fluctuations in the revenue of the Government derived from the sales of the lands.

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested, if uot incompatible with the public interest, to communicate o this House any information in the possession of the Execu tive Department, showing the warlike preparations of Great Britain by introducing troops into Canada or New Brunswick, or erecting or repairing fortifications on the Northern or North. eastern boundary, or by preparing naval armaments on any of the great northern lakes or the waters connected therewith; and, also, what preparations, if any, have been made by this Go vernment to put the United States, and especially the Northern and Northeastern frontier, in a state of defence.

On motion of Mr. BRIGGS,

Resolved, That the Committee on Manufactures be instructed to inquire into the expediency of laying duties on imported wines, foreign silks, silk worsted goods, and such foreign articies of luxury that are now duty free, as come in competition with the growth of our own soil, or he products of our labor and yield no revenue to the Government.

On motion of Mr. WELLER,

Resolved, That the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads be instructed to inquire into the expediency of esta blishing a post route from Piqua, in Maine county, Ohio, via Jacksonville, Fort Recovery, and Alexandria, to Buffalo, in Wells county, Indiana; and that the memorial hereto attached be referred to said committee.

On motion of Mr. DOTY,

Resolved, That the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads be instructed to inquire into the expediency of esta blishing the following post routes in Wiskonsin, to wit:

From Milwaukee, by Greenfield, New Berlin, Mukwonago, East Troy, Troy, Elkhorn, Delavan, and Turtle creek, to Be'oit.

From Fox lake, by Watertown, Jefferson, Whitewater, Elkhorn, and Geneva, to Chicago.

From Prairie du Chien, by Wingville, Belmont, Elkgrove, Millseat bend, New Diggings, Gratiot's grove, Waddam's grove, and Bald knob, to Boonsboro.

From Racine, by Ive's grove, Sugar creek, Jonesville, Monroe, on the United States road, to Sinapee.

From Green bay, by Depere, Caukaunah, Little Butte des Morts, and Oshkosh, to Fond du Lac.

From Fort Winnebago, by Dekorra and Helena, to Wingville. From Fond du Lac, by Munnomonee falls, to Milwaukee. From Milwaukee, by Lisbon, Hatch's mill, and Piperville, to Watertown.

The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a report from the Secretary of the Treasury, in compliance with the provisions of the act of June 25, 1834, regalating the value of certain foreign gold coins within the United States; which was referred to the Committee on Finance, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. WHITE presented a memorial from citizens of Tippecanoe county, Indiana, praying the passage of a general bankrupt law; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. Mr. CALHOUN presented a memorial of citizens of New York, praying the passage of a general bankrupt law; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

Mr. WALKER presented the petition of John Hutchins; which was referred to the Committee on the Public Lands. Mr. SEVIER, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, to which was referred the bill for the relief of George Duvall, reported the same without amendment.

Mr. HUBBARD, from the Committee on Claims, to which was referred House bill for the relief of Captain John Downes, reported the same without amendment.

Mr. H. from the same committee, to which were referred the

bills from the House

For the relief of John Underwood; and

For the relief of Sylvester Phelps, and the heirs of Charles Landon;

nade unfavorable reports thereon; which were ordered to be

printed

DEATH OF THE HON. THADDEUS BETTS. Mr. SMITH of Connecticut addressed the Senate as follows: Mr. PRESIDENT: The melancholy duty devolves upon me to an. nounce to the Senate the death of my colleague, the Hon. THADDEUS BETTS, who departed this life this morning, a few minutes before six o'clock. I visited him yesterday at his lodgings, and though I was strongly impressed with the opinion of the ma. lignancy of his disease, it did not seem to be the opinion of those around him that he was in any immediate danger. My own in disposition, I trust, will be a sufficient apology for the brevity of my remarks on this melancholy occasion. Mr. BETTS was a man of a high order of intellect, and of varied and extensive acquirements. The confidence of the people of his State in his abilities and worth, was manifested by the many elevated and important public trusts to which their voices called him, and he discharged their various duties with honor to him self, and satisfaction to the public. At the bar, few en joyed a higher reputation, and the urbanity and courtesy which marked his intercourse with his professional brethren, made

him a general favorite. In the relations of friend and citizen, the testimony of all who had the pleasure of his acquaintance, will be given to the high estimation in which he was held. And though all his acquaintances mourn his loss, none can feel their bereavement with such intensity as those who looked to him as their protector. the wife has lost in him a kind and devoted husband; the children a fond and affectionate father. Mr. DAVIS then submitted the following resolutions: Resolved unanimously, That a committee be appointed to take order for superintending the funeral of the Hon. THADDEUS BETTS, which will take p'ace to-morrow, at half past 12 o'clock; that the Senate will attend the same, and that notice thereof be given to the House of Representatives.

Resolved unanimously, That the members of the Senate, from a sincere desire of showing every mark of respect due to the memory of the Hon. THADDEUS BETTS, deceased, late a member thereof, will go into mourning for him one month, by the usual mode of wearing crape on the left arm.

Resolved unanimously. That, as an additional mark of r spect for the memory of the Hon. THADDEUS BETTS, the Senate do now adjourn.

The resolutions were unanimously adopted, and
The Senate adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, April 7th, 1840.

The SPEAKER laid before the House the following message from the President of the United States:

WASHINGTON CITY, April 3, 1940. SIR: In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th ultimo, I communicate herewith, accompanied by a report from the Secretary of War, "copies of the arrangement entered into between the Governor of Maine and Sir John Harvey, Lieutenant Governor of New Brunswick, through the mediation of Major General Scott, in the month of March last, 1839, together with copies of the instructions given to General Scott, and of all correspondence with him relating to the subject of controversy between the State of Maine and the Province of New Brunswick." Very respectfully

Your obedient servant,

Honorable R. M. T. HUNTER,

M. VAN BUREN.

Speaker of the House of Representatives.

On motion of Mr. CLIFFORD, it was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and ordered to be printed.

The SPEAKER also laid before the House a communication from the Secretary of the Treasury, made in compliance with an act of Congress of 28th June, 1834, enclosing a copy of a statement from the Director of the Mint at Philadelphia, showing the result of the assays made at that Mint of the coins refer. red to in said act; which was read, and,

On motion of Mr. FILLMORE, ordered to lie on the table, and be printed.

