, I think, of every member of the Committee on Finance except the chairman.

Mr. COWAN. I ask the honorable Senator from lowa whether I did not vote with him on that bill.

Mr. GRIMES. I thought otherwise.

Mr. COWAN. If the Senator is of opinion that we are in such straits, I ought also to have credit for being of the same opinion.

Mr. GRIMES. All I have to say is that of the gentlemen who are going to treat all those who are willing to reduce any particular tax as enemies of the country-the Committee on Finance-five out of seven voted for the proposition.

Mr. HOWE. I wish the Senator from Iowa would except one more member of the Committee on Finance.

Mr. SHERMAN. I think a majority of the Committee on Finance voted against that bill.

The question being taken by yeas and nays, resulted yeas 18, nays 22; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Brown, Buckalew, Davis, Grimes, HarJan, Henderson, Hendricks, Howard, Lane of Indiana, Morgan, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Powell, Richardson, Saulsbury, Sherman, Sumner, and Trumbull-18.

NAYS-Messrs. Clark, Collamer, Conness, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Farwell, Foot, Foster, Harris, Johnson, Morrill, Nye, Ramsey, Riddle, Sprague, Ten Eyck, Van Winkle, Wade, Wilkinson, Willey, and Wilson-22.

ABSENT-Messrs. Anthony, Carlile, Chandler, fale, Harding, Howe, Lane of Kansas, McDougall, Stewart, and Wright-10.

So the amendment to the amendment was rejected.

The question recurring on the amendment of the Committee on Finance,

The resolution was read the third time, and the question being on its passage,

Mr. WADE called for the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered; and being taken, resulted-yeas 21, nays 19; as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Buckalew, Chandler, Conness, Davis, Farwell, Grimes, Harlan, Henderson, Hendricks, Howard, Howe, Lane of Indiana, Morgan, Nye, Powell, Ramsey, Sherman, Sumner, Trumbull, Willey, and Wilson-21. NAYS-Messrs. Clark, Collamer, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Foot, Foster, Hale, Harris, Johnson, Morrill, Riddle, Saulsbury, Sprague, Stewart, Ten Eyck, Van Winkle, Wade, and Wilkinson-19.

ABSENT-Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Carlile, Harding, Lane of Kansas, McDougall, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Richardson, and Wright-10.

So the joint resolution was passed.

COMMITTEE ON THE CONDUCT OF THE WAR. Mr. WADE. The committee on the conduct of the war, who were instructed to inquire into the character and efficiency of the heavy ordnance now provided for the armament of fortifications, and the mode of fabrication, and the amount of royalty paid, have instructed me to make a report, accompanied by the evidence on the subject. I move that the report and evidence be printed, and referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

The motion was agreed to.

NAVY-YARD ON THE MISSISSIPPI.

Mr. GRIMES. 1 move to print two thousand extra copies of the report of the commission authorized to inspect and report upon a site for a navy-yard on the Mississippi river or its tributaries.

The motion was referred to the Committee on Printing, under the rules.

BILL INTRODuced.

Mr. WILSON asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to introduce a bill (S. No. 443) to incorporate the Freedman's Saving and Trust Company; which was read twice by its title, referred to the select committee on slavery and freedmen, and ordered to be printed. LOYAL EAST TENNESSEE.

YEAS-Messrs. Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Conness, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Farwell, Foot, Foster, Harris, Henderson, Howe, Johnson, Morrill, Nesmith, Nye, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Riddle, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Van Winkle, Wade, Willey, and WilBon-30.

NAYS-Messrs. Brown, Buckalew, Grimes, Harlan, Hendricks, Howard, Lane of Indiana, Morgan, Powell, Richardson, Saulsbury, Trumbull, and Wilkinson-13. ABSENT-Messrs. Anthony, Carlile, Hale, Harding, Lane of Kansas, McDougall, and Wright-7.

So the amendment was agreed to.
Mr. DAVIS. 1offer the following amendment

as a new section:

And be it further enacted, That from and after the 1st day of April next the duties on the following articles imported into the United States shall be as follows:

On teas of all kinds twelve and a half cents per pound. On all sugars not above No. 12, Dutch standard in color, one and a half cent per pound.

On all sugars above No. 12, and not above No, 15, Dutch standard in color, two cents per pound.

On all refined sugar in the form of loaf, lump, crushed, powdered, and pulverized granulated, and all stove-dried, and other sugar above No. 20, Dutch standard in color, two and a half cents per pound.

On molasses from sugar-canc, four cents per gallon. On syrup of sugar-cane juice, melado, concentrated melado, or concentrated molasses, one and three fourth cents per pound.

