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power, therefore, it would appear, had pre- | French influence, it clung to the good old viously been prevented from standing for- German custom of popular parliaments. ward in her true character, as the cham- Of this state, David Frederick Strauss, the pion of German nationality, mainly by the notable neologian, is a citizen; and having overriding influence of Prince Metternich been invited to stand for the representation at Frankfort; but partly also, no doubt, of his native town, Ludwigsburg, in the by timidity, indecision, and want of hon- new German parliament, by a deputation esty, at home. No sooner, however, was of its respectable citizens, he accordingly the inherent weakness of the huge Austrian presented himself, but was rejected. To conglomerate made known by electricity his political confession of faith no objecshot from Paris--no sooner was the curi- tions appear to have been made, but the ously-woven web of Austrian policy snapt odor of his theological heterodoxy was too asunder by the touch of a few students, strong. Even in latitudinarian Germany, and the weaver thereof sent floating away it was found that politics could not readily into the Limbo prepared for Louis Phi- be altogether separated from religion. Relippe, like a ghost before the crowing cock turned, not unwillingly, to his private life than the army of wrets and titmice that and his biblical meditations, Dr. Strauss had bound down the Prusian eagle began, forthwith gave to the printer the six "TheAddresses," panic-smitten to disperse; and the noble ologico-Political Popular bird soared aloft in the prouaconsciousness which he had delivered in the short period of a long-premeditated and unrighteously- of his unfortunate parliamentary perambuhindered flight. This is, at nast, the lations; and from one of these, delivered fairest version of the matter that can be before the electors of Ludwigsburg, on the given for the King of Prussia-and ve be- 17th April last, we translate the following lieve, with a few abatements in matters of extract :detail, more allied to the ludicrous than I believe, indeed, that if some will only duly the sublime, it is not very far from the consider the matter, and not suffer themselves to truth. But, as men will judge, pubiie be carried away by the prevailing mania, it is, on characters have the misfortune to be esti- the whole, not so difficult to discover what it is mated always by the attained results of that Germany at this present moment stands in their conduct, never by their imagined in- need of. Were it permissible to apply a scriptural tents; and, therefore, the poor King of precept to matters political, the Germans might Prussia, instead of the enterprising leader now be thus addressed: Strive first of all after of the German people, is apt to appear, in unity, and everything else will be added thereto. Indeed, the root of all the evils under which our certain recent events, rather as the slave of great and beautiful Fatherland has for centuries the Berlin mob. Perhaps, with all his suffered will be found in its partitions and subdiwisdom, various accomplishments, and pure visions. Forty years ago, it seemed as if on the intentions, he may want some quality of eve of dissolution. It rallied, and recovered by mind necessary for the prince who would, degrees, but has ever since dragged on a wretched in these times, either originate or control existence, between sickness and health. Fate has a great national movement. He may, how-again placed it in our power to restore the unity ever, be serviceable in many capacities, now that the movement he contemplated is fairly on foot; and Dr. Strauss, as we shall see in our next extract, was, three months ago, willing to confer on him that high dignity which now graces the good

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Austrian Archduke John.

Having heard the testimony of Prussia, the next voice which we shall call to give utterance to the new cry of German Unity is from Wurtemberg; a state which was always famous for the tenacity with which, even in the most unfavorable times of of Bavaria, who has just abdicated; but Prussia adopted the plan, and carried it out. In the present argument, the only point of consequence is, that, by whomsoever originated, it was altogether a matter of voluntary association, and not sanctioned by the Diet.

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of Germany. The people desire it, and their
princes no longer oppose any barrier. Thus we
must have unity above all things, but, mark me,
gentlemen, a G rman unity. Not after the French
fashion, however; neither according to the old
There must be no union
model, nor yet the new.
inimical to the continuance of particular rights,
and which might tend towards a uniformity and
centralization of all the States. Our destruction
did not arise from the circumstance that Wurtem-
burg, Bavaria, Baden, &c, formed themselves in-
to separate States, and had their own rulers; but
that these States had no proper rule exercised over
them, which held them in unity. Our remedy,
consequently, does not consist in this, that we
should turn all these separate Governments topsy-
turvy, in order to throw them without distinction
into the pit of German unity. That would be act-
ing according to the French, and not the German
fashion. But we must have one independent ruler
over all the inferior ones; one German State hold-