Mr. SWENEY said he on yesterday voted against granting leave to the gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. DAVIS] to introduce a bill vesting the appointment of District Attorneys and Marshals of the United States, in certain courts thereof, and providing that the emoluments of the said attorneys shall, in no case, exceed $3,000. He had since learned that the bill was one of some importance; and he thought that it should, at least, be received and referred to an appropriate committee for examination. Some of the marshals, he was told, received at least $20,000 annually, by way of fees. Such should not be the case. He did not wish the motion to be decided at that time. He then made the motion to reconsider, and moved that the question thereon be postponed till Monday week; which motion was agreed to.

Mr. REED, from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, made some remarks in relation to a memorial from numerous seamen, praying Congress to legislate for their relief, which had been referred to that committee. He said it was a subject which properly belonged to the Committee on Commerce. On his motion, the Committee on Foreign Affairs was discharged from its further consideration, and it was referred to the Committee on Commerce.

This being the day specially set apart for the consideration of the bill to prevent frauds on the revenue, some conversation took place between Messrs. ADAMS, J. W. JONES of Virginia, and BROWN of Tennessee, as to the comparative importance of giving priority to the diplomatic appropriation bill, which had been made the special order of the day for Wednesday, in preference to the hill above; both of which special orders were necessarily postponed, in consequence of the melancholy event which is announced below. The subject was, however, disposed of by

MI. ADAMS, on whose motion the bill to prevent frauds on the revenue was made the special order of the day for Wednes day week.

Mr. HAND rose and said that he asked the indulgence of the House to allow him to offer a resolution calling on the Secretary of War for his plan for the permanent defence of the Northern and Northeastern frontier. Mr. H. said his colleague [Mr. FILLMORE, yesterday offered a resolution of inquiry of the President, but that, as to the defences on our side. he believed embraced only the present "preparations" of our Government. He had also been informed that the Military Committee here sent an inquiry to the Secretary, but that was rather confined to estimates of expenses. Now, Mr. H. desired to see the general plan of the Secretary for our permanent defence. He believed that as to the Western frontier, one had been already submitted, and he was informed that one had been matured for the Northern and Northeastern. That he desired should be communicated to this House, and through it to the nation, that action could be had understandingly, and in any manner that might be thought judicious.

Mr. H. then offered the following resolution, which was read:

Resolved, That the Secretary of War be requested to communicate to this House what works he considers necessary to be constructed in order to place the Northern and Northeastern frontiers in a proper and permanent state of defence.

Mr. THOMPSON of South Carolina was understood to object to the resolution.

Mr. WISE said he yesterday offered a resolution, which he thought no gentleman would have objected to, calling on the Secretary of War to give to the House a connected system of defences for all ourexposed territory. That resolution, how.

ever, was not considered. Now, he apprehended that if we should go to war with Great Britain for the sake of this Aroostook country, that that would not be the point attacked. No; the great point of attack would be the seaboard cities. New York would he struck and laid under contribution; so, also, would New Orleans, Philadelphia, and Boston; and he might be be permitted to say, that with his knoledge of our present means of defence, one single steam frigate, with her gun amid ships, would sink the great ship Pennsylvania with one shot. and that three such steam ships would be sufficient to lay any of our seaboard cities under contribution. It woul! require 11,000 guns to man our fortifications, and we had not, he believed, 1,100. He was for calling on the Secretary of War for a plan for the defence of the whole country, and not for a single portion of it.

Mr. HAND then moved for a suspension of the rules, to enable him to offer his resolution. He did not see how the gentleman from Virginia could have any objection to the introduction of the resolution, as it would be open to amendment.

The question was then taken on suspending the rules, and decided in the affirmative-yeas 98, pays 42, there being twothirds in the affirmative, which were as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Hugh J. Anderson, Atherton, Banks, Beatty, Beirne, Blackwell, Boyd, Aaron V. Brown, Burke, W. 6. Butler, John Campbell, Carter, Casey, Chittenden, Clifford, Colquitt, Conner, Craig, Cranston. Crary, Crockett, Cross, Cushing, Dana, Dickerson, Doan, Doig, Duncan, Earl, Eastman, Ely, Everett, Fillmore, Fine, Fisher, Fletcher, Galbraith, James Garland, Granger, Hall, Hand, John Hastings, Hawkins, Henry, Hillen, Holleman, Holmes, Hook, Hopkins, Howard, Jackson, Joseph Johnson, Nathaniel Jones, John W. Jones, Keim, Kempshall, Leet, Lewis, Lowell, Lucas, McClellan, Mc. Culloch, Mallory, Marvin, Mitchell, Montgomery, Newhard, Ogle, Parish, Parmenter, Paynter, Prentis, Reynolds, Samuels, Shaw, John Smith, Truman Smith, Starkweather. Steenrod, Strong, Stuart, Swearingen, Sweney, Philip F. Thomas, Turney, Underwood, Vanderpoel, Vroom, Peter J. Wagener, Warren, Watterson, Weller, Wick, Jared W. Williams. Henry Williams, Joseph L. Williams, Christopher H. Williams, and Wise-98.

NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Alford, Bell, Bond, Briggs, Brockway, Albert G. Brown, Chapman, Chinn. Coles, Jas. Cooper, Corwin, Crabb, Garret Davis, Dawson, Dillet. Edwards, Rice Garland, Gentry, Giddings, Griffin, Grinnel, Habersham, W. 8. Hastings, Hawes, Charles Johnston, King, McCarty, Nisbet, Palen, Preffit, Randolph, Rariden, Russell, Shepard, Taliaferro, Waddy Thompson, Tillinghast, Triplett, Trumbull, John White, and Lewis Williams-42.

Mr. HAND then submitted his resolution, which was read; and before taking the question on which, however.

A message was received from the Senate by Mr. DICKINS, their Secretary, announcing the death of the Hon. THADDEUS BETTS, late a Senator from Connecticut; which having been read,

Mr. OSBORNE, of Connecticut, then rose and said:

Mr. SPEAKER: The sudden and unexpected death of my distinguished friend, which has just been announced to the House, has filled my heart with grief so overwhelming, that I can hardly trust myself to pay the usual tribute to his memory. He has been taken from his friends, from society, and from the councils of the nation, in the meridian of his usefulness, and the fulness of his intellect.

I cannot here attempt to sketch the character or do justice to the eminent talents and manly virtues of my deceased friend. He was distinguished for acuteness of intellect, vigor of understanding, and soundness of judgment, no less than for the noble ness of his soul and the probity of his life.