The present rates of duty on all imported coffees shall be reduced one half of their amounts respectively.

I ask for the yeas and nays on this amendment. The yeas and nays were ordered; and being taken, resulted-yeas 7, nays 34; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Davis, Hendricks, Nesmith, Powell, Riddle, Saulsbury, and Wilkinson-7.

NAYS-Messrs. Buckalew, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Conness, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Farwell, Foot, Foster, Hale, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Howe, Johnson, Lane of Indiana, Morgan, Morrill, Nye, Pomeroy, Ramsey, Sherman, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Wade, Willey, and Wilson-34. ABSENT-Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Carlile, Grimes, Harding, Lane of Kansas, McDougall, Richardson, and Wright-9.

So the amendment was rejected.

The joint resolution was reported to the Senate as amended, and the amendment was concurred in. It was ordered that the amendment be engrossed, and the resolution be read the third time.

Resolved, That the Committee on Agriculture be instructed to inquire into the propriety of expending the sum of $50,000 to pay for seeds and agricultural implements to be distributed among the loyal inhabitants of East Tennessee who have been stripped and impoverished on account of their devotion to the Government of the United States.

BRIDGE ACROSS THE OHIO.

Mr. POWELL. I move to take up the motion to reconsider the vote on the passage of the bill (S. No. 392) supplementary to an act approved July 14, 1862, entitled "An act to establish certain post roads." I will state that I do not ask to have it considered this evening, but simply to take it up that it may be left as the unfinished business for to-morrrow.

The motion was agreed to.

EXECUTIVE SESSION.

On motion of Mr.SHERMAN, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of executive business; and after some time spent therein the doors were reopened, and the Senate adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. MONDAY, February 13, 1865. The House met at twelve o'clock, m. Prayer by Rev. Dr. E. H. GRAY.

The Journal of Saturday was read and approved.

COMMITTEE APPOINTED.

The SPEAKER stated that he had appointed as the committee on the part of the House to join the committee on the part of the Senate, to notify the President and Vice President-elect of their election, the gentlemen who were appointed tellers on the part of the House to count the electoral votes, namely: Mr. WILSON and Mr. DAWSON.

ORDER OF BUSINESS.

The SPEAKER stated that the first business in order during the morning hour was the call of States for bills and joint resolutions, to be referred and not to be brought back by motion to reconsider.

ક્ષ

RAILROAD LAND GRANT TO MICHIGAN. Mr. DRIGGS introduced a bill making a grant of public lands to the State of Michigan to aid in the construction of a railroad in said State; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE.

Mr. WOODBRIDGE introduced a bill amendatory of the acts relating to the Attorney General's Office, and to fix the compensation of his assistants and clerks; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

SALARY OF DISTRICT JUDGE OF KANSAS.

Mr. WILDER introduced a bill to increase the salary of the district judge for the district of Kansas; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

PAY OF CERTAIN OFFICERS OF THE ARMY.

Mr. RICE, of Maine, introduced a bill for an act entitled "An act to amend an act to amend section nine of the act approved July 17, 1863, entitled 'An act to define the pay and emolument of certain officers of the Army, and for other purposes,' ," "approved April 9, 1864; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

THE PEACE CONFERENCE.

The SPEAKER. The call of States for bills and resolutions having been finished, during the remainder of the morning hour resolutions are in order. At the expiration of the morning hour on Monday last a resolution was pending, offered by the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Cox,] on which no quorum voted. The question recurs on the passage of the resolution, which will be read. The resolution was read, as follows:

Resolved, That the President of the United States, in endeavoring to ascertain the disposition of the insurgents in arms against the authority of the Federal Government, with a view to negotiations for peace and a restoration of the Union, is entitled to the gratitude of a suffering and distracted country; and that with a similar view he he

respectfully requested to omit no honorable exertions which may lead to the desired object, to wit: peace and

union.

The SPEAKER. The previous question is pending.

Mr. SCHENCK. Will the gentleman from Ohio withdraw his resolution for the present, and allow me to offer one?

Mr. COX. I withdraw it temporarily.

PICTURE FOR THE CAPITOL.

Mr. SCHENCK introduced a joint resolution authorizing a contract with William H. Powell for a picture for the Capitol; which was read a first and second time.

The joint resolution directs the Joint Committee on the Library to enter into a contract with William H. Powell, of the State of Ohio, to paint a picture for the United States, to be placed at the head of one of the grand staircases in the Capitol, illustrative of some naval victory, the particular subject of the painting to be agreed on by the committee and the artist, provided that the entire expense of said picture shall not exceed $25,000, $2,000 to be paid to Mr. Powell in advance, to enable him to prepare for the work, and the remainder of the installments at intervals of not less than one year, the last installment to be retained until the picture is completed and put up. Mr. SCHENCK. I demand the previous ques

tion.