ing dominion over Wurtemburg, Prussia, Bavaria, | the more harmless these will be. Frederic Wil&c. Only no mere shadow, like the former, liam will no longer be able to injure us, even if he which has passed away, but invested with all the were willing, through the medium of a Hauserights of superiority, and all the authoritative mann or a Camphausen, when these are chosen powers necessary to the steady maintenance of by the people as responsible ministers. But, genunion; and which our princes are now, without tlemen, it is also my opinion that he will not dedoubt, ready to confer on their future chief, as well sire to do so. Those who are acquainted with for their own as for the general well-being. my literary efforts know that I am no worshipper "In speaking of a future ruler, I here assume of the romantic King; but I do not look upon that the question which has been so much dis- him—and one may venture now to speak freely of cussed during the past week, as to whether a re- great people-I do not look upon him as at all a public or a constitutional monarchy is the best bad man. It is true, he has been brought up in a bad form of Government for Germany, has been de-school, and has imbibed perverted notions of the cided in favor of the latter. I am entitled to as-power and dignity of princes; that, by the aid of sume that an overwhelming majority among you his mental endowments, he has decked out these in hold these views, and may, therefore, proceed a poetical and philosophical garb; held to them from this point to discuss the next question, as to with blind obstinacy, and in the end-it cannot be who this chief should be. This question I also concealed-offered up to them a frightful and hold to be simple enough, if men would only at- bloody sacrifice. But he is a man of feeling and tain to that degree of self-command which ena- imagination. Such are subject to sudden evolubles them to sacrifice individual interests, and na- tions; and I believe he has already changed his tural likes and dislikes, and with a single eye look opinion, and now takes as much pleasure in the to that alone which the circumstances of the case idea of a constitutional ruler as he formerly did demand. Where the subordinate rulers are pos- in that of a feudal king of the middle ages. That sessed of large territorial domains, then it follows, he may not a second time repent and change chaof course, that the supreme ruler should have the racters, it lies with the constitutional system to same, and be invested with territorial influence provide against such contingencies, and to place proportionately great. The choice, then, lies be- limits to the fancies of princes. Therefore, were tween Austria and Prussia, and even if we view I called upon to give a vote with regard to the futhe matter in reference to power alone, the scale ture head of our alliance, I would give it in perwill at last turn in favor of Prussia; for Austria fect agreement with our highly-respected Paul is just undergoing a process of decomposition of Pfizer, not only to Prussia, but to the present its different elements, as if on purpose to make king." our choice the easier. Prussia is at the present moment incomparably the stronger State, because (with the exception of the plague-spot of Posen) it consists entirely of German provinces, whose unity is secured so soon as their political wants are satisfied. It is self-evident, besides, that in all other respects Prussia is in advance of Austria, and, consequently, best fitted to take the lead among the German States. Austria has lately been urged onwards by an impulse worthy of all honor, but much yet remains to be done. Prussia itself long continued behind the south-western parts of Germany in the development of political free

dom; but the want was compensated for by a thirst for mental cultivation of every kind, and we were, in consequence, surprised by the mass of intelligence displayed last year at their first meeting in the arena of constitutional life. But what shall we say of the present King of Prussia, with his frequently-expressed enmity to the constitutional principle, and then the sudden and suspicious metamorphosis he underwent after the bloodshed at

Berlin? These are bad and suspicious points; yet allow me to submit to you the following considerations. When we choose a ruler for Germany, it is not, I presume, for to-day, or to-morrow alone, but for futurity; therefore we must look beyond the present King Frederic William IV., now at the head of the State, and rather consider how it may stand with his successors. And this we certainly can do without danger. The more firmly a constitutional government is established in Germany, the more indifference will be shown as to the personal character of their rulers,