The deceased was educated to the profession of law, and was early brought in contact with the most eminent men that have ever adorned the bar of New Eng and. It is sufficient to say that he sustained and distinguished himself among such men as Daggett, Sherman, Smith, and Sherwood.

In all the relations of life, his character was marked with ho nor and integrity. He had filled many important public trusts in his own State, and was at length called to represent her in the higher branch of the National Legislature. Had his life been preserved, he would have become one of its most useful and distinguished members. But Connecticut has again been called to mourn the loss of a distinguished citizen and Senator. Let us bow with submission to the dispensations of Providence.

This is not the place to indulge in private griefs. I will only say, that a wife has lost a husband, children have lost a father, and a wide circle have lost a friend; their only consolation is in the hopes and promises of that religion of which the deceased was, I trust, a sincere professor.

Mr. Or concluded by offering the following resolution:

Resolved, unanimously, That this House will attend the funeral of the Hon. THADDEUS BETTS, late a member of the Senate from the State of Connecticut, to-morrow, at half past 12 o'clock; and as a testimony of respect for the memory of the deceased, will go into mourning, and wear crape for thirty days.

Which was unanimously adopted; when,

On motion of Mr. STORRS, from Connecticut, as a further testimony of respect for the memory of the deceased, The House adjourned till to-morrow morning, at 12 o'clock.

IN SENATE,

WEDNESDAY, April 8, 1840.

The Senate met at 12 o'clock, pursuant to adjournment, for the purpose of attending the funeral obsequ'es of the Hon. THADDEUS BETTS, late a Senator from the State of Connecticut.

The Committee of Arrangements, Pall-bearers, and Mourners, attended at Mr. Hyau's, the late

[Mr. MILLER moved, on the 17th February, that the petitions and papers of the following named persons, citizens of Missou ri, heretofore presented to Congress, and now on the files of the House, be taken therefrom, and referred to the several committees hereafter named, viz: That the petition and papers of Francis Roy, Austin Foy, and John B. Danger, claiming compensation for depredations committed on their property by certain Indians therein named, be taken from the files of the House, and referred to the Committee of Claims; that the peti tion and papers of the heirs of Apollos Cooper, heretofore presented to Congress, claiming seven years' half-pay for his services as a lieutenant in the army of the Revolution, be taken from the files of the House, and referred to the Committee on Revolutionary Claims; that the petition and papers of William Nicholas, asking compensation for two horses lost by him in the year 1815, while in the service of the United States, and heretofore presented to Congress, be taken from the files of the House, and referred to the Committee of Claims: he also begged leave to refer therewith, to the same committee, the affidavit of John Ruland, being additional testimony in support of said claim; that the petition and papers of John Turner, asking compensation for depredations committed on his property by the Sac and Fox Indians, and heretofore presented to Congress, be taken from the files of the House, and referred to the Com mittee of Claims; that the petition and papers of James Watson, asking compensation for depredations committed on his pro perty by certain Indians, be taken from the files of the House, and referred to the Committee of Claims; that the petition and papers of the heirs of Joshua Bishop, praying compensation for depredations committed on the property of the said Bishop by certain Indians, be taken from the files of the House, and referred to the Committee of Claims; that the petition and papers of Samuel Davis, William Brown, and Maston H. Arthur, ask. ing pre-emptions to certain lands therein described, be taken from the files of the House, and referred to the Committee on the Public Lands.]

IIN SENATE,

THURSDAY, April 9, 1840.

The CHAIR submitted a report of the Second Auditor of the Treasury, made agreeably to law, showing the dirbursements or application of moneys, goods, or effects, for the benefit of the Indians, from October 1, 1838, to the 30th of September, 1839; which was read, and ordered to be printed.

Also, a report from the Secretary of War, in compliance with a resolution of the Senate, relative to the application of a mineral solution to the preservation of timber, called "Kyanizing;"

which was laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. LINN presented the petition of Welcome A. Robbins, Thomas J. Robbins, and F. M. Robbins, of Missouri, praying the confirmation of their title to a tract of land; which was referred to the Committee on Private Land Claims.

Mr. L. also presented the petition of Henry H. Duvall and others, citizens of the State of Missouri, praying that William Tripkette may be confirmed in the right of pre-emption to a tract of land; which was referred to the Committee on Private Land Claims, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. L. also presented the petition of a number of citizens of the State of Missouri, praying the establishment of a post route, which was referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. CLAY of Kentucky presented the petition of Chandler Sherwin and Benjamin Campbell, praying the right of pre emption to an island lying in the Mississippi river; which was referred to the Committee on the Public Lands.

Mr. MERRICK presented the memorial of a number of citizens of Washington, in the District of Columbia, praying the recharter of the banks in the city of Washington; which was referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. CLAY of Kentucky presented the petition of Thomas Daniel; which was re erred to the Committee on Miliary Affairs.

Mr. STURGEON presented the petition of John L. Mersereau, praying remuneration for his services as a spy during the Revolutionary war; which was referred to the Committee on Revolutionary Claims.

Mr. BENTON presented the memorial of the officers of the corps of engineers, opposed to the bill to regulate the pay and allowances of the officers of the line and the staff of the army, and praying that the same may not become a law; which was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

Mr. RUGGLES presented resolutions passed by the Legislature of the State of Maine, instructing the Senators, and requesting the Representatives of said State in Congress to use their exertions to procure the passage of an act to make provision for granting indemnity to sufferers by French spoliations upon American commerce, prior to the year 1800; which were laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. R. also submitted a preamble and resolutions of the Legislature of the State of Maine in favor of a general bankrupt law; which were referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. PORTER presented a memorial of a number of citizens of the United States, in favor of establishing a communication between the valley of the Ohio river and the Oregon Territory; which was referred to the Select Committee on the Oregon Territory.

Mr. KING presented the petition of a number of citizens of township 20, range 3 west, in Sumpter county, Alabama, praying to locate a section of land for the use of schools in lieu of one of which they have been deprived; which was referred to the Committee on the Public Lands.

Mr. ALLEN presented a preamble and resolutions passed by the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, instructing the Senators and requesting the Representatives of that State to use their exertions to procure the passage of a law authorizing the sale of the public lands lying adjacent to the lands hitherto granted to that State for the construction of canals; which were referred to the Committee on the Public Lands.

