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to inform this House under what law goods, wares, mer- quered; that, had their complaints been listened orable gentleman from New York. [Mr. Brooks,] chandise, produce, &c., are permitted to pass from the

to, this warmiylit have been averted; that negotin- and now is the time, and this the secusion), lo well United States through Canada, and again into the United States.

tions might cure our national ills; sind yet no me what cause of complaint the rebels have. !! CARE OF REFUGEE INDIANS.

remedy was proposed providrd the rebels would cannot be dune. No honoraile yenik man upan

accept peace only on the basis of their inde- this floor can tell this Huse what cause of cnThe SPEAKER laid before the House a conpendence.

plaint the rebels have. They cannot do more munication from the Secretary of the Interior, Is it not singular, Mr. Chairman, that those ihan Al xinder H. Stephens, the brightest iniela transmitting, in accordance with the proviso of who are acknowledged able statesmen and his- lect of the southern confederacy, could do. He the second section of the act of June 25, 1864, ac- torians either do not know, or, in their forensic admitted, down 10 November, 1860,ibat they had counts of the superintendent and agents of the

efforts against the right conceal, the distinction nocouse of complaini. Why, then, usseri it again southern superintendency having charge of refi- between a revolutionist and a rebel?

and agai!l, here and elsewhere? gee Indians, for the second quarter of 1864; which

I presume, sir, since we last met we have all had Why, sir, not only in these Halls, bint before was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. the pleasure of getting oti' our stump spreches in the people, public men huve stated that the South SALE OF GOLD BY GOVERNMENT.

our different districts and although I occupy that had claims to which the North refused to lisier, Mr. COX. I ask unanimous consent to offer

lamentable position, so that it may be said, “never listening to which we could have avoided this war. the following resolution:

again will I be heard here,” yet I rejoice when I The honorable gentleman from New York, uble

know I come pot back, not because thated irenson as he is, greal as are bis powers, cannot mention Resolved, Tharihe Secretary of the Treasury be directed

too much, while others come not buck hecause just cause of complaint which the Soutlı had. to communicate to this House what, if any, amount of gold in the Treasury or the United States, not necessary for they loved it, “not wisely but too well."

But they tell us we cannot ronquer the South. the payment of interest on the public debt, bias been dis- Sir, we all love that doctrine that far down in Ah, sir, I thought that the Chicago convention posed of under the joint resolution approved March 17, the strala of society there exists the right of revo- und its platform liad been forgotten iwere, since the 1864, what amounts and the various times when the same

lution. The crue revolutionist is always the truly were disposed of, at what rates, and what agents were en

seul of condemnation had so significantly been ployed in the transaction.

loyal nan; he hates treason as much as iyranny, placed upon it by the people. I lead the pleasure

and both as he does Satan). What does such a of addressing the people of Philadelphia a few Mr. STEVENS. I do not know that I understand allogther the object of this resolution, and ciary of the country; he pleads with and peticions

citizen first do? He carries his case to the judi- i nights before the 'November election. I told therefore i insist on the regular order of business.

them they must stretch stronger telegraph wires the delegated sovereignty of his nation, wherever from pole to pole, for when the thundering voice Mr. COX. I do not wish lo cast any reflection

it

may be lodged, again and again for a redress of the Union majority should come over those on the Secretary of the Treasury or on any ofħcer connected with the Treasury Department; but of grievances; and after all that he can do agree- wires they would be found too weak to carry the

news. And, sur« enough, the storm of Union vicI think that these facts are necessary for future ably to either the form or spirit of law has failed

and his rights still trampled upon, his wrongs unlegislation.

tories came sweeping along and broke down those Mr. STEVENS. It may be so; and perhaps

redressed, tyramy yet implacable, and despotism wires, so that away up in the country we were by to-morrow, when I shall have examined the

unmoved by his appeals, prayers, or petitious, kept in suspense several days before we knew

then he resorts to his last remedy-ihen be asserts what was the exact result. True, we heard the matter, I may think so myself; but I prefer that

the righis to which his and nature's God entiile thunder, but had to wait for the liglening. When the resolution should go over. Mr. COX. If the resolution be offered now it

him, and justly becomes the revolutionist. Like it did come, however, it was allon one side. Yes, will go over, under the rule, until to-morrow; and

such a man were the signers of the Declaration sir, there was homogeneity on that occasion, and mean while the gentleman can examine it.

of Independence-they were revolutionisis, not it was of a very satisfactory character to ull who

rebels. Mr. STEVENS. I do not object to iis being

loved country more than party, offered, but to its consideration atile presentlime.

The rebel is one who, having no real and often Cannot conquer the South! It is but a reiteraThe SPEAKER. If there be no objectioil,

not even an imaginary grievance, but because he tion of the doctrine laid down at Chicago, which the resolution will be considered as offered, and

cannot always mold the social compact to which started out with the assertion of a falsehood-a

he belongs into that form which his diabolical small one, not near as large a one as I should have will go over under the rules. There was no objection.

heart, eyrannical head, and unclean hands desire, expected from the source from which it emanated.

determines that such Government shall either be ll was asserted that four years of war had been a BUREAU OF EDUCATIONAL STATISTICS. changed to suit his purposes or he will, without failure, while at thai time four years of war had Mr. PRUYN, by unanimous consent, offered

judicial sanction, without petition, forcibly, bel- not existed. But the most slupendous falsehood the following resolution; which was read, consid

Tigerently, and treasonably, sel up a Govern- is found in the fact that at the outbreak of the ered, and agreed to:

ment of his own, antagonistic to that to which rebellion the rebels claimed about eight hundreu

he owes allegiance. Such a man, sir, Resolved, That it be referred to the Committee of Ways

and fitty thousand square miles of territory, while and Means to inquire into and report up on the expedieney revolutionist, but a rebel, a traitor.' He does not at the time of the holding the Chicago convenof crearing in the Departinent of ine Interior a bureau on believe in the homogeneiiy of a nation unless it tion they could claim only two hundred and fifty the statistics of education.

is homogeneous with himself. To such a class thousand square miles. And now, I ask, was Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois, I now in- belong Breckinridge-John C., I mean-Lee, ever there so great a falschood as that a lie sist on my motion that the rules be suspended,

Wigtall, Jeff. Davis, and the devil, [laughter,] six hundred thousand square miles in extent? and that the House resolve itself into Comunittee and, Mr. Chairman, all, all who agree with them. (Laughier.) of the Whole on the state of the Union; and be- We were asked, Why not have toleration? Tol- We cannot conquer the rebels! Sir, it looks fore that motion is pui, I trust it will be under- eration, it is said, is the very essence of religion. very much now as though that prophetic declarastood by unanimous consent that no business

