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party. There was no sufficient cause for war; and he took occasion to say, that so far as he was in: formed, the opinions both of the Administra'ion party, and of the party with which he acled, were that war was to be be avoi 'ed so long as it could be done without compromitting the rights and honor of the nation. The Senate had solemnly expressed the opinion that the question of right was with us, and all parties, every individual of those parties, so far as their views had been expressed, seemed determined to obtain for Maine, by some of those modes by which national righ's are assorted, a full and absolute possession of all the territory within her rightful limits. But he must say that there were two modes of arriving ai this result. One was by negotiation, and the other was by war; and these questions were to be decided by the united voice of the whole country, and by the Executive branch of the Government, as the case may be, and not to be decided by the voice of one single member of the Confederacy. If the honor of the country is assailed, the councils of the whole country must determine as to the manner and time of vindicating it. He would take occasion to say for the benefit of the Senator from Maine, and the whole people of Maine, that whilst he believed them to be as valorous and as enlightened as any people in the Union, he was not inclined to confide in their judgment as to declaring war, and the period at which this last resort may become necessary. If Maine expects the Government of this country to secure her righ's, she must confide to the Government of this coun ry the whole agency in settling the controversy. If it is to be done by negotiation, it must be left to the Executive and his constitutional advisers. I( it is to be by war, it should be left to that department of the Government to which the power of declaring war is confided by the Constitution. In saying all this, he meant nothing in condemnation of ihe state of feel. ing that had been evinced by the people of Maine. Justice was with her, and he sympathized with her natural feelings on this subject. He: claims had unfortunately too long been delayed; bui, notwithstanding that, he said that this Government alone should conduct the negotiation, and if war became necessary, decide upon the time and magner of commencing it. He could not, however, believe that this last resort would be necessary. There were two securities which we had for the continuance of peace. The first sucurily was that Great Britain, enlightened as her councils were, must perceive, what we know, that the right was with us; that she had no claim; and after being sa'isfied with these facts, upon an examination of the necessary information, wiil ultimately concede the right ie us. But let me suppose, continued Mr. C. that she does Dot. Let me suppose that, after investigation, she comes to the clear c'aviction to which we have arrived, that the right is with her; that the territory in dispute, according to the treaty of 1783, is within her limits. What, then, will he the case pre. sented before the world? Two enlightened nations coming to different conclusions on the same testimony, and unable to agree. What, then, are to be the consequences? Is war, that calamity which every lover
of humanity must deprecate, the only alternative? No, sir. Toere is another: there is a subsisting treaty stipulation contained in the treaty of Ghent, by which this question is to be left to the decision of an im. partial tribunal, in the event that the two countries cannot settle it themselves. I say there is a trea'y stipulation still subsisting; aod how do I make it out? It may be alleged that the ma'ter having boen once commitled to the umpirage of a third party, and that party having given an award, the stipulation in the treaty was fulfilled, and it was no longer in force. Not so. There was an attempt at arbitration, through the instrumentality of the King of Holland; but it was an abortion-a failureihe King did not setile the question; both parties acknowledged that he did not, and the treaty remains in full force, binding the parties to refer this ques:ion, if unable to settle it" amicably themselves, 10 an impartial tribunal. But, putting the treaty out of the question, suppose there was no such stipulation, and that the two partias having brought their minde to the conclusion that the right was with
each, were determined to persist on it. Sooner than resort to war, with all its calam ties, both par ties should agree to arbitration; and I say that Eng. land, if she will not concede the right 10 us, must yield the point at is-ue to arbitration. Though this course may be altended with delay-hough Maine may not arrive at the possession of her territory as soon as she wishes, yel she had infinitely better wait the movements of two great nations, than that they should be involved in war. When we come lo deciding on the question of war, all other means of settling the controversy having failed, that question is to be decided by ihe united wisdom of all, in reference to the condition of the whole country, in reference to the other interes's of Maine besides the interest in question, and in reference to the probable issue of the controversy.