Mr. PHELPS, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, to which was referred the petition of Jubal B. Hancock, made a report thereon, which was ordered to be printed, accompanied by a bill for his relief; which was read, and ordered to a second reading.

Mr. PIERCE, from the Committee on Pensions, to which was referred the petition of Mary Linn, widow of David Linn, made an adverse report thereon; which was ordered to be printed.

Mr. PRESTON, by unanimous consent, asked and obtained leave to introduce a joint resolution authorizing the Committee on the Library to take measures for the importation of the statue of Washington by Greenhow; which was read, and ordered to a second reading.

Mr. KING, from he Committee on Commerce, to which was referred House bill for the relief of Nathan Levy, reported the same without amend

ment.

Mr. SMITH of Indiana, from the Committee on the Judiciary, to which was referred the petition of John Johnston, made an adverse report thereon; which was ordered to be printed.

BANK OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. Mr. MERRICK, from the Committee on the District of Columbia, reported a bill to incorpo rate the Bank of the District of Columbia; which was read,and ordered to a second reading.

[The bill provides, that John P. Van Ness, Thos. Carbery, George Parker, Francis S. Key, John Boyle, William A. Bradley, Thomas Blagden, Benjamin O. Tayloe, William Gunton, John P. Ingle, George Thomas, John Carter, E. M. Linthicum, John Kurtz, Phineas Janey, Henry Dangerfield, and John C. Vowel, shall act as commissioners to receive subscriptions to the stock of the Bank of the District of Columbia, with a capitai of two millions of dollars, divided into shares of fifty dollars each, to be located in the city of Washington, with branches in Georgetown and Alexandria, the charter to expire in 1855. The charters of the present banks of the District are extended until ninety days after the new bank shall go into operation]

Mr. BENTON submitted the following resolu tion:

Resolved, That the Senate will not consider or discuss any bill for the renewal of a bank charter in the District of Columbia, while the said bank refuses to pay specie for its notes and deposites, or circulates notes of any banks so refusing.

Mr. NORVELL submited the following, which was considered and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Committee on Indian Affairs be instructed to inquire into the expediency of making an appropriation of money to enable the President of the United States to negotiate for the extinction of the Indian titles to the residue of the lands in the upper peninsula of Michigan, claimed by the aborigines of that peninsula.

Mr. LINN submitted the following resolution, which was considered and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be requested to send to the Senate all the papers, or copies of papers, in his Department, relating to the claims of James Allen to a pre-emption right n the State of Missouri.

The resolution submitted some days since by Mr. HUBBARD was considered and agreed to. The bill granting to the county of Kalamazoo,in the State of Michigan, the right of pre-emption to a quarter section of land, and for other purposes; and

The bill authorizing the relinquishment of the sixteenth sections granted for the use of schools, and the entry of other lands in lieu thereof, were severally read a third time and passed.

The bill to author ze the President of the United States to raise one thousand five hundred men, to serve against the Florida Indians, was, on motion of Mr. PIERCE, recommitted to the Committee on Military Affairs.

The bill granting to the State of Michigan a quanty of land to aid said State in the construction of a canal around the Falls of St. Marie, coming up on its third reading,

Mr. MERRICK demanded the yeas and nays on its passage.

Mr. CLAY of Kentucky said that this bill had very quietly progressed to its present position, but as yet he had not heard a single word by way of argument in its favor. He would like to hear from the friends of the bill some reason for the grant of this vast quantity of the public domain.

Mr. NORVELL said that if the Senator had been present when the bill was considered in committee, and ordered to be engrossed, he would have heard various reasons adduced in its favor, and

such as appeared satisfactory to all the Senators who were present. He would, however, consent that the bill should be postponed for the present, to give Senators time to make themselves acquainted with its provisions, but would call it up at a very early day.

The bill was then informally passed over.

The bill to revive the act entitled "An act to enable claimants to land within the limits of Missouri and the Territory of Arkansas to institute procce ings to try the validity of their claims," approved the twenty sixth of May, eighteen hundred and twenty-four, and an act amending the same, and extending the provisions of said acts to claimants to land wi hin the States of Louisiana and Mississippi, being taken up as in Committee of the Whole, was discussed by Messis. LINN, GRUNDY, SEVIER, BENTON, MOUTON, KING, CLAY of Kentucky, and HENDERSON; and after various amendments had been adopted, the bill, as amended, was ordered to be printed.

The Senate then went into Executive business,
And afterwards adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
THURSDAY, April 9, 1840.

The journal having been read:

Mr. LINCOLN asked the unanimous leave of the House, in behalf of his colleague, Mr. ABBOT LAWRENCE, still confined to his room by sickness, to submit a communication from the Hon. Thomas H. Perkins of Boston, and a great number of the merchants of Boston and Salem, Massachusetts, interested in the China trade, containing a statement of intelligence recently received from that country, which has not before been made publicly known, with a view to the reference of the communication to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Leave being granted, Mr. LINCOLN presented the communication; and upon his motion, it was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and ordered to be printed.

The SPEAKER announced that the first business in order was the resolution of the gentleman from New York, Mr. HAND, for the introduction of which the rules had been suspended on Tuesday last; but the action on which had been suspended by the annunciation of the death of a member of the other body; which resolution was in the following words:

Resolved, That the Secretary of War be requested to communicate to this House what works he considers necessary to be constructed in order to place the Northern and Northeastern frontiers in a proper and permanent state of defence.

Mr. WISE reqested Mr. HAND to accept, as a substitute therefor, or, if not as a substitute, as a modification, the following resolution offered by Mr. W. on Monday last:

Resolved, That the Secretary of War be, and he is hereby, requested to lay before this House, as soon as practicable, a report of a full and connected system of national defence, embracing steam and other vessels of war, and "floating batteries" for coast and harbor defence; and national foundries, and the internal means auxiliary to these for transportation and other warlike uses by land; and that he be requested to furnish this House with the reports submitted to his Department, at any time, by Major General Edmund P. Gaines, or other person, or persons, of profes sional experience, of their "plans of defence," if any such have been submitted, with the views of the Secretary of War thereon. And that the Secretary furnish an estimate of the expenses of his own and other plans he may report, distinguishing such parts of plans as ought to be immediately adopted and prosecuted, with the probable cost and time of their prosecution and commence

ment.

derstood to be accepted by Mr. HAND as a modifica ion of his.