Yet, sir, who ever heard thai true religion of any tion was about to be proved untrue. shall be transacted after the commirice rise. kind ever sanctioned slavery! Nay, more, who told that we must have an armistice, negotiation,

The SPEAKER. Is there objection to that ever heard that a false religion sanctioned the must exhaust all the arts of statesmansisip, and understanding?

slavery of its own votaries at all? Who ever heard have a national convention. Sir, we have peace Objection was made.

that the doctrine of any kind of religion believed commissioners. They are Grani, Sherman, SherThe motion of Mr. WASHBURNE,of Illinois, to

in the enslavement of its own race and religion? idan, Thomas, and Farragut. We have our nago into the Committee of the Whole on the state

It is said that the New Testament and the great tional convention, and the delegates to it are the inof the Union was agreed to.

Founder of our religion did not wish to destroy vincible soldiers and sailors of the Union, clothed

slavery. if that be so, was it not because it PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

in the royal purple of the nation, the Union blur; would produce a greater evil, and that was, the de- and they are now debating that question, and vitha So the rules were suspended; and the House struction of the Government in which it existed? all ibeir powers are attempting its adjudication. accoruingly resolved itself into the Committee of So, sir, of us. So, sir, of the American Union. || Sir, they are calling the previous question on the the Whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. Gar- The love of country has ever been spoken of by l rebels, and will soon table them eifectually. FIELD in the chair,) and resumed the considera- the poet and orator as next to that principle which A national convention! Sir, that is but a repelion of the President's annual message.

stands next to the love of God. Will you tell me tition, as I said before, of the doctrine of the ChiMr. A. MYERS. Mr. Chairman, I shall, that this country is an exception? Is it true that cago platform. And yet the whole matter is emwithout having made any special preparation, the American loves his country as much as the braced in a negative. Even the able gentleman trouble the committee this afternoon with a few citizen of any other land ? So true was it that the from New York, [Mr. Brooks,) after his eloquent remarks in reference to that great question of love of country was the paramount feeling of argument-based upon many facis, I admit" homogeneity" which seems to have so much al- citizens of the United Staies, that we adhered thrilling as it did this House, what did he say? tracted ihe attention of this House. When, sir, lo a Union even when some of the fathers of the He says he does not know what he will do. He on Wednesday last, the honorable gentleman from country said that the Union' protected slavery, i just says he proposes no remedy. That is the docNew York (Mr. Brooks) rose in his place, I and in order to save that Union we were sold to trine of negation, with all due respect to the genhave no doubt that this House expected to hear slavery. We bowed before it. We yielded; we tleman. It is but the fish that was warmed into an argument filled with statistics, sparkling with yielded to its demands. But when slavery under- life in the sea of politics in which Buchanan expoetry, and glowing with eloquence, in favor of takes to destroy the life of the Union, as it has isted. There was war before Abraham Lincoln ihe constitutional amendment for the abolition of June; when that principle holdly declares that it took the oath of office or James Buchanan ceased slavery, But, sir, how much were we disap- is the assassin of this Union, the loyal man to warm the presidential chair. Actual war expointed to find that that able effort was vainly swears upon his country's altar that slavery itself | isted in this country, and while that was the case, spent-may l be allowed to use that language?-- || shall die.

James Buchanan said, According to the Constituin the attempt to show thal“homogeneity"among Why, sir, are we told that had their complaints | lion of the United States, you have no right to the different sections of the same nation is a ful- been listened to this war might have been averted? secede, but according to that Constitution I canlacy; that the slaveholding rebels of the aristo- Now, sir, to use a plain expression, I defy any not prevent you from seceding. Every school-boy cratic South and the liberty-loving fathers of this man, any member of this House, any man who knows that two negatives are equivalent to an Republic had somewhat analogous causes of quar- occupies a position either upon this tioor or else- affirmative, and therefore, “Go ahead,” said rel; that those southern rebeis could not be con- where in the country, I appeal cven to the hon- Janes Buchanan. The doctrine of negation bas

not a

We are has."

ever since been the doctrine of that party; they " What a beautiful bird it is," but when it backed party, hung up over the bedside of that great old are in favor posilively of nothing, and negatively up against him, “Oh, whai hot fait the wee thing party not one bat but two hats. And then they opposed to all things. Give me a positive man,

(Laughter.] And so of McClellan's lei- mixed up a mess of partisanship, and, after dosing give me a man who is in favor of some doctrine, ter of acceptance. But the idea was that this want their followers with chat, they thought they would and can give a reason for it.

of homogeneity was to be the great doctrine which change the recipe a little. They would look upon But it was intimated by the gentleman from should be successful; and no wonder the honorable both bars, and, lying supinely and nicely on their New York that after having exhausted every- gentleman from New York supported the party; | bed, they would jump up on election day and thing else, falling back upon the reserved rights he is sincere in his theory. Men who are sincere cheer and hurrah for the success of the great Demof this nation, in a certain contingency he might in their theories put them into practice. If it be ocratic party. Sir, the medicine failed. Why? be in favor of war.

true that nations should not be mogeneous, cer- Because there existed still, as I say there ever will State rights! Will some able statesman please tainly it must be true that parties should not. exist in this country, far down in the hearts of tell us when the States obtained their sovereignty? The second candidate on the platform, having the American people, the love of the Union which Will some student of the history of this Govern- more head, did not write a letter of acceptance, is greater than the love of party. ment and philosopher of the bistory of nations | carrying out the doctrine of State righis.' What But, sir, men tell us sometimes that this is an please inform us whether the colonies, separated business had the national committee of the great abolition war, a Republican war. Sir, I tell you as they were and tied to the mother country, had Democratic party with that nomination? That is that if this were nothing but an abolition or Resovereignty before they were independeni colo- a national doctrine. That is concentration. That publican war, if this war had to depend upon our nies and united as States of this Union? Will is federalization. That is anti-Staterighisiza- | party alone, we would have gone under as a nagentlemen please let us know whether, during tion. But after the results of the first elections tion; we would have been submerged, lost, and iheir existence as colonies, they had any sover- in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Indiana began to be lost forever. But, sir, there are noble men in that eignty at all; if they did not owe allegiance to the known, a certain candidate for the Governorship old Democratic party who will still, when you mother country, and were not bound to it by a of the State of New York said to himself, “Gen- touch their love of country, "rally round the ligament which held them until, by their own eral McClellan is gone; but there is a little chance flag;” and they did it in this case. Sir, partisan power as revolutionists, they tore ii asunder? I

