of the Pyrenees the kingdom of Philip II. by appreciating what existed, that we can had definitely fallen to the second rank of determine what it really is, that has been, or European powers-was virtually consigned is likely to be, destroyed. It is only by reto the influence of France by the treaty of viewing the principles which have hitherto Utrecht, and was formally attached to her influenced, and the compacts which have train by the Family Compact. Naples and hitherto guided, the public policy of Europe, Parma, through the same connexion, were that we can properly comprehend the charunited in the same interests; and the an-acter and significance of those movements tagonism traditionally subsisting between the by which it is now hoped to supersede them. Emperor and the Pope, together with the The interval between the original pacificanatural apprehensions of the Republics of tion and the present convulsions, is divided Genoa and Venice, combined to bring the into two equal portions by the French revowhole Italian Peninsula within the sphere lution of July, 1830; which conveniently of attraction; and even in Malta, from the separates one period from another, and inconstitution and traditions of the Order, troduces an epoch which may be regarded French influence was usually predominant. as a kind of transition period between that So intimately was Poland connected, after which preceded it, and that which perhaps the same curious fashion, with France, that is now to follow. Up to that year, the its dependence was recognized in the pro- policy of the Allied Powers, which we have verbs of the nation; and Turkey itself, described above, had an almost undisputed which owed to this very policy of the Most sway; and the incidents of European hisChristian King its introduction into the Eu- tory during the fifteen years which interropean system, was attached to the same vened were mainly confined to such manifesscheme so strongly, that a rupture between tations of its force as were supplied by the Louis XIV. and the Porte is recorded in successive suppression of liberal movements history as a prodigious and unnatural occur- in Naples, Piedmont, Portugal, and Spain. rence; and the old traditional tie of amity But the revolution of July gave a new aspect was, in fact, only definitely snapped by Na- to affairs. Not only was France-a leading poleon's invasion of Egypt. This system Power-transformed into a real constitureceived its first severe blow at the partition tional monarchy, and transferred, in the of Poland; but it was renewed on a gigantic balance of political principles, from the side scale by Napoleon; its revival and adaptation of the allies of Laybach, to the side of Great to the present state of things was warmly advo- Britain and its reformed Parliament, but the cated by some of the French Republicans; effect of this metamorphosis was most sensiand only eighteen months ago, it was repre- bly felt in the several revolutions which folsented by M. Capefigue as the policy which lowed, then, as now, in the train of Parisian the state of Europe, the course of events, catastrophes. We need not repeat the story and the constitution of M. Guizot's cabinet, of eighteen years ago; but the moral of the were irresistibly conspiring to restore. Belgian question, and the decision of Europe The operations of the general system we on its merits, is so strikingly illustrative of have been here describing, compose the po- the change then introduced into the political litical history of Europe during the thirty system, and has so pointed a bearing upon years' peace; and it will only be necessary the political relations of the present day, to say a few words upon the modifications of that it may be of some advantage to notice the original settlement which had been intro- it.

duced in the interval, before we come to that Of all the creations of the Vienna Conpresent state of things, to the illustration of gress, there was none which, superficially which the previous remarks have been di- viewed, appeared a more excellent or admirected. The reader, we hope, will not have rable work than the kingdom of the Nethcome thus far, without discovering the point erlands. It fulfilled all the conditions de depart to which he is approaching. A required in the territorial distribution of just comprehension of the State of Europe this part of Europe; it indemnified a is only to be derived from a clear view of princely House which had deserved well of the actual system under which its family of the dispensing Powers; and it seemed obvinations have been living up to the moment ously and equally calculated for the best inof the changes now threatened, and from a terest of the States which were to compose due understanding of the functions dischar- it. The Austrian provinces of the Netherged by each particular state in the preserva- lands, and the independent Republic of tion of the general equilibrium. It is only Holland had, before the first Revolution,

whereas the fire-proof fabric of the congress of Vienna was in a blaze with the first sparks of revolution, the more natural edifice substituted by the Conference of London, has remained safe and entire in the very heart of a conflagration; and may now be envied by some of those states which looked so suspiciously on its reconstruction. The subsequent events in the Spanish Peninsula illustrated still more conspicuously the influence exercised upon the destinies of Europe by the element thus powerfully introduced into the operations of the political system. In spite of the resistance, still passive, of the three Northern Powers, the triumph of constitutional principles over the doctrines of absolutism was again openly symbolized in Portugal and Spain. In fact the Quadruple Alliance was the counter-manifesto to the Holy Alliance.