Thus far the Wurtemberg theologian. His notion of the Prussian monarch's character seems to agree very well with the known facts; and his opinion that the supremacy of the new German confederation should be given to Prussia, is the most obvious and natural that could suggest itself to an honest German mind, abstractly deliberating on such a point. But, practically, there was the great difficulty, that if the co-operation of such a hybrid power as Austria was not secured, her opposition was formidable, and to be apprehended. Austria, with her Hungarian, Slavonic, Wallachian, and other heterogeneous elements, might afford to stand aloof from a movement characteristically and exclusively German; she must therefore be bribed into the service; while Prussia, it was imagined, has, and must have, a living interest in all great German movements, which, independently of the nominal supremacy, necessitates her active co-operation. Such considerations, we imagine, combined with the respect paid to the private character of the Austrian Archduke, and the want of confidence in the somewhat theatrical attitudes of his Prussian majesty, seem to have determined the election of the Ger

man parliamentarians in favor of old Austria. Whether they have done wisely or not, no man yet can tell; the hearts of princes are in the hands of God; and we live in an era, where it is above all things apparent that great kingdoms, committed for a season to the management of courts and the combinations of cabinets, seem to fall, as it were, directly back into the hands of that tremendous power by which storms are raised, earthquakes stirred, and thunder-clouds discharged.

fifty men, including the names of many of the
valiant champions of free science and a constitu-
tion, assembled in Heidelberg, and called upon
them at Frankfort, and promote the noble object
those of similar opinions with themselves to meet
of the association. A committee was appointed
to undertake the preparatory work of the important
problem, and the end of March was fixed as the
period of their deliberations. The idea of a "Ger-
man Parliament," which originated in Baden,
soon became a national question, and European
diplomacy and political wisdom asked in surprise
But their
what the strange word might mean.
gaze was directed towards France, and the Ger-
man Parliament was forgotten, when suddenly, on
the 24th February, the edifice of the French Gov-

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What will be the issue of this grand attempt to restore a half-lost nationality, we shall be wise not over-brightly or over-ernment fell to pieces, and out of its ruins arose darkly to prefigure. We are not ashamed, the concealed (and by few anticipated) power of however, to confess, that we have great much political as social. The shock electrified the fourth estate. The revolution was not so faith in the Germans; and we think it right, above all things, that the Germans, ernment was shaken; yea, every social tie was Europe. All Germany was agitated; every Govnot being vain-boasters, should have faith threatened with disruption. On the appointed in themselves; for it is in the political as day, neither later nor earlier, the 400 met in the in the religious world, this spirit only re- old imperial city on the Maine. Many had looked moves mountains. Possunt quia posse in-forward with fear and trembling to the first assodentur, as Virgil says, they can, because they think they can. Matters of this kind must either not be attempted at all, or attempted with the whole man. The soul must wing the body with aspiration, and the body must mail the soul with fortitude, and gird it with perseverance. It is with great pleasure, accordingly, that we behold a practised diplomatist, and a profound scholar, like the Chevalier Bunsen, pouring himself forth on the present occasion, with all the fulness of political faith, and the freshness of human feeling that would have graced a Bursch in those days when his long locks floated most freely, and his broad blue eye looked forth on a heaven of unclouded expectation. The strong faith of Bunsen is expressed in the following passage, glowing in every sentence with the jubilee of patriotic retrospect. The reader must make himself a German for a moment to understand it :

ciated German Assembly as the signal of murder and bloodshed; but it ended in a glorious unaBy an overwhelming majority, the preliminary nimity of opinion, and amidst general acclamations. parliament' excluded anarchical movements. With wise moderation, and noble courage, it adhered unmoved to the resolution to abstain from any discussion on the fundamental points of the future constitution; but it secured so much the more the universal co-operation of the GovernAssembly might be formed without hindrance. It ments, in order that this memorable constituent was settled that the different States should be required to send men to the German Parliament,' selected freely from among the people, and that, if possible, within a month, or at least early in May, that they should assemble together in the same city, and proceed without delay to the great decision as to the particular form the union was to


exception, speak and act with these views, and The Diet and the Governments, without for this object. In the meanwhile, a committee of fifty men remain in Frankfort, with no sanction but the confidence of the people, and no authority but that of public opinion, and the general need. Simultaneously the German Diet, renew

teen men of the public confidence, who were to act along with the seventeen men sent by the different Governments. With joyful pride, Germany sees the men of science, the faithful instructors of the rising generation, the martyrs of liberty and freedom of speech, come forward and mingle with the ranks of the ambassadors of the Diet, of the representatives of the government, and of the men of the people. The seventeen propose their own problem, leave to the Diet its deliberative rights as a federative government, and with shut doors proceed to the grand deliberation.