The question then being on the resolution as modified,

Mr. WISE said that his resolution embraced an entire system of national defence-a system which, it seemed to him, ought to have been entered on long ago. This Government, he would venture to say, in the face of a threatened war, was in the most defenceless condition of any in the world. There was not a power on earth, civilized or barbarous, with a tithe of the physical force which this country could employ, that had not now in active operation more means of defence than we. In fact, our condition was worse than if we had never spent a dollar on our sy stem of fortifications. There was scarcely a fort on our seaboard that was not in a condition to be taken by the enemy, and to be used against ourselves, instead of being a fort for our own defence. He would not now go into the inquiry whose fault it was, from the time that we had the celebrated excitement on the three million appropriation down to this moment, when we stood now in the presence of the British lion himself-he would not now stop to inquire who was to blame for the helpless condition of our country, left, as it was, to the mercy of any foe that possessed maritime power. He would not now stop to comment on the utter, reckless folly of talking of a war with Great Britain about a few pine logs in Maine, when our commerce, our national honor, our lives, and every portion of our frontier, we exposed to British aggression and British bayonets.

Mr. HAND said he had no particular objection to that resolution, as an addition; but the whole plan might not be prepared, and he wished it so passed as to avoid delay. If it was added as a sub. stantive resolution, the Secretary might send that portion relating to the Northern and Northeastern frontier at once.

Mr. WISE then moved his resolution, by way of amendment, as an additional one; which was un

Mr. HAND said, that on this subject he was no alarmist. He well knew the deep injury that our commercial interests might sustain by an exciting and injudicious debate there. All he desired now was, that the House might be fully informed on this important subject.

Mr. WISE. I am no alarmist. I have no idea that there is to be a war. But I go for the necessity of fortifications upon the most liberal scale for a peace establishment.

Mr. HAND said he had not supposed this resolution would interrupt the regular business of the House by debate. The answers to this and the other calls on the President and Departments, and probably the report of the Military Committee, would soon be in, and then would, he thought, be the time for discussion, and he felt constrained again to move the previous question.

Mr. ADAMS appealed to Mr. HAND to withdraw his motion for the previous question. Mr. HAND was understood to insist on his call for the previous question.

Mr. ADAMS said he wished to say a word on this subject, because he found that there was among his own constituents, and among that portion of the people of this country who were now, by the act of God, deprived of the services of their immediate Representative, [Mr. LAWRENCE,] much anxiety in relation to it. He concurred perfectly in the opinion last expressnd by the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. WISE ] He thought that there was not the slightest danger at this moment of a war with Great Britain, nor for years to come. He (Mr. A.) said not for years to come, and he hoped this statement would be reported to his constituents, and to those next to his own district-the people of the city of Boston, who were probably as deeply interested In the preservation of peace with Great Britain as any portion of the people of the United States.

Mr. RHETT rose to inquire of the SPEAKER whether the demand for the previous question was or was not withdrawn?

would do so on the promise of the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. ADAMS] to renew it.

After some confnsion, cries to order, &c. Mr. ADAMS was understood to say that he would renew it, and spoke in substance as follows, (as published in the National Intelligencer.)

He stated, for the benefit of his constituents, and of the immediate neighborhood of his constituents, and of the people of the whole country, that he did not apprehend, in the slightest degree, that there was any immediate danger of a war with Great Britain, or for years to come. And he founded this opinion on two things: In the first place, he founded it on the message of the President of the United States at the commencement of the present session, in which he (Mr. A.) thought there was not a single word of recommendation to the people to prepare themselves for that great and terrible conflict which must ensue whenever we came in conflict with Great Britain. From the day he saw that message, he concluded in his own mind that there was uo danger of a war with Great Britain. And why? Because he was sure that, if the President of the United States himself had the slightest apprehension of danger of an immediate or early collision, it would have been wrong in him not to have recommended very strong and extensive preparations for that event. When, after that message was delivered, he (Mr. A.) saw weeks upon weeks pass away under an apprehension on the part of the citizens of the United States and of many of the members of this House that there was danger of war; when he saw the correspondence which had taken place (and which had from time to time been communicated to Congress) between the Secretary of State and the British Minister here-he confessed he had waited to see on what ground it was that the President of the United States had concluded that there was not the slightest danger of a collision with Great Britain at present..

Mr. HAND was understood to say he had not withdrawn.it.

Mr. ADAMS regretted, he said, that the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. RHETT] was unwilling to hear that there was no danger of a war with Great Britain. The previous question had been withdrawn, and he hoped he would not be again interrupted.

Mr. RHETT. The gentleman from New York [Mr. HAND] says he has not withdrawn the demand for the previous question.

Mr. HAND said he had not withdrawn it, but

ence.

When the last correspondence was communi cated to the Senate-and when a gentleman, the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs in this House [Mr. PICKENS] Sounded the alarm-an alarm which had pervaded the whole country-he [Mr. A.] felt a degree of concern and apprehen sion himself, not then having seen the correspondBut the very next morning he saw it; and, in the last letter from the Secretary of State to the British Minister, he saw the grounds upon which the President had come to such a conclusion, and very safely come to it. That correspondence, as all must have observed, has been of an irritating character. There was anger, passion, feeling, upon both sides; and the community and many members of Congress, seeing these expressions of irritation, probably came to the conclusion, unneces arily as he thought, that there was danger of an immediate collision.

He, as soon as he saw the last letter of the Secretary of State, became satisfied that there was no such danger; for, in the very heat and tempest of the passion, the Secretary of State broke off, and said that, from the day on which the President of the United States entered upon the duties of his station, he had determined that, in the event of the two parties not being able to come to an understanding by means of their negotiations, he would propose a reference of the great question at issue, for the second time, to a third party. To this the very natural reply of the British Minister was, that this was a new proposition, which he could only communicate to his Government, as he would immediately do. And that was the position in which the matter now stood. One of two things must be: either there was a proposition already on the part of Great Britain to accept a proposition heretofore made on the part of the Government of the United States-and that, of course, would necessarily prevent collision,-or the Government of Great Britain must determine whether it would accept of this proposition for a reference. Now, he said that the Government of Great Britain could not refuse this proposition; and when the question was referred to a third power, we should have no war from that time forward until at any rate the arbitrators had come to a decision, which would take years. There was one other possibility which might in

duce collision; which was, that, while these negotiations were going on, the British Government might continue to encroach on the territory of the United States as they were doing, and had been doing ever since this matter had approached to the appearance of hostility between the two countries. This was possible-nay, probable. On the other hand, we had, on the part of the people of Maine, manifestations of a spirit not to submit, for any great length of time, to these continual encroachments-partially denied-partially, so to speak, prevaricated away in the correspondence between the British Minister and the Secretary of State; but still going on in the disputed territory, in which the British authorities might continue to advance until they bad all they claimed, and proba bly a great deal more. It remained for the people of Maine to decide whether they would submit to it or not. He believed they would submit to these encroachments, and that there would be no act on the part of this Government to sustain or support them if they did not submit. He gave warning to the Representatives from Maine and Massachusetts in this House that the people of Maine would submit so long as it pleased the Government of Great Britain to pursue them under this course of negotiation to be resumed by a second reference. He presumed, however, that many of the Representatives of the State of Maine understood the feelings of their people better than he did.