formed the rampart of Northern Europe of Antwerp, as M. Louis Blanc thinks, or against France, which it was now desired to from the good sense of the people and the reconstruct; and so naturally was the pro- government as we should rather suggest, it posed scheme recommended, that even in is certain that Belgium has discharged her the preceding century the union of Holland European duties, in her own way, as well as with the Austrian Netherlands under a the allied sovereigns were for making her prince of the House of Orange, was advoca- do, in theirs; the difference being this, that ted as one of the best imaginable combinations for the tranquillity of Europe. For the last twenty years Austria had waived her claims over these distant and costly provinces; and there appeared no possibility of organizing them more judiciously than by uniting their interests with those of their maritime neighbors. Holland was a commercial, Belgium a manufacturing state; what one country fabricated, the other might export; and thus the capabilities of each would be combined for the advantage of both. Even as regarded historical traditions, there was something to be said for the reconstitution of the Netherlands. Nothing, at all events, could appear more reasonable or commendable than the experiment. It was in vain hinted that strong diversities of religious faith and hereditary institutions would probably conspire, with the inextinguishable instinct of nationality, We need not make any specific allusion to create repugnances incompatible with its to the events immediately preceding the resuccess. Such objections were overruled; volutions of last February and March. It and the kingdom of the Netherlands took is worth remarking, however, how general its appointed place among the powers of seems to have been the persuasion, in poliEurope. Every body remembers the se- tical and diplomatic circles, even before quel. At the very first shock the artificial edifice fell asunder; and the Belgians demanded an acknowledgment of their separate nationality. Europe had combined, by solemn stipulations, to guarantee the House of Orange in the possession of this dominion; and the House of Orange claimed the benefit of this suretyship. Yet the constructing Powers reconsidered their work by the light of experience; and owing to the new-born cordiality between England and France, liberal principles carried the day. France and England said "yes;" the three Northern Powers abstained, in the face of such a combination, from saying "no;" and Belgium became an independent State. What is now remarkable is, that this concession to the reasonable requirements of a people, has not been attended with any of the political results which might have been predicted from such a reversal of the original scheme. Independent Belgium appears just as little likely as the Southern Netherlands would have been to subserve the interests or ambition of France. Whether from the "English intrigues" at the siege

these convulsions, that the time had come for the convocation of another Congress, not only to settle those numerous points of international differences which the mere lapse of thirty years, even under the most effective systems, would be sure to introduce, but even to undertake the remodelling of Europe upon a scheme which would supply the omissions, as well as correct the errors of the Congress of Vienna.* We may be now

The amusing pamphlet which we have placed at the head of the present paper is an illustration of the spirit here spoken of. European Remodellings" was written before the events of February; and yet proposes, in order to avoid the definite tendencies of national ambition, and remedy certain anomalies, a reconstruction of the Continent little less thorough than that actually portended six months ago. Germany was to be reduced to the five independent states of Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, and Hanover; the inheritances of the extinguished Houses being dilationship of their sovereigns or the natural vided among the survivors, according to the resuggestions of locality. Charles Albert was to be sovereign of the Lombard-Venetian kingdom from Venice to Genoa, with his capital at Milan. Tuscany was to absorb the minor duchies. Poland was to be reconstituted. Russia was to have the

Danubian provinces; but Austria, as mistress of

almost inclined to smile at our agitation | turbance, has also set the unexpected exupon the Spanish marriages, or the Swiss ample of returning wisdom and what we schism; but the last breach of public faith have recently asserted of the domestic prowith respect to Poland will hardly be for- ceedings of the French nation, may now be gotten, even amidst a whirlwind of revolu- yet more unhesitatingly predicated of its tions. It is remarkable that M. Capefigue's external relations. As far as we may judge treatise on the acts and guarantees of the from what has apparently become the set Vienna Congress, the title of which we have tide of events, the France of 1848 is not prefixed to these observations, was called likely to assume any other attitude towards forth solely by this deed, which he regarded Europe than that of the France of 1847. as virtually repealing that code of public Hitherto, French revolutions have aflaw which the Treaties of 1815 had created; fected, more or less violently, the system and by which the political system of Eu- of Europe, because they introduced entirely rope had since been governed. Cracow new principles into the general policy of a seems to have been "the diamond neck-country so capable of influencing the great lace" of 1846! European commonwealth. Thus the revo

From the height we have at length attain-lution of 1789 overthrew all public law ed, we are enabled to take a comprehensive whatever; because French influence became glance at the present state of Europe: We supreme in continental Europe, and the can observe how far the harmony and effec- principles of the first revolutionists survived tiveness of the general system has been dis-through all the changes of the Parisian conturbed, or is threatened, by the recent catastrophes; and whether any of its members, either from internal disorganization or external pressure, have been rendered incapable of discharging their appointed functions. We can examine the perils to which the body politic may appear exposed through any of the ordinary sources of disorder, such as the undue aggrandizement of any leading Power, or the destruction of any minor Power having a critical mission in the system, or from the constitution of a Power altogether new. Should no such serious convulsions appear probable, we can ascertain how far the reciprocal relations of European states have been affected by the recent movements; and what modifications of the system we have been describing may now be feared or be expected.