for me if I can get something to show that ligth effort failed of its purpose and of the effect it was say that when they became United States they these candidates are for war." Hence, upon the designed to have. were not born each independent and sovereigni, Stale rights idea, the chairman of the New York We want “homogeneity" as a nation. Those but were all born together into the union of these State central committee writes a letter to the ex- who do not wish it as a party are welcome to the States. I would like some gentleman to show cellent gentleman who stands number two on the fruits which the want of it brings. The leadı re us where he gets the doctrine of the sovereignty | Chicago platform ticket, and thereto he receives of the Chicago peace party thought that conven. of each State. “ Homogeneity!" Why, Mi. a reply containing a larger gun of war than the tion was to be the cradle of a new-born child, and Chairman, before this Congress we hardly knew famous letter of the ancient Napoleon; some peo- || a great organization, and supposed thateverything how to pronounce that word. It is alınost like ple call him the modern Napoleon, but I call him was going right; but when the winds of October that other tremendous, jaw-breaking, terrible ihe ancient one, for a deader man, a more deeply and November came, they shook the bough upon word,“ miscegenation;" I do not know whether buried man than the former favorite of the gol- which it hung, and, I was going to say, "down I have got it right. Homogeneity! And yet the diers is not to be found.

came baby and cradle and all." (Laughter.] We honorable gentleman from New York, just at the Jefferson Davis and Governor Brown do not seem want the homogeneity of patriotism, and not of close of his speech, in that eloquent appeal of his to believe in the idea of homogeneity. They are Treason; of Unionism, and not of disseveration; when he took Massachusetts upon her blind side | quarreling with each other over the doctrine. "The that of geographical and social attachment, and and thrilled her to her very extremities, appealed idea which Governor Brown and the gentleman not of physical disintegration and governmental to her, because he was born on sone of her hills, from New York (Mr. Brooks) seem to have of a antagonism. And, sir, after having allained that, to come lo the rescue. He argued for an hour and strong Government is that it shall not be homo- we will take care of the defenders of the nation. twenty minutes against homogeneity, and how geneous, but that there shall be kept up an eternal I was a little amused at that same Chicago platdid he close? Ah! Mr. Chairman, how easily antagonisi. Sir, that is the cause of all our form when it declared, in glowing terms, sympathe ingenuity of the head is sometimes overthrown troubles. We had an antagonism of words for thy with the soldiers of the nation. “When we by the honesty of the heart. He appealed to the a while. Now treason bas brought that antago- get the power,” said the members of that conHouse to come together and vote together, you nism to the cannon's mouth, and the lover of his vention, " we will see that the soldiers are refrom Massachusetis, you from New York, and country swears that treason must

perish boy
the warded.” Oh, cheap promise!

“ When they you from the West. What is that but an appeal | sword, because it has taken up the sword.' get the power!" I met a man on the street a few to this House to become homogeneous ? Homo- Perhaps I ought to ask, on this question of days before I came here, and he said, "Well, geneity in the House of Representatives is a homogeneity, why it was that these two kinds of you used us up at the last election." "I think powerful thing; it is a thing of force; but homo- | principles were enunciated at the Chicago con- ihat we did," I replied. “But just wait,” said geneity in the American nation is an absurdity, vention. The leaders of the party, tbe able men, he, “ until 1868." Was not that a consolation ? a chimera. Philosophers and geographers, we the sincere and eloquent men who believed thai Oh! how sweetly we turn back to old memories, are told, are to uller no such nonsense as that. homogeneity was not a principle of strength in and how fondly hope looks forward to fulure Mirabile dictu !

the Government, were shrewd enough to kuow party triumphs I see now why the Chicago convention adopted that in order to get the votes of both wings of the Sir, I ask ihis House who will take care of the the planks and nominated the candidates it did. Democratic pariy they must have a war plank | defenders of the nation? Is it those who on every It was because that convention took up the idea and a peace plauk. They knew that the peace occasion, in every legislative assembly, by every of the honorable gentleman from New York, that plank would certainly carry all the peace men. judicial and executive power, obstruct the effort the old scriptural notion that " a house divided Then they must have a little thunder, a little war, to grant to the soldiers the exercise of the right of against itself cannot stand” is an absurdity, and a little flag, some stars glittering on their banner, | sufirage? Can the soldiers justly look to such a that the reverse is the way to make a powerful with which to go to the American soldier for his party for aid, for sy nipathy, for reward? Now,. nation; that a house divided ugniustitself is neces- vote. Hence they get up these two propositions. Mr. Chairman, there is, I understand, one very sary for that purpose. Hence the Chicago con- They were not quite so successful, however, in troublesome question to be agitated in this House, vention had one candidate who was for peace and curing their patients of the malady of Union- and that is with reference to increasing the salaone who was for war; a candidate who wrote a ism, and infecting them with the disease of State ries of clerks in the Departments. I do not know letter of acceptance and one who wrote no letter righis, as an Irishman was whom I once heard whether I ought to commit myself on that qursof acceptance.

of. He saw a friend of his in the street one day | tion, but a man who may never come back here Sir, we have heard before, and perhaps in this wheezing, coughing, and sneezing, just as a greut can talk pretty independently on these maliers. very speech of the gentleman from New York, of many people did after the election. Said he to Sir, if our party does what is right, I should be the quarrel between the two roses, differing in bim," Jimmy, you have a very bad cold." "Yes, in favor of a very large increase of the salaries of disposition as much as in color; we have heard of Jake," said he, “ a very large cowld."