Mr. A. then alluded to the course of the Government of Maine during the last spring-against which, Mr. A. said, he would not at the time consent to the adoption of any proposition which even by imputation could cast censure upon the Governor for his conduct. But, more recently, he (Mr. A.) had seen evidences of an exceedingly cool and tame spirit coming from the State of Maine. He did not mean to say this was not very proper under the circumstances of the times; but he had satisfied himself that there was no sort of danger to be apprehended from any act of the people of that State. The Legislature of Maine declared at that time that if the Government of the United States did not take the matter up, they would do justice to themselves. Now they declared that if the British went on encroaching there, and prevaricating here, as they had done and were doing, they would call on the Government of the United States to protect them.

Mr. SMITH of Maine. What else, sir, did they say that if the General Government did not prolect them, they would protect themselves?

Mr. A. said, all he intended to say was what he did not think any member from Maine would contradict, that, in the event of a second reference to a third power, the people of Maine would not commence a war with Great Britain; if any one did contradict it, let the two statements be put side by side.

Mr. A. SMITH said it was not his feeling, nor the feeling of the people of Maine, that this question should be again submitted to a reference in the manner or at all under the terms upon which it was submitted by a former Administration.

Mr. ADAMS said the gentleman was very cautious in his declaration that the people would not submit to another reference. He (Mr. A) declared they would submit to it, and he said that they ought to submit to it in case the event should come: and one of his chief motives in addressing the House at this time was to say that he approved entirely of this determination on the part of the President of the United States. He thought the Chief Executive of this country was authorized to make such a reference, and he was gratified to find such a determination had been formed; for nothing could be more effectual in preventing that collision which many of them, and he among the number, were so apprehensive of. He believed it was the most pacific and conciliatory course which could have been determined upon; for that reason he approved of it, and it would be approved by the whole of the civilized race of mankind.

It came

precisely to that point in reference to which so many petitions had been brought into this House, and to which he wished the House had paid more attention that was to say, a general principle which, by the force of public opinion, should com

pel all Governments in the world to resort to this pacific mode of settling difficulties rather than by a resort to war. The two nations-the British people and the people of the United States-he might say unanimously, for he scarcely believed there was a man but who deprecated a war between the two nations-all deprecated a resort to war. The reference of the question to arbitrators was an honorable mode of proceeding; no nation could refuse to adopt such a course. The British Government, he maintained, must compulsively, whether they would or not, accept the proposition; and if not compelled, they would do it from motives of policy; and therefore he concluded there was no danger of a war. The only doubt he could entertain would be that the people of Maine, in the impatience and impetuosity which they must naturally feel for their own interests and their own rights, might, by their own indiscretion, commence hostilities. He did not, however, apprehend such an event, nor did he still believe that any member would rise and say that there was danger of war from that source.

it.

Mr. SMITH of Maine said he had listened with profound attention to the remarks of the venerabie gentleman from Massachusetts, touching a question of absorbing interest to the people of Maine, and he confessed his inability to comprehend them. Mr. S. was so unfortunate as to misapprehend the tenor of those remarks, or they embraced propositions wholly inconsistent with each other. The gentleman had said, that, when this question was agitated in the last Congress, and the conduct of the Government of Maine, in calling out the military force of the State to repel the invaders of her soil, was the subject of animadversion, he had been among the foremost to defend the course which Maine had pursued. He had not suffered the slightest reproach to be cast upon her. Maine had done precisely as she should have done under the circumstances. There was a palpable invasion of her territory, and she had acted nobly in repelling But the gentleman seems now to think that the peace of the country may be preserved, if Maine, by some act of indiscretion and rash. ness, do not disturb it. The territory of the State, solemnly and repeatedly declared to be so by the National Government-known to be so by Great Britain herself-was now in the occupation of foreign troops. The soil of Maine, the gentleman from Massachusetts declares, is, at this moment, encroached by British troops, and that such encroachment will be continued and persisted in by Great Britain, and quietly submitted to by the United States, unless the people or Government of Maine, by some act of indiscretion or rashness, intercept our peaceable relations with that country! And the gentlemen tells us furthermore, that the proper course to adjust the question, is to propose another reference, which he says Great Britain will not and cannot refuse, and which it will take years to bring it to an issue-and he then tauntingly gives notice to the people of Maine, that although pending this reference, the encroachments of England will be continued, they must and will quietly and peaceably submit to them, and that any resistance on their part will be rash and indiscreet, and tend to involve the country in a war!

Mr. S. repelled this idea of passive obedience and non-resistance on the part of Maine. There had been nothing in the course of her Government to justify it. Mr. S. called upon the gentleman from Massachusetts to point out the "tame spirit" of which he pretended to have seen recent evidence in that State. The resolutions very lately adopted by her Legislature were, in letter and spirit, wholly at variance with tameness or servility. And Mr. S. assured the gentleman from Massachusetts, and the country, that no attachment to party would be suffered to swerve the people of that State from a persevering and determined maintenance of their constitutional and unalienable rights.