Eight months ago it did certainly appear probable that the public law of 1815 would be swept away by the storms of the present year; as completely as that of 1648 had been scattered to the winds by the revolutions of 1791; and that the total subversion of the political fabric would leave no occasion for any such comments as we are here offering. But this extreme hazard appears now to be passed. The force of the shock it may be hoped is spent; and though the constitutional edifices of the Continent are still trembling on their bases, there seems no longer such serious reason for apprehending any permanent loss of equilibrium. France, which gave, as usual, the first signal of dishe northern half of European Turkey, was to be

nterposed between her legions and the glistening bait of the Bosphorus.

stitutions. In the same way the revolution of 1830 produced its effects, because the principles of those parties who achieved it continued to shape the policy of the government afterwards; and constitutional France, as we have already said, was in this way drawn towards the English alliance, from the Alliance Russe, and from the compacts of Verona, which had moulded the policy of her former cabinets. And similarly, if the existing French government really represented the identical Republic which was proclaimed in February last from the steps of the Hotel de Ville, we might confidently anticipate that the foreign politics of the Republicans, such as we on that occasion described them, would very characteristically modify the mission of France, and materially influence, if not altogether subvert, the system of Europe. It is now, however, notorious that this is not the case. Excepting in so, far as the effects of the original impulse may survive (and these, we should imagine, must have been considerably qualified by subsequent warnings), it can hardly be said that republican France is now exerting on the affairs of Europe any influence, beyond or besides that legitimate influence which pertains to so great a nation. The foreign policy of the French Republic, as defined by M. de Lamartine, was indeed something to feed the speculations of Europe; but as interpreted by General Cavaignac, it is little but the policy of the best periods of the constitutional monarchy. We might, perhaps, say even more than this; for indeed be questioned whether any recent French government would have been

it

may

strong enough, as things then stood, to hold of the elder Bourbons might involve a rea French army well in hand at the foot of turn to the old legitimist policy, and revive the Alps, while trumpets were sounding on the combinations of 1823; but this is a conthe Tessino. France is not only recovering tingency not very probable-in either of its her position, but she is fencing it about with assumptions. As far as speculation can be the cautious jealousy which recent perils warranted in such a case as this, we may have suggested. It would be difficult to anticipate that the foreign policy of the Reselect any period since the last war, at public will be nearly the foreign policy of which her external demeanor has been the constitutional monarchy, with the adcharacterized by more satisfactory modera- vantage, perhaps, of being exempted from tion or greater prudence, than under the those complications which dynastic interests brief interlude of the Cavaignac dictator-were found to create. We may see another ship. Even if the style and title of the Ancona perhaps; but not another Marengo. Republic be finally retained, yet it does not There is no reason why the National Asseem likely that any very formidable anomaly sembly should be "Republican" on this will be introduced into the system of mon- point alone; nor has it given any indications archical Europe. The draft of the consti- of being so disposed. Propagandism has tution as (perhaps not finally) revised, pro- been disclaimed and discouraged as pointedvides for as staid and as respectable an im- ly as Communisın; and the cry of " Poland " personation of sovereignty as is perhaps had no better success than the cry of" organconsistent with the character of the crisis. ised labor." These presumptions are conA President, elected for four years, and re- firmed by the attitude already taken by the eligible after a like interval, with no incon- French government upon the Italian quessiderable patronage, and with a traitement tion, which has brought about a situation more munificent than that of the First Con- singularly analogous to that of 1831. While sul, and only inferior to that of the Grand we write, France and England are again Electeur of M. Sieyès, will be an accept- acting in concert to procure a modification able substitute for a committee of public of the treaties of 1815 in favor of an insafety, or a directory. Most reports concur surgent people at the hands of an ancient in designating the present chief of the exe-ally; and most earnestly is it to be hoped cutive power as the probable inaugurator of that the affairs of Lombardy may be arrangthis new office; and if this should indeed be ed as temperately as were the affairs of Belthe result of the approaching election, Eu- gium-with equal advantage to the system rope, as well as France, will apparently have of Europe, and less incidental disturbance reason to be thankful. A firm and temperate of its peace.