Those clerks, for I desire that those places shall the contest between the houses of York and Lan- I can tell you a first-rate cure,” said the other. be occupied by the brave nien who have stood in caster; but who, until the able speech of the hon- “ I wish you would, for I have been using expec- the forefront of the battle, until a shattered arın orable gentleman from New York, or rather until torants, and Holloway's pills, and cough candies, or an amputated leg has qualified then for the

pre the assembling of the Chicago convention, ever and such things, and I cannot afford them,” said sition. Sir, if such a measure were adopted there before heard of the quarrel between the two Jimmy. “Just follow my directions. Take about is no extent to which this House would not be GEORGES? a gallon of first-rate whisky-not ary of the

sustained in voting for an increase of these salWe are told that the head and front of that tanglefoot article. Put it in a pot on the fire, and aries. I merely allude to this incidentally, and ticket-and here let me say, and I say it sincerely, ll let it boil u good while. After you boil it for an to say that in such a way can we show our symthat the second person on that ticket contained hour or so put in a little sugar and a tablespoon- || pathy for the soldier and our disposition to stand much the most head there was in it; they say, ful of water; not a drop niore, or you'll spoil by him and support him. I mean, sır, by rechowever, that the head and front of that licket the mixture. After you've got it boiled down to ommending him in preference to all others for wrote a letter of acceptance. This doctrine of half a gallon, put it in a boule by your bedside. these places and positions, and then praying him want of homogeneily was the idea of that con- Take your hat off and hang it upon the bed-post. well for his time, talents, and labor. Aud, sir, vention, and it was upon that principle they ex- Then commence drinking the whisky and looking we must take care-and I think the honorable pected their party to succeed. Now, whai kind at the bat, and looking at the hat and drinking the gentleman from Obio (Mr. SPALDING) yesterday of a letter was ihat letter of acceptance? The whisky till you see two bats, and you're a sound announced this position-we must take care of design was to have it a war letter. Did you read

(Laughter.]

the soldiers'orphan children, and of their widowed that letter? If you read it downwards from the Sir, you will allow me to change the illustra- mothers. This is the duly of this Houst, and by date, it does look alikile warlike and runs smoothly tion of the avecdote--"10 point the nioral and measures to that end we cw, as a puriy, show along; but just turn it upside down and it is like adorn the tale." These gerillmen, expecting 10 our sy nipathy for the defenders of our Big. what the Irishman said about the bumble bee; get the votes of all Union lovers in the Democratic Do you tell me to be kind, to be lenieni, lo be when it came at him head-foremost he cried out party and the votes of the peace men in the same mercilul to those traitors in arms who have de

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stroyed the lives of thousands and tens of thou- as he answers, “My father, sir! I have not heard of their powers and rights to the General GovernBands of our patriotic fellow citizens ? Sir, look of my father since 1864, and then I was a child; ment, and the General Government paramount at our prisoners as they return from the South, || they tell me, however, that my father was a cop- and supreme to the extent of such delegated with nothing upon their persons but the skin that perhead." Look at that other young man; ask powers, while all the powers not conferred upon covers their bones, and that pierced by the cruelty him where his father is? See how his eyes ihe General Government by the sovereign States of slavery and of treason. Do you tell me to be sparkle. “They tell me," lie replies," my father themselves, are held and maintained by the States kind to men who engage in such amusements as went down on board the Cumberland; the winds and the people respectively. So jealous were our dragging the corpses of our soldiers from their of the ocean sang the requiem of his death." fathers in framing the Constitution that they prograves, and afterward ornamenting their fiendish There is another youth, and let us ask where is vided a limit to the extent to which the General fingers by trinkets made from the bones of Union | his father. He replies, "My father was with Government might be permitted to go in the exermen? Do you tell me to be tolerant toward such the legions of liberty on the 3d day of July, at cise of its functions. fiends as these? Oh! sir, no wonder that John the battle of Gettysburg, there, where the Union Then, I take it, it cannot be successfully conWesley said that slavery is the “sum of all vil- 1 soldiers, under a Pennsylvania leader, vanquished troverted that those powers not conferred on the lainies." No wonder that Senator Sumner grew the hosts of slavery, there my father was killed, General Government still remain in the States and eloquent when talking of its barbarity; And no and now lies buried in the national cemetery.in the people of this Union. There is nothing wonder that the American people have determined Ask another where his father is. “ My father, wrong in the formation of the Government. The that it shall die.

sir, in 1863, was with the western army under ills which now surround our once glorious and Yes, sir, we must take care of the defenders of the gallant Hooker, and with the rest of them happy country do not grow out of any inherent the nation. Sir, I suppose that the honorable went up, and on, and up still to Lookout mount- defece in the organic law under which we live. gentleman from New York, and many of those on ains, and there, above the clouds, with God look- The Constitution of the country is all right; it is the other side who agree with bim, ought to have ing down upon the legions of the Union, as He a perversion of the great principles of the Conknowledge of many # case, presented by the was inclosed in clouds when He gave the law to stitution that has brought on the difficulties which correspondence received at their desks from day || Moses, so the army of freedom was enveloped by now surround and discompose this once glorious to day; and, sir, when we visit those hospitals the clouds when it gave forth the law of liberty and happy country. where we are called from time to time in the dis- by the thunders of its artillery. There, sir, my I say that the General Government is limited in charge of our duty to our constituents, we see the father died-upon that mountain top; and I thank its powers. Let the General Government exercise brave men who have periled all in defense of God he did his duty.” That is the way the Union only those powers which are delegated to it, and, their country, and whom we are bound to defend men will speak in after days. You write an epi- sirs, there will be no collision becween the Fedby our legislation, sincerely, honestly, truly- | taph upon your grave-stone, which; after your eral Government and the respective States of the not by whining, hypocritical declarations, as was death, will sound sweetly to the ears of your Union; we may go on, as we have done for sevdone, I fear, by ihe Chicago convention. Sir, children. Ah, do not the members of this House enty-five years past, the States revolving around why did not the honorable gentleman from New many of them regret that they will at least have the Union as a common center, without collision York have some tears to shed over the sufferings not served as you have who occupy that chair? or conflict, and no State will ever desire to sever of our brave soldiers? Why should we have [Mr. GARFIELD in the chair.] The fathers iis connection with the General Government. lamentations and funeral panegyrics over that old among us will have to regret that our children Why, sir, it was one of my boyhood's fancies institution of slavery, which, if not dead, is, like cannot say that we have fought the battles of our that I wouid live to see the day when we would crror wounded, "writhing in pain, and dying country. 'Ah, but when we are gone will not have an ocean-bound Republic. The idea that the amid its worshipers?"