But the gentleman from Massachusetts, who came forward so honorably to sustain the military opera. tions of Maine, in the last Congress, upon the ground that they were justifiable, seems now to think that a similar course on her pait would be rash and indiscreet, and

that

it is her duty to submit to the continued encroach

ments of England for years to come. Mr. S. was wholly unable to comprehend the distinction between an invasion of Maine last year, and a mili. tary occupation the present year. And he assured the gentleman that the people of Maine would not understand it. The same regard for the honor of their State for the integrity of its territory-for their own character as American citizens-which prompted the people of Maine to resist and repel the invasion of her soil upon a former occasion, still existed. They had the same distinguished gentleman at the head of the Government; and the people of this country might be assured that he would never permit the State over which he presided to be disgraced by foreign encroachments. The gentleman from Massachusetts had spoken in high terms of that functionary. Mr. S. expressed hs thanks to the gentleman for the just manner in which he had spoken of the Governor of Maine. As a Representative of the people of that State, and as a personal friend of that distinguished indi vidual, he tendered him his unfeigned thanks,

Mr. S. had the fullest assurance that the rights of Maine were duly regarded by the National Administration. He had never doubted the disposition of the Executive to extend the protection of the nation over the entire territory of that State; and he had unshaken confidence in the patriotism of the people of the whole country to sustain the Government in every measure necessary for the accomplishment of that purpose. He dd not agree with the gentleman from Massachusetts in regard to the tone of the correspondence last communicated to Congress between the Secretary of State and the British Minister. He considered the letter of the Secretary, in reply to the British Minister, an able, dignified, and statesmanlike paper, and a most triumphant vindication of the rights of Maine, and the action of her Government in regard to the boundary question, and, at the same time, evinced the full determination of the Government of the nation to sustain and defend them. It was such a paper as was to have been expected from the source from which it emanated.

The gentleman from Massachusetts had spoken of a reference as the proper mode of adjusting and finally sett ing this vexed question. In regard to that matter, Mr. S. believed he expressed the views of the whole people of Maine, when he stated that they would never consent to a reference in the manner, and under the terms, upon which the question was referred under a former Administration. But Maine had set up no claim to territory, the justice of which she was not willing to submit to the strictest scrutiny. She was willing that the line designated by the treaty of 1783, between her territory and the British provinces, should be run and marked, and finally settled by disinterested and scientific individuals, who should be required to go upon the territory with the treaty, and perform this service. To such a reference, Mr. S. believed Maine would not object. Any other, instituted upon terms which would render a just decision less certain, she would most strenuously resist.

Mr. W. THOMPSON said that the information sought in the resolution had been communicated informally to the Committee on Military Affairs, and that it was now before that committee for the purpose of being acted upon. He was understood to say that he thought the best plan would be to have the matter referred to the committee, that they might report upon it, and that the whole might be printed. Still, however, he would not raise any special objection to the adoption of the resolution.

Mr. T. then proceeded to make some remarks on the question to which the resolution looked. He thought there was no reason for this haste. He would say that the conduct of the General Government in regard to Maine met his entire approval. He was rejoiced to hear the remarks of the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. ADAMS;) Speaking out as all would have expected him to do, not only with the spirit and manliness of an American patriot, but with the wisdom of an American statesman. He (Mr. T.) had not recenly believed there was any danger of war, though he did believe so at the last session of Congress. He believed that in the condition in which the

Mr. T. was not disposed to act upon the matter of fortifications now, at all events. If there was to a be a war, or a reasonable chance of a war-if there was one chance in one thousand that would justify putting the country in a condition to meet it, we could not arm too speedily nor too closely. If not, we could not spend too li t'e in that way, for Sat we had too little to spend. And if, when advices had been received from England, they should not be altogether pacific, and such as would justify the the confident anticipation of peace, he was then ready to arm the country, not so much on the point of danger as of national honor. He was not willing to treat with Great Britain while British bayonets Brand British fortifications were scattered along the whole line of our coast; he desired to treat with arms in his hands. But he was not disposed to accelerate that state of things, or to create additional fever temper in relation to this question. Six months would put us in a condition to resist any aggression; nay, he believed we might resist it without any fortifications at all. We had, thank God, the same means which enabled General Jackson to meet the enemy on the plains of Louisiana. We had the same means of protection-the same stout hearts and strong hands in the freemen of this country.

Mr. T. repelled the idea of invasion of the Ame#rican soil, and insisted that we had already fortifications which, for a very little money, and in a few weeks, would put the country in a condition successfully to resist at ack. This led to some crossquestioning between Mr. T. and Mr. WISE, as to the state of the fortifications of the country. After which, Mr. HAND moved the previous question.

2

And there was a second.

And the main question was ordered to be now taken; and, being taken, was decided in the affir

mative.

So the resolution, as modified, was adopted.

The SPEAKER laid before the House a report from the Secretary of the Treasury, in relation to the condition of the banks of the United States; which, on motion of Mr. JONES, of Virginia, was laid on the table and ordered to be printed.

Mr. JONES also moved that 2,000 copies extra be printed; which motion lies over, under the rule. 2. Letter from the Second Auditor's office of the Treasury Department, transmitting copies of such accounts as have been rendered by persons charged or interested with the disbursement or application of moneys, or goods, or effects, for the benefit of the Indians, from the 1st of October, 1838, to the 30th of September, 1839, inclusive, &c.

On motion of Mr. DAVIS of Indiana, referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

The SPEAKER also laid before the House a communication in relation to the New Jersey contested election; which, on motion of Mr. CAMPBELL of South Carolina, was referred to the Committee of Elections.

Mr. BOND rose and asked leave of the House to make a personal explanation. And leave was granted; which explanation is copied from the Intelligencer, as follows:

[The following remarks were written out by Mr. BUND, the Reporter not having heard them with

sufficient accuracy even to attempt a report of

them. Personal explanations, at the best, are difficult and dangerous things for Reporters to meddle with and are becoming insuperably so.]-Nat. Int. Mr. BOND rose, and after addressing the Chair, said: I beg permission of the House, before proceeding with the business of the day, to allow me a few moments for a matter of personal explanation. It relates to an account of a debate in which I partic pated last Thursday, and which is published in the Globe of Saturday evening. I intended on Tuesday morning, as the same subject would then have come up for consideration, to ask this permission; but the melancholy event of that day postponed all business until this moment.