On the second for the demand for the previous question, there were-ayes 55, noes 27; no quorum voting.

The SPEAKER ordered tellers; and appointed Messrs. SCHENCK and HOLMAN as tellers. The House divided, and the tellers reportedayes 61, noes 32.

So the previous question was seconded.

The main question was then ordered to be put. Mr. DRIGGS. I move to lay the joint resolution on the table; and upon that motion I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. HOLMAN. I trust the gentleman will allow the yeas and nays to be taken on the passage of the joint resolution.

Mr. DRIGGS. Well, I withdraw my motion. The joint resolution was ordered to be en

grossed and read a third time; and being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time.

Mr. SCHENCK demanded the previous question on the passage of the joint resolution.

The previous question was seconded, and the main question ordered.

Mr. DRIGGS. I demand the yeas and nays on the passage of the joint resolution.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

Mr. BLAIR. I move to lay the joint resolution on the table.

Mr. HOLMAN. I trust the gentleman will let us take a direct vote on the joint resolution. Mr. BLAIR. Very well; I withdraw my motion.

The question was taken, and it was decided in the affirmative; yeas 61, nays 60, not voting 61; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. James C. Allen, William J. Allen, Ancona, Arnold, Ashley, Bailey, Bliss, Brandegee, Brooks, James S. Brown, Chanler, Coffroth, Cole, Cox, Dawson, Deming, Denison, Eckley, Edgerton, Eldridge, Garfield, Griswold, Hail, Herrick, Hutchins, Ingersoll, Philip Johnson, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, King, Law, Lazear, Le Blond, Long, Mallory, Marvin, McAllister, McBride, McKinney, Moorhead, Morrill, Morrison, Nelson, Charles O'Neill, John O'Neill, Pendleton, Pomeroy, Alexander H. Rice, James S. Rollins, Schenck, Scott, Stiles, Strouse, Sweat, Wadsworth, Whaley, Joseph W. White, Wilder, Woodbridge, Worthington, and Yeaman-61.

NAYS-Messrs. Ames, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Blair, Boutwell, Boyd, Broomall, William G. Brown, Ambrose W. Clark, Clay, Cobb, Dawes, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Eliot, Finek, Ganson, Hale, Harding, Charles M. Harris, Higby, Holman, Asahel W. Hubbard, John H. Hubbard, Bulburd, William Johnson, Julian, Kalbfleisch, Orlando Kellogg, Littlejohn, Loan, Longyear, McClurg, MeIndoe, Middleton, Samuel F. Miller, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Orth, Perham. Pruyn, William H. Randall, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Ross, Scofield, Shannon, Smithers, Spalding, William G. Steele, Stevens, Thayer, Upson, Van Valkenburgh, William B. Washburn, Williams, Wilson, and Windom-60.

NOT VOTING-Messrs. Alley, Allison, Anderson, Augustus C. Baldwin, Blaine, Blow, Freeman Clarke,Cravens, Creswell, Henry Winter Davis, Thomas T. Davis, Dumont, Eden, English, Farnsworth, Frank, Gooch, Grider, Grinnell, Harrington, Benjamin G. Harris, Hooper, Hotchkiss, Jenckes, Kasson, Kernan, Knapp, Knox, Marey, MeDowell, William H. Miller, James R. Morris, Leonard Myers, Noble, Norton, Odell. Patterson, Perry, Pike, Price, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Robinson, Rogers, Sloan, Smith, Starr, John B. Steele, Stuart, Thomas, Townsend, Tracy, Voorhees, Ward, Elihu B. Washburne, Webster, Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Winfield, Benjamin Wood, and Fernando Wood-61.

So the joint resolution was passed.
During the roll call,

Mr. WILSON stated that his colleague, Mr. GRINNELL, was detained from the House by indisposition.

The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.

Mr. COX. I move to reconsider the vote by which the joint resolution was passed; and to lay

the motion to reconsider on the table.

Mr. UPSON. I demand the yeas and nays on the latter motion.

Mr. COX. I withdraw the motion.

MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE.

A message from the Senate, by Mr. HICKEY, their Chief Clerk, informed the House that the Senate had passed bill of the House No. 649, making appropriations for the legislative, executive, and judicial departments of the Government, for the year ending June 30, 1866, with amendments, in which he was directed to ask the concurrence of the House.