"It is not more than four months since an inde-ing its youth, strengthened itself through the sevenpendent German arose among the deputies of his country to give utterance to the great idea of a German Parliament, with a full conviction of the necessities of his Fatherland, and the danger which threatened all Europe on account of the spiritual oppression in Eastern Germany, and the fallacies and delusions rife in France, notwithstanding the warning voices of Germany and England. This man, as dear to German science as to freedom, supported his proposition by glowing eloquence, and with a prophetic spirit. The Assembly unanimously applauded their heroic leaders, whose object was not merely words and excitement, still less idle theory. In the same month of January,

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The impossible becomes possible. In all the German States popular elections are proceeded

laid before their associates.

"At the end of April, the result of their labors was submitted to the Diet, and immediately afterwards to the assembled people. Whatever difference of opinion might exist concerning many of the weightiest points of this constitutional draught, yet was there but one opinion throughout Germany, and I may venture to say, throughout Europe; and certainly in the model land of political experience in England-the opinion that a great work was here being worthily carried on, that a great political thought was here being moulded into a finished and classical form. Truly, in this momentous draught, were set up the foundation pillars of the gigantic structure of the German empire, which time shall have no power to shake, and which the free deliberation of a great nation shall only strengthen. And did there exist no other memorial of what German science and the German nation (in their forty years' wanderings through the wilderness) has wrought out for the embodiment of the commonwealth, by means of independent thought and holy earnestness of feeling, and not for Germany alone but for the world, the solid excellence of this political scheme may be cited as a brilliant testimony in favor of the German nation to the latest ages. All this has taken place in less than four months; and is it not marvellous in our eyes? And after such a marvel, may not a German be permitted to believe with his whole soul in the coming greatness of his Fatherland ?"

with, for the Parliament of the German nation-a | sure the way soberly in all cases where more word to which, even now that the thing exists, ideal natures keep the rapt eye fixed on the Europe is able to attach no meaning. At the same time, two of these men, Dahlmann and Albrecht, goal; but we must beware of the habit of (two of the seven Gottingen professors), sketched calling political problems impossible, merethe outlines of the scheme, which they afterwards ly because they are difficult and new. The Germans are at this present moment attempting a thing to them no more difficult and new than were the privileges of Parliament to our Elliots and Hampdens two centuries ago. They are seeking to give efficimined national effort, are in danger of ency to institutions which, without a deterdwindling into a form. Let us quietly wait the result. For the maintenance of the peace of Europe, and the quieting of restless France, England has nothing better to wish than a strong and a united Germany; and if the Baltic trade be in the meantime somewhat incommoded, it is an evil incident to all periods of sudden transition, and must ever be borne. Not from England, however, or France, or any foreign power, has the new German empire anything to fear. Its greatest, its only danger, is from within. Of that danger we see decided symptoms even now; and in Berlin, as we are writing (August 5), the newspapers ominously announce that the Prussian black and white colors were already restored to their place and their popularity, and that the ghost of old Fritz is beginning to growl. Shall the fair duchies of Silesia have been taken from a Maria Theresa only to be given to an Archduke John? That is a The English reader feels now, we hope, very popular question just now, we read, on by immediate infection, what sort of a the banks of the Spree; and here lies the change is stirring the political atmosphere knot. Germany may be one unquestionably, of Deutschland at this moment, and how if it so wills; but, of course, only on the theologians and statesmen, poets, historians, condition that it does not at the same time and professors, are all equally quivering in- will to be two or twenty. We consider the to new life with the impulse. To make pamphlets from which we have quoted as this felt, not to enter into doubtful disputa- valuable, chiefly for their showing a great tions, much less to take the part of a par- strength of popular will enlisted in the sertizan on one side or another, was the object vice of a great national idea; but, however of the present paper; and here, therefore, fair projects and proclamations may look, we may for the present conclude. We only we know that with bundles of men, such as desire of the English reader two things: the German States, even when allied by a first, that he shall grant that the desire of common language, no problem is more Germans for constitutional monarchies, in difficult than co-operation; for co-operation the members of the confederation, and for implies subordination, and subordination to effective unity in the whole, is, in their po- the jealousy of particular self-importance sition, natural and noble; second, that he seems to imply absorption; and to be abshall look on their endeavors to realize their sorbed, and totally lose one's private idenfair idea with no unfriendly eye, but with a tity, for the public good, in the soul of some fellow-feeling, and a heart that, where it all-embracing Teutonic Brahm, is not agreecannot firmly believe all things, will, at able to the flesh. The "men of the public least, delight to hope the best. We are, as confidence" did much when they elected an we often say, a thoroughly practical people, administrator of the empire; it is a brave and as such, it is right that we should mea-title-Reichsverweser; but the difficulty