I will first use this occasion to say that I never expected to be truly represented in the Globe. Independent of the constant habit of that paper to traduce me, I have long since incurred the displea sure of one of its Reporters here by calling the attention of this House, in 1838, to the abuse of pub. lic patronage in suffering him to absent himself from his place in one of the Departments, in which he held the office of a clerk. The account of the debate, as given in the Globe, suppresses much that I said, and represents me as first introducing in the debate the character and veracity of the Editors of the Ohio Statesman.* It was my purpose to be

The Reporter for the Globe regrets that he is again under the necessity of intruding himself on the public in self-defence. Mr. BOND of Ohio has not only assailed the correctness of his report, but his motives; and attributes what he calls a "garbled report," to the displeasure he had incurred of one of the Globe's reporters. Now, the Reporter who is particularly assailed, is under the necessity of taking issue with Mr. BOND di rectly on this point. How does the member know that he has incurred the displeasure of the humble individual he thus thoughtlessly charges with improper motives? Is he conscious of having done the Reporter wrong, or has he any acquaint tance with him, or knowledge of his character, directly or indirectly, which warrants the belief that he harbors vindictive er illiberal feelings? The Reporter assures Mr. BOND, and every gentleman of the Opposition party, that he has no desire to misrepresent them, and that he cannot possibly see what advantage it would be to him, or to his party, to do so. Anxious to retain the reputation of a faithful reporter of debates, which he believes that he has earned by many years of painful toil in the other hall of the legislative body, the Reporter strives, according to his best ability, to give to the public a faithful account of what passes in the House of Representatives. He does not pretend to give a verbatim report of every thing that is said in the discursive debates which so often occur. If he had as many hands as BRIAREUS he could not do it; and though gentlemen have a right to expect of him, in writing out their set speeches, to report them as nearly verbatim as possible, neither they nor the public would be served by setting down, word for word, every political skirmish that takes place. And now to the matter of which Mr. BOND particularly com plains. The Reporter declares, most solemnly, that he had no intention to do that gentleman wrong, or to misrepresent him before the public. He believes now-and the very statement of Mr. BOND bears him out in it-that he reported, in substance, every material idea he advanced, and he did not pretend to do more. It is readily admitted that Mr. BOND did get up before Mr. MASON, and pronounce the statement read by Mr. WATTERSON, from the Ohio Statesman, to be false. But this omission was wholly without any design, and cannot possibly convey a wrong impression, for it is stated in the report that Mr. MASON and Mr. ROND both contradicted it. In the remarks attributed to Mr. BOND, as well as to his colleague, if there are any ideas conveyed that are not correct, the Reporter will cheerfully insert the correction; but he does not understand that any such charge is made. Indeed, if there was any fault at all in the brief sketch of Mr. BOND's remarks, it was in softening the harsh language he used; and they who believe in the truth of that Scripture, "blessed are the peace makers," will hardly censure the Reporter for that venial error. With regard to the remarks of Messrs. MEDILL and WELLER, they are correct in substance, though they may not be literally the words used. These gentlemen being satisfied, no one else has a right to complain.

An explanation is now necessary in relation to a further charge made by Messrs. BOND and GRAVES, that one of the Reporters for the Globe being a clerk in one of the public offices,is permitted to absent himself from his duties during the session of Congress, drawing his salary at the same time. A few words, it is believed, will be sufficient to satisfy others, if not these two gentlemen, that in this transaction there is nothing wrong, and that no injury has accrued to the public service in consequence

content with pronouncing the article from that paper giving an account of the Whig Convention at Columbus as false and groundless. My colleague, [Mr. MEDILL,] in speaking of the Editors of that paper, said he had never heard their veracity questioned. It was in answer to this that I felt obliged to introduce the name of one of them, and state what I had seen published about him.

And when I spoke of one hundred and sixty lies appearing in one part of that statement, it was also in answer to what my colleague [Mr. MEDII L] had said when he selected, as an evidence of the truth of the article, the names of the delegates to that convention from Muskingum county. I had seen it stated in a paper printed in that county, that the article in question contained one hundred and sixty lies in reference to those delegates, and so I stated to the House. But I wish to call the attention of my colleague to what he is represented as having said on the occasion.

Mr. BOND here read several passages from the Globe, and then proceeded. I desire my colleague to say whether he used this language, or these ideas.

Mr. MEDILL said he would answer when his cclleague had finished his remarks.

Mr. BOND observed that he desired to treat his colleague with perfect respect; but wished his an

swer now.

Mr. MEDILL said, that if his colleague preferred he should answer now, he had certainly no objections to do so. With the order or arrangement

of the debate, as reported in the Globe, he had nothing to do, nor was he prepared to say whether it was correct or not. He had not heard the remarks of his colleague, [Mr. MASON,] and was satisfied that his colleague [Mr. BOND] had spoken last, although he might also have commenced the debate. Much allowance should be made for the Reporters, when there is any noise or confusion in the House, and if they succeed in giving the substance of what is said, there is no cause of complaint. He would not undertake to say at this length of time whether his own remarks, made on the occasion, were given verbatim er no', nor would he now stop to tax his recollection, or that of his friends, to ascertain the fact. He made no immaterial issues. had only to say to his colleague, that until the language employed towards an absent citizen of his own State, and which prompted their utterance at the time, was withdrawn, he endorsed them precisely as reported, and held himself re ponsible ac cordingly.

He

of it. Oowing to the impossibility of Messrs. BLAIR and RIVES procuring a competent Reporter, the individual who is now serving them in that capacity, out of a sincere desire to serve them, as well as to contribute all in his power towards the dis semination of correct intelligence, was induced to apply to the head of the office in which he served, General WHITCOMB, for a furlough during the session of Congress. This permission has been granted for the two or three sessions past, but a'. ways on the condition of putting a competent clerk in the place thus temporarily vacated. At the commencement of this ses. sion, General WHITсоMB granted the furlough with great reluctance; and it was only on ascertaining, to his entire satisfaction, that the duties of the station were in such a condition that a new clerk could discharge them, that he granted it. So far from the Reporter absenting himself from his duties while they are unperformed, or he, or Messrs. BLAIR and RIVES, de. riving any pecuniary benefit from the transaction, the contrary is the fact. A clerk who writes a rapid and beautiful hand, and who is every way competent, has been appointed to fill the va cated situation for the sesssion of Congress; and this clerk has received, for each and every month, one hundred dollars in spe. cie, the whole amount of the salary attached to the office, BLAIR and RIVES paying the Reporter a higher salary. Ample proof of these facts the Reporter is ready to show to any one who wishes to see it. It may be asked what object the Reporter has in undertaking a laborious and thankless employ. ment, besides the increase of pay he receives from BLAIR and RIVES. He answers, a grateful sense of benefits received, which never can be forgotten while his heart continues to beat. BLAIR and RIVES gave him employment when he was in dis tress, and with it they gave him double the compensation he re ceived from his former employers, since which time he has re. ceived every evidence of their friendship and confidence.

April 1 1840.

LUND WASHINGTON, Jr.