our children, when they come around our graves, character of our Government endangers its perSir, I hope gentlemen will take other cases to

be able to say

“Our father loved his country?" || petuity is not true, if the Government is properly weep over. Going to the hospital near the bat- Mr. Chairman, I would like to trouble the administered. We may take in Canada, and Cuba, tle-field of Gettysburg they might have seen the House a little longer in showing the absurdity of and South America, and the islands of the sea, and case of a young man who had left the home of this doctrine that it is best for a nation not to be they may harmoniously revolve with the States his mother when the war began, he, too, her only homogeneous. Now, whetherthe gentleman from around the common center without any more dansupport, sending her ten dollars per month in what New York shall remain in this House for year's ger of collision and conflict than there is in the some gentlemen call the depreciated currency of the to come or not; whoever, even of those whom solar system itself, if the Government is properly country, he upon that batile-field was shot down, the storm of Unionism may have swept away for administered. that shot coming from rebel hands and rebel guns, the while, shall come back here, four, six, or ten The gentleman from Pennsylvania has seen fit when laid upon bis couch and carried to the hos- years hence, will have learned this lesson from to allude to the action of the Chicaga convention, pital, though his cheek had never blanched before, the people at least, that our people are homoge- 1 and very unjustly too. The Chicago convention ihough a tear had not coursed down his face- neous in this, that treason and slavery-being the did not resolve that the war had been a failure. who ever hears a Union soldier complain ?-yet same thing now-must die, because they have What they did resolve was the simple truth that when the surgeon said that he could live 'no attempted the life of the nation. And when the must be admitted and acknowledged by every longer, thinking of his widowed mother, tears cause of the present evil shall have been done gentleman upon the Republican side of the House, coursed down his cheeks, and rising on his pallet | away with the nation will go on and prosper and and that was that the war had proved a failure to bed exclaimed: “Who will take care of mother be siill more prosperous, and then they will hear restore the Union. That is whai they said, and all now?” The Christian commission, by its agent, no more from able and eloquent statesmen of the they said. I should like to see any gentleman was there to tell him what honorable gentlemen absurd ideas of State rights, and thai a want of controvert satisfactorily the position there laid ought to tell him, what this House ought to tell | homogeneity, a want of unity of purpose, and down by the Chicago convention that this war him, and what the Union party does tell, that a want of unity of thought and action, is the had proved a failure for the purpose of restoring “God and a grateful couniry will take care of strength of the nation.

the Union. No such thing has ever been done. your mother now.That is the duty of our Mr. ROSS. I had flattered myself that after The gentleman speaks of the extraordinary love party. Such is the duty of this House.

the assembling of this session of Congress we that he has for the soldier, and says that our preShall we look to the future? I should like to would be able calmly and dispassionately to ex- tenses of love for the soldier are hypocritical. I paint a picture of a few years to come. Let me amine and investigate the great questions which would call the attention of the committee and of advert to one thing, however, before I come to are now agitating and distracting ihe public mind the country to the action of this body at its last that. Did it belong to this doctrine of homo- of the nation. I regret very much the temper session upon some of these points. When I made geneity, did it belong to the doctrine of antag- and spirit with which the honorable gentleman a personal appeal to the chairman of the Comonism that the Governor of New York, after his from Pennsylvania (Mr. A. MYERS) has seen fit mittee on Military Affairs to permit me to introparty said that they sympathized with the sol- to entertain this House. I believe that gentle- duce a proposition to amend a bill reported by diers, went to the field and there by fraudulent man and one other, the gentleman from Massa- him, increasing the compensation of soldiers up ballot-boxes attempted to defraud them of she chusetts, [Mr. DAWES,] are the only two who to twenty dollars a month, he refused to give me right of suffrage? Was that nota

glorious pun- | have seen fit to allude to certain individuals who that privilege, but called the previous question, ishment of Donahoe and Ferry? They were im- were defeated in the late canvass, and to bring and the Republican majority sustained that call, prisoned for life. I hope that they will live for a forward the old dead issues which were discussed thereby cutting off either amendment or debate hundred years. I hope when the soldier's child in the late political campaign.

upon the subject. stands up in the mother's parlor and asks "What I say, sir, I flattered myself we would come These men who love the soldier so well, as they picture is that?” he will be told " That is the pic- || together in such a temper and spirit that we would tell you, will permit him to undergo the fatigues iure of Donahoe and Ferry, the miserable miscre- || respond in some degree to the expectations of and hardships of camp life for the paltry sum of ants who were in favor of the Chicago platform our constituents by aiming to give peace and fifty-three and one third cents a day; and when and in favor of cheating the soldier out of his || harmony and prosperity again to this distracted we upon our side of the House asked that that vole.I want them to live a hundred years. It country. But the gentleman has chosen a differ- | compensation should be increased to at last half is ir glorious sentence. It is a good thing to speak ent line of argument. He has seen fit to allude whai the soldiers might get for ordinary labor at about. It will afford fourth-of-July orations to to the action of a certain political party in their home, the majority upon the other side refused to the end of time. Our children and our children's national convention at Chicago. He has, in my permit us to make any such motion, or to entertain children will talk about Donahoe and Ferry, and l judgment, given a very wrong and improper con- ihe proposition. they will know to which party Donahoe and Ferry struction as to the true theory of the Government Mr. FARNSWORTH. Will my colleague belonged.

itself. He ignores any rights in the States of this allow me to ask him a question? Sir, there is to be a future of our country, a Union. I know it is becoming a favorite theory Mr. ROSS. Yes, sir. future more grand and more glorious than any. with gentlemen upon that side of the House that Mr. FARNSWORTH. I want to ask him if thing we have yet had, and I wish that all of us the States of this Union have no rights, but that he ever voted for an appropriation bill to pay the might live fifteen, twenty, or thirty years longer. we are a consolidated Government.

soldiers ? Then when walking along our streets, let us ask Sir, such a theory is not sustained by the history Mr. ROSS. I will answer that question. I that young man is question:

6 Where, young

of this country. These Slates were sovereign and have uniformly voted for every appropriation that man, is your father:" See him hesitate and scowl || independent, but they surrendered certain portions has come up to pay the soldiers of the Army, un

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less it has been coupled with something so objec- all that they could be paid with the means at the plied to Mr. Buchanan, when he was a candidate tionable and obnoxious that I could not vote for it. disposal of the Government. I always voted for for the presidency, might with propricly be ap

Mr. FARNSWORTH. I want to know if my appropriation bills to provide means to pay the plied to the other side of the House; they might colleague has voted for a single appropriation bill soldier. I voted for tax bills. I voted for every

be called them ten cent" pariy. They actually, in for the Army-o provide means for paying the revenue bill to provide means for carrying on this their munificence, increased the pay of the soldier Army?