will be, as in the case of the old Kaiser, mandates of an Austrian Archduke, howwhen he comes to be obeyed. Frankfort ever reasonable. And then to solve the may decree; but Hanover, Hamburg, and high problem of German unity, impossible Berlin, will have their say in the matter by gentler means, there may perhaps be realso, depend upon it, and may doggedly re- quired, and Providence perhaps may send fuse to understand the reasons of a political a CROMWELL. Let the Germans look to professor, however learned, and to obey the that.

From the Dublin University Magazine.


O'CONNELL'S life and times, if properly to himself, he scrupled not at the means by written, would form an instructive chapter which it was to be accomplished. If his in the history of Ireland. The period dur- end was to be attained by plausible arguing which he lived and acted, was the period ment, no one could be more plausible. If, of transition between the old ascendency by coarse invective, an antagonist was to principles, which followed, as a necessary be annoyed, or intimidated, no feeling of consequence, the successes of the Protestant self-respect ever interposed to prevent the party in the wars of the Revolution; and virulence, or to mitigate the vulgarity, of the latitudinarian, or, as they are called, his vituperation. He was not deficient in liberal notions, which now, to a great ex-wit, while he abounded in broad humor, tent, govern the empire. And if the late Mr. admirably calculated to catch and captivate O'Connell was not one of the most efficient the masses, who were often spell-bound by agents by whom the spread of the new doc- his eloquence, and whom he contrived to trines was promoted, until, in Ireland, they mould to his views and purposes, by skilachieved their ultimate triumph-we, at fully identifying them with their own. least, are at a loss to discover any other individual upon whom such a distinction may be more fittingly conferred.

He possessed, in an eminent degree, all the qualities which were indispensable to enable him to grapple successfully with all the difficulties which he had to encounter in the contest upon which he entered. With a healthy temperament and a powerful frame of body, he united a sanguine, hopeful spirit, and an untiring energy of mind. His faculties were all acute and vigorous; and disciplined, by what may be called the mental gymnastics of his profession, to the highest degree of perfection which they were calculated to attain. Even his faults and deficiencies were such as tof avor the attainment of his favorite objects. His was not that love of truth which would have made him hesitate in giving all utterance to statements or asseverations, which served his purpose when they were made, although they might prove, in the end, unfounded. His was not the delicacy which abstains from epithets by which a true-bred gentleman would feel himself disgraced; when to use them might bespatter an adversary, or excite against him the hootings of the mob. Whatever the object was which he proposed

The precise period during which he lived seems to have been that in which he was calculated to appear to most advantage. In the age preceding-that of Curran, and Grattan, and Flood, and Yelverton-he would not have been endured. Those great men were trained in a different school. The subtle essence of liberty, as it was exhaled from the pages of Grecian and Roman history, was the inspiring influence by which they were animated; and they addressed themselves to men of cultivated minds, by whom any departure from the usages or the conventionalities of civilized society would be promptly resented. When they did address the multitude, it was like men who sought to raise them to their own level, not to descend to theirs. And when the bully and the swaggerer was to be acted, it was not by words, but by deeds, they sought to make good their pretensions; and their language was often mildest and most decorous when it preluded those personal conflicts, for which, in their day, every public man held himself prepared, as often as offence was taken at his words, or an adversary felt himself emboldened, or necessitated, to substitute, for verbal disceptation, the arbitrement of the pistol or the sword. To have been found

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