policy, combining the national readienss The respective positions of Austria and for war, with a resolute determination, upon Prussia are characterized by singular emany creditable conditions to preserve peace, barrassments. In the first place, there is is what the events of the last three months this most important fact to be noticed, that lead us to hope from General Cavaignac. As as regards the joint relations previously regards the internal condition of his country, subsisting between these States towards the there is no present prospect of its falling rest of Europe-that alliance of the three into any such contagious or uncontrollable Northern Powers, of which we have redisorganization as would affect its relations corded the origin and the influence, must with the other powers of Europe. That now be considered at least suspended, if not there should still survive a possibility of finally broken up. In fact, no incident of such a catastrophe, is part of the price which the late convulsions has been more remarkFrenchmen must pay for their Republic; able than this, that Berlin and Vienna have but the hazard is less than could have been been made to impersonate the traditional hoped for some months back. Order will, character of revolutionary Paris; and to in all likelihood, retain its present supre- proclaim on their own proper territories those macy over anarchy; and as to the particular very principles, which it has hitherto been forms into which this order may be develop- their chief political function to neutralize ed, it signifies but little. Under any pro- and denounce. The drag has not only slipbable conditions, France will still apparent ped away from the wheel of the machine, ly be the France of the last fifteen years, as but is now actually dangling at the horses' well with respect to her European mission as heels, and stimulating their speed. That to her domestic government. It may pre-combination which represented the principle haps, be thought, that a possible restoration of conservatism in the system has disap

peared. There no longer exists the tradi-, resolutions have just been proposed in the tional alliance of Austria, Russia, and Frankfort Assembly condemnatory of her Prussia to counterbalance the revolutionary administrative policy, and recommending the tendencies of Southern and Central Europe a uthoritative intervention of the Central or to modify the constitutional influences of Power. Prussia is naturally still less satisEngland and France. How far this ancient fied with her allotted destiny; and so geneunderstanding may be preserved (for future rally has the "nationality" of March last been reproduction) in the breasts of the respective superseded in this kingdom by a less comsovereigns, is another question. The prac- prehensive sentiment, that "genuine Gertice which in old times obtained throughout manity" is now confined to a minority conEurope, of considering foreign politics as sisting mainly of students and clubbists; exclusively the personal concerns of the while "specific Prussianism" is undisguisedly monarch, subsisted till a very recent date in professed by all classes, from the accomthe kingdoms alluded to; and one of the plished minister who has just preferred the most obstinate stands made by the Prussian service of his immediate master before that Court was in behalf of the king's right to of the imperial governor, down to the solreserve from the inspection or control of the diers of the army who declined by any act of new ministry his correspondence with cer- homage to set the lieutenant of the empire tain foreign cabinets. Rumor states, and above the sovereign of Berlin. Nay, in the with no lack of likelihood, that their august Holstein negotiation, Prussia deliberately Majesties of Prussia, Austria, and Russia placed her independent authority beside, if think nearly alike upon public matters; but, not above, that of the Central Power. however this may be, it is clear that there varia is reported to be reviving the ancient can be no return to the policy of past times traditions of her cabinet; and to be looking until the work of the recent revolutions has across the Rhine for company. Certain it been entirely undone ;--a contingency not is, at least, that she shows no disposition to immediately probable. At present, Russia recognize the authorities of Frankfort. Hacan meet with no more sympathy at Vienna nover declined with such characteristic abor Berlin than at Paris; and thus all such ruptness the invitation to discrown herself, functions in the European system as have that hints were thrown out of summary probeen hitherto discharged by the "three ceedings against so dangerous an example, Northern Powers" must cease and deter

mine.

Ba

and it was proposed at once to declare the dominions of King Ernest an "immediacy" There is another consideration, affecting of the new empire-an instructive instance, even still more seriously the European rela- indeed, of the revived prerogatives of the tions of these two states. It is a point ap- Cæsars. The minor states, though with less parently yet undecided, whether they are to imperative motives, show an almost equal be preserved at all in any such independent disinclination to fuse their individualities in political existence as they have hitherto en- a German unity. Yet we should not be jusjoyed. Our recent observations on the pro-tified in dismissing the scheme as a palpable jected Germanic Empire showed how deli- failure. There is, in the first place, a steady berately it was contemplated to obliterate doggedness of purpose in the Frankfort Asthe names of Austria and Prussia from the sembly, resulting no doubt from the national European map; and to absorb these first- character of its constituents, which invests rate and most influential powers in a new and its proceedings with far more significance gigantic nationality, of which it was difficult than those of other similar bodies; not to to define the function or anticipate the course. mention the strength of the party in GerAs regards the final accomplishment of the many, which does sincerely and conscienproject, we have seen no reason to repudiate tiously yearn for this mystic unity, however the misgivings which we then expressed. So mystic or ill-conceived may be its purpose. little hearty or cordial co-operation towards Next, it is manifest that at all events the this object is to be discovered in the pro- project will not be dropped without a resoceedings of the various German governments, lute experiment, of which indeed we at this that we are almost induced to wonder whence moment behold the partial operation; and the power is derived which still keeps the considering, moreover, the extent to which experimental machinery in motion. Austria, certain illustrious personages have been though gratified with the provisional licute-committed in its favor, it cannot be unreanancy of the new government, is so noto-sonable to suspect that some modification of riously disaffected to the scheme, that strong the scheme, at least, may be brought about;