ten cents a day-enough to buy a quarter of a Mr. ROSS. I have never voted for any appro- My colleague complains that the soldiers are yard of common calico, or a quarter of a yard of priation for freedmen, or for putting the negro paid tod little. Why, sir, there is not a Govern- brown domestic muslin, to assist in clothing his upon an equality with the white man in the ranks. ment on earth that pays its soldiers half as well wife and little ones at home. This is the love Against all such measures I have voted; but I will as the Government of the United States pays its || that these men have shown toward the soldiers tell my colleaguc, as he is one of the Committee soldier. There is not a Government on earth in our Army. on Military Aifairs, that if he will introduce a bill, that feeds or clothes its soldiers so well as the I will tell you another thing that was done at naked and alone, to increase the pay of soldiers, Government of the United States does. Nothing the last session. We passed through this Piouse he will find no man in this House who will give | like it. Our soldiers now get sixteen dollars a a bill introduced by the Committee on Invalid Pen. it a more ardent support than I will.

month, their clothing, and rations. You cannot sions, to increase the pay of the pensionerock ven Mr. FARNSWORTI. I understand the gen- find any other Government on the face of the earth dollars a month. It had been eight dollars before. tleman to take the ground that the war is a failure, that pays its soldiers ten dollars a month, with Asallıhe necessaries of life had been raised in price and thai our soldiers are engaged in prosecuting rations and clothing.

by the war, we thought that increase in the amount an unholy and unjust and unconstitutional war. Mr. ROSS. Then I understand this matter of pension was demanded. I knew thitin Ninois I understand that he never voted for an appropria- || differently from my colleague, and I will leave widows and orphans of our soldiers who had fallen tion bill to provide means for paying the soldiers. him to selile it with his constituents. He thinks in batile had in some instances become olijreis of It is true iliat he did upon one occasion offer an that the pay of the soldier is high enough; that charity in the neighborhood where they livid. I amendment or resolution to increase the pay of we have gone ahead of all other Governments in was not willing that they should be so regarded. the soldiers to twenty or thirty dollars a month. that respect. He is willing to say to one hun- We passed in this House à bill to increase the The purpose of the gentleman in that proceeding | dred and fifty thousand Illinoisans in the field, amount of pension to eleven dollars a mouth. is, it seems to me, very apparent. If the gentle- || who, if at home, could command from one dollar When that will went to the Senate, that body by man is opposed to the war, and thinks that the and fifiy cents to two dollars a day for farm labor, a majority vote--? party vote-struck out the prosoldier is engaged in an unholy, unjust, and un- that they shall stay in the service, and bear the vision for eleven dollars a month and reduced the constitutional war—"a hellish crusade against | trials and hardships of camp life for fifty-three amount to eighi dollars a inonth. This House, by liberty," as it has been denominated by some and one third cenis per day. That is what my a majority vote, concurred in that amendment. By members on the other side-can he be justly re- honorable colleague says to his constituency. ll this circumstance the armless and legless soldiers garded as a friend of the soldier who is engaged For my part, sir, I think that the noble boys in throughout the country, and the widows and orin the war? I think that the gentleman's constit- the field, who are bearing the toils and hardships ) plans of soldiers who have died in the service, may uents and mine well understand our relative posi- || of war, are entitled to at least as much compen- kuow and understand the reason why they do not tions.

sation as they would receive for ordinary labor get eleven dollars a month instead of eight dollars a Mr. ROSS. Mr. Chairman, the gentleman asat home.

monil. It is because the party in power in this sumes too much when he says that I have ever Mr. FARNSWORTH. Mr. Chairman- House so voted and determined. declared that this was an unholy, an uprighteous, The CHAIRMAN. Will the gentleman give But, sir, the Senate made another amendment or an unjust war. I have never, at home or abroad, way to his colleague?

to cliai bill. You know, sir, that, as our law preenunciated any such doctrine. I have said that, Mr. ROSS. If he wants to ask me a question, | viously stood, the widow of a soldier, in order to in my humble judgment, if this Government had I will give way;

draw her pay and pension, was obliged to probeen properly administered this bitter cup might

Mr. FARNSWORTH. I have served with

duce a certificate of record to establish the face of have been turned from our lips, and we might not our soldiers for nearly two years in the field- her marriage. There have been hanging in the have been required to drain it to the very dregs. Mr. ROSS. I do not propose to give way for Department hundreds of applications of widows Such is my judgment in regard to this matter. the gentleman to make a speech..

who, because they were married in the rebellious But I am the last man, with one hundred and fifty Mr. FARNSWORTH. I propose to promise | States, or for some other reason, found it inconor two hundred thousand of our gallant Illinois my question by a few words.

venient or impossible to get a certificate, and who soldiers in the field, to turn my back upon them. Mr. ROSS. I cannot yield to the gentleman, therefore cannot get a pension. Mr. FARNSWORTH. I want to ask my except to ask briefly a question.

But this House and the Senate last winter procolleague how he voted on the bill reported last Mr. FARNSWORTH. Well, I want to ask posed a new plan, which was, that persons living session from the Committee on Military Affairs, my colleague whether any Illinois soldiers have together as husband and wife for the space of two for the speedy punishment of those infernal ras- ever complained to him of the lack of sufficient years should be entitled to a life pension under cals known as guerrillas, who shoot our soldiers pay?

the pension act. That was to be considered as in the back as they are dragging their weary and Mr. WASHBURNE, of Illinois. Of twelve | prima facie evidence of marriage. Strange to tell, blood-stained feet to the hospitals in the rear. thousand from my district not one has ever made they did not apply that beneficent privilege to the Did my colleague vote for that bill or against it? any such complaint.

white woman; but a black woman who proved Mr. Ross. The gentleman seems desirous of Mr. FARNSWORTH. I have never in my that she had lived with a negro two years is breaking the thread of my discussion, but I will life received a letter from a soldier complaining in | placed upon a higher and more lofty position than tell him regard to the insufficiency of his pay.

the white women of this country, because the one Mr. FARNSWORTH. Not at all; but you Mr. ROSS. I suppose that the reason why the can get a pension on such evidence, and the other are on the question of the soldier.

gentleman has not received any application from is compelled to have record evidence. It is the Mr. ROSS. The bill introduced for the purpose soldiers for increase of pay is, that the soldiers ground agreed upon by the Senate and the House of giving to the commanders of petty posts, per- have understood that he is opposed to such in- of Representatives. haps not above the grade of lieutenant, the au- crease. I have received such letters in abundance Mr. Chairman, it is not in accordance with my thority to execute men called “guerrillas," I did from my constituents, asking that they should at feelings to indulge in the discussion of these old vote against, and I would vote against it again, least be allowed such pay as will enable them to questions which have passed into history. As a because all that was necessary, even without its send home to their wives and children a small Representative of the people in Congress, I should passage, was to report to the authorities at Wash- pittance to keep them from becoming objects of have never alluded to ihem if other gentlemen had ington, and thus get a confirmation of the sentence. charity.

not brought them up. The great practical quesWhat kind of war would we have if that policy Mr: FARNSWORTH. Why did not my col- tion which the people are desirous their Reprewere to be pursued? There would be a system league have those letters or petitions referred to sentatives should act on, is that in some way we of vengeance and retaliation in both armies. The the Committee on Military Affairs? We never should have a restored and united Government. war would become a ten-fold more cruel and saw any of them.