PEACE CONFERENCE.

The SPEAKER.

The next business in order

is the resolution of the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Cox,] which was temporarily laid aside this morning for the introduction of the joint resolution just disposed of. On this resolution the previous question has been moved.

Mr. COX. As we had a very satisfactory vote on this question the other day, I will not press the resolution further. I withdraw it.

DESTITUTION AMONG COLORED PEOPLE.

Mr. ASHLEY. I offer the following preamble and resolution, on which I demand the previous question:

Whereas it is reported that in consequence of the rebellion and since the proclamation of emancipation, a large number of women and children of the freedmen have, as a military necessity, been brought out of the States of Virginia, Maryland, and other States, and left in and around the national capital; and whereas it is reported that already many of such persous have died for want of food, clothing, and fuel; and whereas it is reported that many of the

husbands of said women and the fathers of said children are now in the service of the United States and fighting in defense of the Government: Therefore,

Resolved, That the Committee on Military Affairs be instructed to inquire into the truth of such reports, and that said committee report what action, if any, is proper for this House to take in the premises; and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.

The previous question was seconded, and the main question ordered; and under the operation thereof the preamble and resolution were agreed

to.

Mr. ASHLEY moved to reconsider the vote by which the resolution and preamble were adopted; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table.

The latter motion was agreed to.

NATIONAL FREEDMEN'S RELIEF ASSOCIATION. Mr. SPALDING. I offer the following resolution, on which I demand the previous question:

Resolved, That the use of this Hall be granted to the National Freedmen's Relief Association, on Sunday evening, the 26th instant, for the purpose of holding a meeting in aid of the object of said association, and especially to provide means of relief for the suffering men, women, and children of that class now in the city of Washington.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Pennsylvania. Would it be in order to move that the spring elections be held in this Hall? [Laughter.]

The SPEAKER. It would not. The previous question was seconded; there being, on a division-ayes sixty-three, noes not counted.

yeas and nays

The main question was ordered. Mr. MALLORY. I demand the on the adoption of the resolution. The yeas and nays were ordered. The question was taken; and it was decided in the affirmative-yeas 71, nays 36, not voting 75; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Ames, Arnold, Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Blaine, Boutwell, Boyd, Broomall, James S. Brown, William G. Brown, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clarke, Cobb, Cole, Dawes, Deming, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Eckley, Eliot, Garfield, Hale, Higby, Hotchkiss, Asaliel W. Hubbard, John H. Hubbard, Hulburd, Ingersoll, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Knox, Littlejohn, Loan, Longyear, McClurg, Melndoe, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Daniel Morris, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Perhain, Pike, Pomeroy, William H. Randall, Alexander II. Rice, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Scofield, Shannon, Smithers, Spalding, Stevens, Thayer, Tracy, Upson, Van Valkenburgh, William B. Washburn, Webster, Whaley, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge, and Worthington-71.

NAYS-Messrs. James C. Allen, Ancona, Blair, Bliss, Brandegee, Clay, Henry Winter Davis, Dawson, Denison, Edgerton, Eldridge, Finck, Ganson, Grider, Harding, Benjamin G. Harris, Holman, Philip Johnson, William Johnson, Kalbfleischi, Le Blond, Long, Mallory, McKinney, William H. Miller, Morrison, Nelson, John O'Neill, Pendleton, James S. Rollins, Ross, John B. Steele, William G. Steefe, Stiles, Thomas, and Joseph W. White-36.

NOT VOTING-Messrs. William J. Allen, Alley, Allison, Anderson, Baily, Augustus C. Baldwin, Blow, Brooks, Chanler, Coffroth, Cox, Cravens, Creswell, Thomas T. Davis, Dumont, Eden, English, Farnsworth, Frank, Gooch, Grinnell, Griswold, Hall, Harrington, Charles M. Harris, Herrick, Hooper, Hutchins, Jenckes, Kasson, Kernan, King, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Marcy, Marvin, McAllister, McBride, McDowell, Middleton, Morrill, James R. Morris, Amos Myers, Leonard Myers, Noble, Norton, Odell, Patterson, Perry, Price, Pruyn, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Robinson, Rogers, Schenck, Scott, Sloan, Smith, Starr, Strouse, Stuart, Sweat, Townsend, Voorhees, Wadsworth, Ward, Elihu B. Washburne, Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Winfield, Benjamin Wood, Fernando Wood, and Yeaman-75.

So the resolution was adopted.
During the roll-call,

Mr. COBB stated that his colleague, Mr. SLOAN, was absent on account of sickness in his family.

