In the act referred to, by which slavery was abolished in the English colonies, we can see nothing inconsistent with the spirit always exhibited by the British government. Wholly unmindful, not only of the interests, but of the rights of her colonies, she has robbed them of a property, the legitimacy of which she recognised for centuries. She thrust-forced a slave population upon them, notwithstanding their remonstrances, and did so, not because she conceived such a population valuable to the colonies, but be-cause the traffic was "beneficial to the mother country." Having exhausted this source of gain, and persuaded herself that her colonies would, if slavery were abolished, afford an outlet for her surplus population, she does not scruple to rifle her own subjects, throw the colonies into confusion, and endanger the lives, as she has violated the rights, of the planters of the West Indies. That this policy has been adopted under the momentary sway of ignorant fanaticism may be conceded; but fanaticism would never have controlled the policy of Britain, had it not appealed to her avarice, and, by captivating but hollow representations of the superiority of free labour, persuaded her that the measure would render the colonies more valuable to the mistress country. The profits realized by Great Britain in the slave trade may well enable her to afford a few millions of compensation to the plundered planters, and the increased revenue expected from the colonies will, it is expected, amply justify this investment. Great Britain has not, however, upon all occasions, found her system of colonial wrong and exaction to answer her expectations. The time has not yet arrived to write the history of West India abolition, but the system has sufficiently developed itself to enable us to predict, with confidence, loss to the mother country-ruin to the colonies.

CHAPTER VII.

Condition of Slaves in the United States.

THE extent of slavery in the different slave-holding states of this union, may be seen by the following table, digested from the census of 1830.

The states in which slavery prevails, have been distinguished for their affluence. Notwithstanding the policy of the national government has borne heavily upon the South, notwithstanding the occasional depression of her staples, and the proverbially unfortunate pecuniary habits of her citizens, that portion of the union may still be regarded as pecu

liarly favoured. The slave-labour of the South has thus far practically disproved the theories of the North; and demonstrated that the institution of slavery, whatever objections may be alleged against it, is not calculated to diminish the national wealth, or retard the national prosperity. It will be seen hereafter, that the South pays nearly one-third of the revenue of the government; and of the one hundred millions of dollars annual exports sent from the country, nine-tenths are raised by the South. Of the productiveness of slave-labour, who can, after a knowledge of these facts, affect a doubt? The North, as well as the South, is enriched by that labour; and should any disastrous occurrences disturb the institutions of the South, not only the whites and negroes of the slave-holding states would sink into poverty and suffering, but the decayed manufactures, shrunken commerce, and ruined prosperity of the North, would show how near and vital is the connexion of the different sections of our common country.

Every country must have its labourers, men who are willing to be directed by the mind and capital of others, and to undergo, in consideration of support, the physical toil requisite for the attainment of the goods of life. In the North, this labour is done by the poor; in the South, by the negro. In both, the labourer is forced to endure the privations of his condition in life. In the North, not only is his toil severe, but poverty and anxiety attend him in his humble path in life. His family must be sustained; his wife attended in sickness; his children supported in youth. His means are often inadequate to his wants. He is bowed down by the consciousness of inequality, and haunted by the fear of the prison. Incertitude and anxiety are with him each hour of his life; and when sickness or age steals upon him, it often finds him without resources or hope. Thus is he dogged through life by poverty,

fear, humiliation and oppression (for the title of freeman does not protect the poor from oppression) and dies with the unhappy consciousness that for his children is reserved the same lot of wretchedness. The labourer of the South knows none of these evils. He is scarcely acquainted with the meaning of the word care. He never suffers from inordinate labour-he never sickens from unwholesome food. No fear of want disturbs his slumbers. Hunger and cold are strangers to him; and in sickness or age he knows that he has a protector and a friend able and willing to shield him from suffering. His pleasures are such as his nature enjoys, and are unrestricted. He enjoys all the privileges which his simple heart craves, and which are wholesome for him. Thus protected from all the other has to fear, and secured in the enjoyment of all he desires-he is as happy as circumstances can render him.

We are aware that certain pseudo philanthropists affect great concern for the benighted state of the negro, and condemn the enactments which, in some of the states, discourage his education. We may be permitted to remark, that, but for the intrusive and intriguing interference of pragmatical fanatics, such precautionary enactments would never have been necessary. When such foes are abroad, industrious in scattering the seeds of insurrection, it becomes necessary to close every avenue by which they may operate upon the slaves. It becomes necessary to check or turn aside the stream, which instead of flowing healthfully upon the negro, is polluted and poisoned by the abolitionists, and rendered the source of discontent and excitement. Education, thus perverted, would become equally dangerous to the master and the slave: and while fanaticism continue, its war upon the South, the measures of necessary precaution and defence must be continued.

The situation of the slave is, in every particular,

incompatible with the cultivation of his mind. It would not only unfit him for his station in life, and prepare him for insurrection, but would be found wholly impracticable in the performance of the duties of a labourer. However, those who regard the absence of education in the negro with such peculiar compassion, would do well to assure themselves that the free blacks of the North, and even a large class of the white labourers, are, in this particular, superior to him. The charity of these fanatics is generally of so expanded and ambitious a character, that it overlooks worthy objects of benevolence at their feet, to light upon some scheme of thwart and ill-omened philanthropy abroad.

The absence of science is no misfortune to the slave. He is averse to study; and, with every advantage, seldom makes sufficient progress to render education a source of pleasure or profit to him. Inert and unintellectual, he exhibits no craving for knowledge; and prefers, in his hours of recreation, indulgence in his rustic pleasures to the pursuit of intellectual improvement. It has been a question, whether the pains or enjoyments of a cultivated mind preponderate. The extended expanse of the mind, if it is opened to more of the sunshine of heaven, is exposed also to more of its gloom; and as, in this life, our sky is more frequently clouded than clear, the prerogative, however ennobling, is perhaps a source of more anxiety than enjoyment. Be this as it may, the negro never suffers from the thirst for knowledge. Voluptuous and indolent, he knows few but animal pleasures; is incapable of appreciating the pride and pleasure of conscious intellectual refinement; and passes through existence, perhaps with few of the white man's mental enjoyments, but certainly with still fewer of his harassing cares and anxieties. The dance beneath the