I am not one of those who believe that there is bloody war than it now is. Consequently I voted Mr. ROSS. I showed one of those letters to any necessary conflict in the institutions of this against that bill. But I have voted for the soldier. the honorable gentleman last winter and he turned country. I know the docirine has been enuuI have voted to increase his pay: and I have ap- me off very coolly.

ciated by distinguished men, that there was an pealed to members of this House to increase bis Mr. FARNSWORTH. The truth is these irrepressible conflict in the institutions of this pay. And I ask the honorable gentleman from complaints come from the men who oppose the country. I say, sir, that it is a slander upon the Illinois (Mr. FARNSWORTH] how he will explain war; they come from those of the party repre- | patriot fathers who framed and molded those into his constituents why, when I proposed to in- sented on the other side of the House who liave stitutions. They did not make them as temporary crease the soldiers' pay twenty per cent. he voted resolved upon everything that can embarrass the experiments of government. They made them to sustain the previous question, thereby keeping Government, prevent the success of the Army, to last and endure as long as water ran and grass one hundred and fifty thousand Illinois men in the and throw obstacles in the way of the prosecu- grew. They did not imagine that they were formfield on fifty-three and a third cents a day, while tion of the war.

ing a Government whicli, in the first century, was their wages are worth from one dollar and a half Mr. ROSS. I think, sir, that the menger pay to totter to its fall. I say that it is a slander upon to two dollars a day at home? I want my col- of the soldier is manifestly unjust. I have little our fathers. It is a base calumny upon the Govleague to answer this to his constituents at home. faith in loud professions of love for the soldier, ernment to say that there is any irrepressible con

Mr. FARNSWORTH. Does my colleague when those who make them refuse to allow him flict or collision in our institutions. This Goydesire an answer to it now?

enough pay to sustain his wise and children at ernment may go on, and go on till lime shall be Mr. ROSS. I do not propose that you shall home, so that they are left naked and starving. no more, without collision or conflict, if we confine make a speech now.

But they did increase the pay of the soldier! ourselves within the litinate jurisdiction of the Mr. FARNSWORTH. I am willing to an- They increased it by the extraordinarily munifi- Government itself. There is ibe trouble. swer that now. I was one of those who voted

cent sum of ten cenis a day! Mr. Chairman, I Mr. Chairman, the question of slavery was not for and advocated the payment to our soldiers of II think that the appellation that was formerly ap- one of those which were delegated by the States to Congress. Congress has not that power, that cution, the old Union, the old day, and the old I am willing to let them have their institution power having been reserved to the States chem- Democratic party in administer it. I Laughter.] of slavery unul they get tired of it. I do not want selves. I do not stand heré as the apologist for Mr. FARNSWORTH. They had allihat when it in Illinois, but I take it that it is the right of slawry. I recognize the sounduess ofihe doctrine they went out. They had the whole otibat un- cach Sinie in the Union to have and maintain slaenunrialed by Siephen A. Douglas, when he said der Buchanan.

very if they desire it. When you strike down that he did not care whether Congress voted Mr. VOORHEES. I object to further interup- thuis right you violate the principle of the Governslavery up or down, for the reason that it is none tion.

ment, which is that the Siales shall have the right of our business. When we govero ourselves in Mr. ROSS. I am not disposed to experiment to deiermine for themselves the kind of instilu. Illinois, we are content. We have no right to at- in this matter a great deal. We got along very tions they will have., lempt to control the domestic institutions of Ken- well for seventy-five years, and I do not want a Now, what objection can there be to having a lucky and Missouri. That is a sovereign right | better condition of things than we had then. We national convention? Gentlemen tell us that we which they have never surrendered to the General had peace, nationality, and such an extent of cannot get peace from the South by such means. Government.

prosperity as never before blessed any nation. We Well, what hurt will it do to make an offer of it? I ask you, Mr. Chairman, and the honorable astonished ourselves at the magnitude of our Suppose we make the proposition. You know members of his House, whecher we had not belier prosperity.

that a great many men think differently on the content ourselves with standing by the Govern- Now, what is the use of throwing all that subject. I have thought at times that the reason ment as it came from the hands of our fathers? away by experiment? What is the use of at- why you did not make any propositions of peace We recognize the principle that each State basilie Tempting to better a condition of things already with a restored Union was that you were afraid right to control and manage its own domestic in- good enough? Daniel Webster, I think it was, they would be accepted. That is my theory; I situtions in its own way. It is not hard 10 gei said it was best to live well enough alone.

hope I am mislaken. back to the fund imental principles of our fathers, Mr. FARNSWORTH. Did not the rebels Now, I am not disposed to give up this Gov. under which we prosperid and furished for the have the old Constitution, the old flag, and the ernment any more than you are. Ti is my Govlast seventy-five years. luis a simple question of old Democratic party in power?

ernment; I intend to maintain it in every way I attending in our own business, and leuing every Mr. VOORHEES. I object to interruption. can; but I submit to you in all candor if we canone else alone. That is all. When you narrow Mr. ROSS. And the trouble is that you turned not do it belter by compromise than by fighting. down the contest, it comes loihis, thai each State them out. We had peace and prosperity all over What use will this southern country be to us after shall attend to its owy11 affairs, and leave those this country during ihe reign of the Democratic our armies have conquered il? We must have of others alone. I submit to the cousideration of party. They had the reins of this Government the consent of the people before it will be of any the House whether it is not better to su determ- for sixty years, and we never infringed upon the service to us. Your bill which provides for the ine.