Mr. SPALDING moved to reconsider the vote

by which the resolution was adopted; and also

moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table.

The latter motion was agreed to.

ENROLLED BILLS.

Mr. COBB, from the Committee on Enrolled Bills, reported that the committee had examined and found truly enrolled joint resolution and bills of the following titles; when the Speaker signed the same:

Joint resolution (S. No. 91) appointing General Richard Delafield to be a regent of the Smithsonian Institution;

An act (H. R. No. 517) to incorporate the National Union Insurance Company of Washington; and

An act (S. No. 281) for the relief of Alexander J. Atocha.

RESTORATION OF THE UNION.

Mr. DAWSON submitted the following resolution, and demanded the previous question on its adoption:

Whereas the American people have now been engaged in a civil war of gigantic dimensions for nearly four years, which has resulted in frightful destruction of life, property, and treasure, creating an enormous public debt, impo the most oppressive taxes, covering the land with affliction, corrupting the general morals, and putting in peril the liberties of the nation; and whereas on the part of the United States and the people of the States which adhere to this Government this is, and ought to be, a war solely to vindicate the Constitution and restore the laws to their just supremacy, and to that we are bound by our oaths and by our solemn pledges made in the face of the world when the war commenced: Therefore,

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to use all honorable and just means to bring about a lasting peace and the reestablishment of fraternal relations among all the people by a restoration of the Union upon the simple and just basis of the Constitution and laws, with every proper guarantee to the southern States that they shall be protected in the full enjoyment of their rights, and that undisturbed control of their own local affairs which the Federal Constitution was intended to secure to them and to us.

Mr. THAYER moved that the resolution be laid on the table.

Mr. DAWSON demanded the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.

The question was taken; and it was decided in the affirmative-yeas, 73, nays 44, not voting 65; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Alley, Anderson, Ashley, Baily, John D. Baldwin, Beaman, Blaine, Boutwell, Boyd, Brandegee, Broomall, Ambrose W. Clark, Freeman Clarke, Cobb, Cole, Dawes, Deming, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Eckley, Eliot, Garfield, Hale, Higby, Hooper, Asahel W. Hulard, John H. Hubbard, Hulburd, Ingersoll, Julian, Kasson, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Orlando Kellogg, Knox, Littlejolin, Longyear, Marvin, McBride, McClurg, McIndoe, Samuel F. Miller, Moorhead, Morrill, Daniel Morris, Amos Myers, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Perham, Pomeroy, William H. Randall, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Smithers, Thayer, Thomas, Tracy, Upson, Van Valkenburgh, William B. Washburn, Webster, Whaley, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge, and Worthington-73.

NAYS-Messrs. James C. Allen, Ancona, Bliss, Brooks, William G. Brown, Chanler, Clay, Coffroth, Cox, Cravens, Dawson, Denison, Edgerton, Eldridge, Finck, Grider, Hall, Harding, Charles M. Harris, Herrick, Holman, Philip Johnson, William Johnson, Kalbfleischi, King, Lazear, Le Blond, Mallory, McAllister, Middleton, William H. Miller, James R. Morris, Morrison, Nelson, John O'Neill, Pendle ton, James S. Rollins, Ross, William G. Steele, Stiles, Sweat, Wadsworth, Joseph W. White, and Year an-44.

NOT VOTING-Messrs. William J. Allen, Allison, Ames, Arnold, Augustus C. Baldwin, Baxter, Blair, Blow, . James S. Brown, Creswell, Henry Winter Davis, Thomas T. Davis, Dumont, Eden, English, Farnsworth, Frank, Ganson, Gooch, Grinnell, Griswold, Harrington, Benjamin G. Harris, Hotchkiss, Hutchins, Jenckes, Kernan, Knapp, Law, Loan, Long, Marey, McDowell, McKinney, Leonard Myers, Noble, Norton, Odell, Patterson, Perry, Pike, Price, Pruyn, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Robinson, Rogers, Scott, Sloan, Smith, Spalding, Starr, John B. Steele, Stevens, Strouse, Stuart, Townsend, Voorhees, Ward, Elihu B. Washburne, Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Winfield, Benjamin Wood, and Fernando Wood-65.

So the resolution was laid on the table.
PEACE.

Mr. WILLIAMS submitted the following resolution, and demanded the previous question on its adoption:

Resolved, 1. That there is no power under the Constitution, in any branch of this Government, to treat with the States confederated in rebellion against it, either for the severance of this Union or for the abrogation of any article of its fundamental law.

Resolved, 2. That inasmuch as the said confederated States have taken up arms against the Government of the United States without any just provocation, and for the avowed purpose of asserting and establishing their independence thereof, and still persist in maintaining that position by armed resistance to its authority: and inasmuch also as the public authorities of this nation have not only declared, as was their duty, that they can accept no terms and entertain no propositions for anything short of absolute and unconditional submission to its laws, and with a clemency and magnanimity almost without example in history have proclaimed a general amnesty, without limits as to time, to such of the malefactors as shall return to their duty, with the exception only of the chief conspirators: It is hereby declared to be the sense of this House that this Government has already exhausted all the resources of a just and wise statesmanship-except so far as regards the further earnest and vigorous prosecution of the war for the enforcement of the laws-in the effort to restore peace to this nation, and has, to this end, done all that a proper regard for its own interests can allow, and all that a decent respect for the opinions of the world could demand of it; and that therefore any further overtures through embassies, public or private, official or unofficial, looking to treaty or compromise with the usurpers at Richmond, would be not only unprofitable, as they would be inconsistent with the rights and dignity of this nation, but are to be deprecated as absolutely mischievous, in giving encouragement to the insurgents and protracting their resistance, by exposing us to misconstruction, and giving color to the

delusion that we mistrust our ability to subdue them to obedience, and are ready to accept something short of the restoration of the Union and the unconditional submission of those who have rebelled against it.

The previous question was seconded, and the main question ordered.

Mr. ELDRIDGE demanded the yeas and nays. Mr. HOLMAN asked that the resolution be divided.

Mr. MORRILL. As I consider this a resolution we ought to consider, and in order that we may see it in print, I move that the rules be suspended, and the House resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

The SPEAKER. That is not in order. The main question has been ordered and must now be put.

Mr. ASHLEY moved to reconsider the vote, by which the main question was ordered.

Mr. ELDRIDGE demanded the yeas and nays. Mr. ARNOLD. If I get an opportunity I propose to offer an amendment.

Mr. ELDRIDGE moved that the resolution be laid on the table; and demanded the yeas and nays on that motion.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

The question was taken; and it was decided in the affirmative-yeas 72, nays 52, not voting 58; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. James C. Allen, William J. Allen, Alley, Ames, Ancona, Anderson, Baily, Blair, Bliss, Boutwell, Brandegee, Brooks, James S. Brown, William G. Brown, Chanter, Ambrose W. Clark, Clay, Coffroth, Cox, Cravens, Dawes, Dawson, Denison, Dumont, Eckley, Edgerton, Eldridge, Eliot, Finck, Frank, Gooch, Grider, Hale, Harding, Benjamin G. Harris, Charles M. Harris, Herrick, Hollman, Hooper, John H. Hubbard, Hutchins, Philip Johnson, William Johnson, Kalbfleisch, Kasson, Orlando Kellogg, Law, Lazear, Le Blond, Long, Mallory, McKinney Middleton, William H. Miller, Morrill, James R. Morris, Morrison, Nelson, Pendleton, Pike, Pomeroy, Pruyn, Alexander H. Rice, James S. Rollins, Ross, Spalding, William G. Steele, Stiles, Townsend, Wadsworth, Webster, and Joseph W. White-72.

NAYS-Messrs. Ashley, John D. Baldwin, Baxter, Beaman, Blaine, Boyd, Broomall, Freeman Clarke, Cobb, Cole, Dixon, Donnelly, Driggs, Higby, Asahel W. Hubbard, Hulburd, Ingersoll, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. KelJogg, Knox, Loan, Longyear, Marvin, McClurg, McIndoe, Daniel Morris, Moorehead. Amos Myers, Charles O'Neill, Orth, Patterson. Perham, William H. Randall, John H. Rice, Edward H. Rollins, Schenck, Scofield, Shannon, Smithers, Starr, Thayer, Tracy, Upson, Van Valkenburgli, William B. Washburn, Williams, Wilder, Wilson, Windom, Woodbridge, and Worthington-52.

NOT VOTING-Messrs. Allison, Arnold, Augustus C. Baldwin, Blow, Creswell, Henry Winter Davis, Thomas T. Davis, Deming, Eden, English, Farnsworth, Ganson, Garfield, Grinnell, Griswold, Hall, Harrington, Hotchkiss, Jenckes, Kernan, King, Knapp, Littlejohn, Marcy, McAllister, McBride, McDowell, Samuel F. Miller, Leonard Myers, Noble, Norton, Odell, John O'Neill, Perry, Price, Radford, Samuel J. Randall, Robinson, Rogers, Scott, Sloan, Smith, John B. Steele, Stevens, Strouse, Stuart, Sweat, Thomas, Voorhees, Ward, Elibu B. Washburne, Whaley, Wheeler, Chilton A. White, Winfield, Benjamin Wood, Fernando Wood, and Yeaman-58.