righis of any man. Our name was respected at appointment of governors and other officers there We are engaged in one of the most extraordi- home and abroad, upon land and sea. Wherever is in violation of the principle of our Government. nary wars the world has ever seen. Is it not a our flag look our citizens, their riglits were re- The principle on which our Government is founded time that we should aliempito conciliate and har- spected. When these gentlemen made an on- is the consent of the governed. You must have monize the public sentiment of the country? 1 slaught upon the Democratic party on account of the hearts and affections of the people or you canbelieve that there may be reconciliation, and that the Mexican war we did not imprison any of not maintain a Governmentlike this. We set out we may grow happy and prosperous as in years them, or stop their presses; but gave them the on the hypothesis that we could maintain a Govpast. Such is the desire of my heart, li is the right of the writ of habeas corpus. And I propose ernment here without any great standing army or great object I have in view, and I shall do all i lo extend that riglie to them again when we get powerful navy. It worked beautifully for sevcan to bring about so desirable a result,

into power once more. What we want now is enty-five years. We did not tax the people as A time of civil war in no time in which to change the restored flag, the old Union, the old nation- they do in the despotisms of the Old World to keep the institutions of this couniry. I know that al- ality.

up a large standing army and a navy. The people terations of the Constitution are urged. This is I know those gentlemen tell us all the time there loved the Government. They did not require an no time to change our organic law. Let us stand can be no compromise made. Thave heard it said army to keep them in subjection. When you by our Governnent as our fathers made it. Let

upon every street corner that if you would give have to force the people to remain under the govus abide by the Consuution as it came from their the rebels a sheet of blank paper, and let them ernment, you must have a large army and navy, hands. Why, I would as soon trust Washing- write out the terms of peace, they would not write which necessarily involves great expenditures of 101), and Jefferson, and Adams, and Franklin, as | any terms except those of absolute independence. | money and high taxes. would the distinguished gentlemen of this House, Now, sir, I want it distinctly understoood that I submit to you, Mr. Chairman, whether we for whom I have so high a regard. And I sub- I never have been in favor of a division of this ought not now to fall back on common sense and mit to the House whether it is not better that we Government, and I am not now. I want the whole on the principles of the Government as our fashould attempt, by some conciliating means, to Union-every part of it. But I would rather have thers made it. Let us selile with these men in the restore this Government. I know gentlemen tell it by compromise than by fighting. I would South if we can do it on honorable and fair terms.

“You talk about compromise; we are opposed rather have restored peace and union by compro- Then we will not have cause to be afraid of forto compromise." Now, I want you to think a little mise than by war.

eign intervention. I want to maintain the old about ihat, as calm and candid men.

Gentlemen know very well the danger which Monroe doctrine which has grown obsolete since you are opposed to compromise. Do not you we are all the time incurring by the prosecution the present Allministration came into power. I know that this Government was founded on com- of this civil war. The despotisms of the Old want to restore that great principle. Suppose we promises? Do not you know that this Governa World do not love us. Some people thought it settle up our own internal difficulties and place ment could never have been formed xcrpe by strange that they should take the side of the South, || Grant, Sherman, Lee, and our other great gencompromise? Washington, and Jefferson, and but there was nothing strange about it. They erals with consolidated and combined armies in Madison, and Franklin, and their illustrious com- took the side of the South because the South was Mexico and run the French out--can we do anypeers were not afraid of comproinise. They were The weakest; and whenever we are the weakes! thing else that will so nationalize the popular heart men who were willing to compromise. The Gove they will take our side. They want us destroyed and give peace and quiet to the country? Let us ernment was not only made by compromises, but and to see this Government used up.

not be wasting our time and energies in quarrelit has been maintained by compromise from that Well, now, we have run a great many narrow ing about old issues until some foreign Governday to this.

risks since this war commenced of complications ment steps in and takes our liberties from us. in 1833, when there was danger of a collision with foreign Governmenis. We have been on the These foreign Governments do not like us. They in this country, you know the action of Henry very eve of such difficulties all the time. I ask would like to see the failure of this experiment Clay, the idol of his party at that day. He came genilemen if it would not be better to do as Wash

of free government on this continent. forward and proposed to reduce the tariff to ington and Jefferson and Madison and Jackson I submil, then, Mr. Chairman, whether it would twenty per cent. as a peace offering. You recol. and Clay and Webster and all those great inen not be beller for us to have a national convenlect thai in 1820, when the Missouri question was did, and say that we are not too great to compro

tion. distracting this country, Henry Clay came in mise. They were not 100 great lo compromise; Mr. BALDWIN, of Massachusetts. Will the with his compromise and peace measures, extend- they were willing to compromise; they compro- gentleman permit me to nsk him a question? ing the line of 360 30' to the Pacific ocean. mised in making the Government, and in uphold- The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman's colleague Mr. FARNSWORTH. I desire to ask my ing and maintaining it.

[Mr. Eden) objects to his being interrupted. colleague what kind of a compromise he would Gentlemen asked, “ what do you want?" I want Mr. Ross. I have no objection to answering propose, which would lead in his opinion 10 a whatever is right and fair, and I want a national any legitimate and proper question. restoration of the Union. Thave failed to ascer- convention of honest men to determine what is Mr. EDEN. I withdraw my objection. tain from him or from anybody else the sort of right and fair. I think we have been in some Mir. BALDWIN, of Massachusetts. My ques. compromise which will answer.

degrer, perhaps, in the wrong. The gentleman | lion is this: how are you to get at this national Mr. ROSS. I am wedded to no particular plan. from Pennsylvania says that you cannot point to convention ? What I desire is a restoration of the Government, anything that the South had a right to complain Mr. ROSS. I think that if a national convenand I will tell the gentleman what I believe I would of. I ask if they had no right to complain of the tion were proposed by our Government, and redo. I believe I would ask an armistice and a na- violation of the principle of the fugitive slave law. fused by the confederate government, there would tional convention with a view lo settling our diffi- It was a constitutional provision and was the law be some difference in the feelings of some men in culties, and in my judgment the people of this

of the land. But you know that they passed the country in regard to the prosecution of the country never would permit that national conven- “personal liberty bills” in New England by which tion to adjourn until they nud agreed upon peace they confined persons in prison who undertook Mr. BALDWIN, of Massachusetts. By what and a restored Union.

to carry out that law and attorneys who would authority can our Government propose it—where Mr. FARNSWORTH. If my colleague were take the cases of those men who allempted to re- is the power? a member of that convention what sort of a basis cover fugitive slaves. I ask if there is no cause Mr.'GANSON. In "military necessity.” would he propose by way of compromise? of complaint in that. I think there is; and these (Longhier.] Mr. ROSS. I would propose the old Consti- ll things inight be settled.

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