So the resolution was laid on the table. Mr. ELDRIDGE moved that the vote by which the resolution introduced by Mr. DAWSON was laid on the table be reconsidered; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table. The latter motion was agreed to.

EXEMPTION FROM MILITARY SERVICE. Mr. MILLER, of Pennsylvania, (the morning hour having expired,) asked unanimous consent to introduce the following resolution:

Resolved, That any person having served through the Mexican war and honorably discharged, and in addition having served a regular enlistment in the present rebellion, shall be forever exempt from military service.

Mr. BOUTWELL objected.

FORT IN SOUTHWEST MISSOURI.

Mr. BOYD, by unanimous consent, presented the memorial of the Legislature of the State of Missouri to the President, the Congress of the United States, and to the Secretary of War, asking for a fort or garrison to be established near the southwest corner of the State; which was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, and ordered to be printed.

COMPENSATION OF MEMBERS OF CONGRESS, ETC.

Mr. JOHNSON, of Pennsylvania, asked unanimous consent to introduce the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Committee of Ways and Means be instructed to bring in a bill increasing the compensation of members and employés of Congress, and of the clerks, messengers, and other similar officers and employés of the Government in this city, in proportion to the very largely in

creased cost of living in this city over former rates and over the present cost of living in other cities of the United States. Mr. BALDWIN, of Masschusetts, objected.

QUOTAS OF THE DIFFERENT STATES. Mr. CHANLER asked unanimous consent to introduce the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Secretary of War be hereby directed to communicate to this House at an early day the basis upon which the quotas of the different districts of each State have been established and adjusted under each of the several calls for troops by the President of the United States, together with a detailed statement of the number of troops and seamen furnistred by each State and district since the outbreak of the rebellion, with their respec:ive terms of service.

Mr. SPALDING objected.

ENROLLED BILLS.

Mr. COBB, from the Committee on Enrolled Bills, reported that the committee had examined and found truly enrolled an act (H. R. No. 705) for the relief of collectors and surveyors of the customs in certain cases; when the Speaker signed the same.

PRINTING BUREAU OF TREASURY DEPARTMENT.

The SPEAKER, by unanimous consent, laid before the House, a communication from the Treasury Department, giving additional information in reply to a resolution of the House, of January 24, 1865, calling for information in regard to the Prating Bureau of the Treasury Department; which was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.

CLERKS IN TREASURY DEPARTMENT.

The SPEAKER also, by unanimous consent, laid before the House a communication from the Treasury Department giving a list of clerks and other persons employed in the Treasury Department during the year 1864; which was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.

CLERKS IN INTERIOR DEPARTMENT.

The SPEAKER also, by unanimous consent, laid before the House a communication from the Secretary of the Interior giving the names of clerks and others employed in the Department of the Interior during the year ending December 31, 1864; which was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.

NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES.

The SPEAKER also, by unanimous consent, laid before the House a communication from Professor A. D. Bache, transmitting a report of the operations of the National Academy of Sciences during the last year; which was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. PATTERSON. In connection with that communication I offer the following resolution: Resolved, That in addition to the usual number, there be printed of the Annual Report of the National Academy of Sciences for 1864, five hundred extra copies, for the use of the Academy.

The resolution was referred, under the rules, to the Committee on Printing.

TAX BILL.

Mr. MORRILL. I move that the rules be suspended, and that the House resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union upon the special order.

The motion was agreed to.

The House accordingly resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. POMEROY in the chair,) and resumed the consideration of the tax bill.

The Clerk resumed the reading of the bill.
The following clause was read:

That section ninety be amended by striking out all after the enacting clause and inserting in lieu thereof the following: "That any person, firm, company, or corporation, now or hereafter engaged in the manufacture of tobacco, snuff, or cigars of any description whatsoever, shall be, and hereby is, required to make out and deliver to the assistant assessor of the assessment district a true statement or inventory of the quantity of each of the different kinds of tobacco, snuff-flour, snuff, cigars, tin-foil, licorice, and stems held or owned by him or them on the day this act takes effect or at the time of commencing business under this act, setting forth what portion of said goods was manufactured or produced by him or them, and what was purchased from others, whether chewing, smoking, fine-cut, shorts, pressed plug, snuff flour or prepared snuff, or cigars, which statement or inventory shall be verified by the oath or affirmation of such person or persons, and be in manner and form as prescribed by the Commissioner of Internal Revenue; and the said person, firm, company, or corporation, engaged as aforesaid, on the 1st day of January in every year here

after shall make out and deliver to the said assistant assessor a true statement or inventory, in manner and form as aforesaid, and verified as aforesaid, of all such articles aforesaid then held or owned by him or them, setting forth all and singular what is required to be set forth in the statement or inventory first aforesaid; and every such person, company, or corporation shall keep in a book, in such manner and form as said Commissioner may prescribe, an accurate account of all the articles aforesaid thereafter purchased by him or them, the quantity of tobacco, snuff, snuff flour, or cigars, of whatever description, sold, consumed, or removed for consumption or sale, or removed from the place of manufacture; and he or they shall, on or before the 10th day of each month, furnish to the assistaut assessor of the district a true and accurate copy of the entries in said book during the preceding month, which copy shall be verified by oath or affirmation, on the receipt whereof an assessment of the duties due by said person, company, or corporation, shall be immediately made and transmitted to the collector of the district, to whom said duties shall be paid within five days thereafter; and in case the duties shall not be paid within the said five days, the said collector may, on one day's notice, distrain for the same, with ten per cent. additional on the amount thereof, subject to all the provisions of law relating to licenses, returns, assessments, payments of taxes, liens, fines, penalties, and forfeitures, not inconsistent herewith in the case of other manufacturers; and such duty shall be paid by the manufacturer or the person for whom the goods are manufactured, as the assessor may deem best for the collection of the revenue: Provided, That it shall be the duty of any manufacturer or vender of tin-foil used in covering manufactured tobacco, on demand of any officer of internal revenue, to render to such officer a correct statement, verified by oath or affirmation, of the quantity and amount of tinfoil sold or delivered to any person or persons named in such demand; and in case of refusal or neglect to render such statement, or of cause to believe such statement to be incorrect or fraudulent, the assessor of the district may cause an examination of persons, books, and papers to be made in the same manner as provided in the fourteenth section of this act: Provided, That manufactured tobacco, snuff, or cigars, whether of domestic manufacture or imported, may be transferred, without payment of the duty, to a bonded warehouse, established in conformity with law and Treasury regulations, under such rules and regulations and upon the execution of such transportation bonds or other security as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe, said bonds or other security to be taken by the collector of the district from which such removal is made; and may be transported from such warehouse to a bonded warehouse used for the storage of merchandise at any port of entry, and may be withdrawn from bonded warehouse for consumption on payment of the duty, or removed for export to a foreign country without payment of duty in conformity with the provisions of law relating to the removal of distilled spirits, all the rules, regulations, and conditions of which, so far as applicable, shall apply to tobacco, snuff, or cigars, in bonded warehouse. And no drawback shall in any case be allowed upon any manufactured tobacco, snuff, or cigars, upon which any excise duty has been paid, either before or after it has been placed in bonded warehouse.

Mr. MORRILL. I move to amend that clause by striking out in line two hundred and ninetynine the words "the day this act takes effect," and insert in lieu thereof the words "the 1st day of January in each year."

The amendment was agreed to.

Mr. MORRILL. I move to amend by striking out the following words:

And the said person, firm, company, or corporation, engaged as aforesaid, on the 1st day of January in every year hereafter, shall make out and deliver to the said assistant assessor a true statement or inventory, in manner and form as aforesaid, and verified as aforesaid, of all such articles aforesaid then held or owned by him or them, setting forth all and singular what is required to be set forth in the statement or inventory first aforesaid.

Those words are not now necessary.
The amendment was agreed to.

Mr. MORRILL. I move to amend by inserting the word "further" after the word "provided," in line three hundred and fifty-one. It is merely a verbal amendment.

The amendment was agreed to.

Mr. MORRILL. I move to amend by inserting after the words "tin-foil," wherever they occur, the words" or other materials."

The amendment was agreed to.

Mr. STEVENS. I move to amend by inserting on page 17, in line three hundred and ninetyseven, after the word "inspector" the words "unless otherwise provided;" so that the clause will read:

And any manufactured tobacco, snuff, and cigars, whether of domestic manufacture or imported, which shall be sold or pass out of the hands of the manufacturer or importer, except into a bonded warehouse, without the inspection marks or stamps affixed by the inspector, unless otherwise provided, shall be forfeited, and may be seized wherever found, and shall be sold, one half of the proceeds of such sale to be paid to the informer, and the other moiety to the United States.

The amendment was agreed to.

Mr. KASSON. I believe there is an omission in the same section to provide a penalty for the unauthorized use of inspection marks. I ask leave