In relation to the military preparations of the Brilish in the Canadas, of which the Senator spoke, Mr. C. said, they gave him no cause for alarm. England was the weaker power-she was preparing against invasion from us; but did we apprehend invasion from the Canadas? He did not agree with the Senator that our state of preparation was so defective; for, with the exception of one or two points on the Atlantic, where some additional delence was wanted, no preparation was necessary. When gentlemen talked of our want of preparation, he did not agree with them. What! wiih fifteen or sixteen millions of free people, with their unquestioned valor, their love of country, combined with their means of transportation, and their war. like resources, to say that the country is unprepared! We are, said Mr. C. ten thousand times better prepared for war to-morrow with Great Brilain-hough not so much so, in all respects, as he could wish-we are infinitely better prepared than we were at a former period-on the ocean, as on the land, on the lakes as well as the bays; and then we came out of the contest with honor. The cogstruction of the great New York canal, our railroads, our population pres:ing up against the boundary line-all these are advantages which we did not possess in the last war. No preparation! Sir, we have the best preparations that ever a country boasted of: we have sixteen millions of freemen, with slout arms and bold hearts, who sland ready to vindicate the rights of their country. As io the preparations of England in the Canadas, let her go on with ihr m—let her bring her troops over, whether to quell insurrections among her cwn people or to guard against invasion from our side of the line—that would never, for a moment, give him the slightest uneasiness. Whenever the honor of the country, by an injury inflicted on a single member of it, may require us 10 resort to a war, though the beginning of it may be attended with a few disasters, he had no appre. hension but, after a few months, we may be able to impress on England the temerity of forcing us into this aller native.
He entirely concurred with the report. He believed that it was the sincere desire of the Adminis. tration party to preserve the peace of the country, and it had been a matter of serious inquiry with him to ascertain their views. If there was a criminal party in this country, who, for their own sinister views, desired a war, he did not believe that the Administration party gave them the slightest countenance. This he must say as an act of justice. The committee were unanimous in adopt. ing this report. What did it tell you? Why, that the negotiations were going on, and were in the hands of those constitutionally entrusted with il; and that within a reasonable period, we might expect an answer to our last proposition, till when it did not become us to take any further action on the subject. Mr. C. after alluding to the various causes wbich might reasonably be supposed to de. lay the action of the British Ministry, concluded by saying that his only object ia rising, was to defend the report, and not to say any thing on the question of printing. He did not think the printing of the extra copies necessary, as the report would be circulated through the newspapers.
Mr. RUGGLES rose but to say a word in explanation. The honorable Senator from Ken. tueky (Mr. Clay) had expressed satistaction that he (Mr. R.) had said he was not for war. Н.
could not let the remark pass without a little quali fication. He was for peace, if peace could be pres served consistently with the rights and honor of th country. If not, then he was ready for the alter native. He said he would add a word in respect to submitting the matier in controversy to arbitra tion. He did not mean to discuss, at this time, the right of this Government to refer the question an arbiter without the assent of Maine, and agaio ber prot-station; but he would remind the Senator that Maine had, over and over again, by her L gislature, declared her opinion that the Federa Government had not the constitutional power, an ought not to jeopard her rights by a submission o them to abitrators without her as ent. That op nion had been so strongly enter'a aed by Maine that he felt, in some sort, instrucled upon the point, and could not yield it. But he saw no 0 casion for discussing that question now. He ferred to writers on the laws of nations who mall tained fully that no nation could be called upon submil to ihe ampirage of others, a clear and inde bilable right, which she was justified in claims as such. But be would not pursue the subject.
Mr. CLAY of Kentucky, in reply, said, eball did not express the opinion that ihis Goverome had claimed the right to refer this question to arba tration; but he expressed, as his unqualifiel op nion, ibat ibis Government had the undoubis right to refer the question 10 arbitration, withou consulting Maine.
The question was then taken, and the motion priot ten thousand extra copies of the report wa agreed to.
Mr. MERRICK, from the Committee on i District of Columbia, reporled a joint resolutio authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to pu chase for the United States the banking-house the old Bank of Alexandria, and to credit the deb due hy said bank for the amount of the purcha: money: read, and ordered to a second readiog.
On motion by Mr. MERRICK, the bill for i corporating the Bank of the District of Columbi
On motion by Mr. TAPPAN, the various bil respecring banking corporations in the District, were made the special order of the day for be? Monday two weeks.
Mr. CLAY of Alabama, from the Commis on the Public Lands, to whom was referred to resolutions of the Legislature of the State of M sissippi in relation to the relinquishment and a change of the sixteenth sections, reserved for the use of schools, moved that the committee be di charged from the furiher consideration thereof, ar that the same be laid on the table, for the reas that a bill had already been repored on the subjecThis motion was agreed 10.
Oa motion by Mr. CLAY of Alabama, the sag committee was also discharged from the furib consideration of Ihree several memorials from u State of Alabama; one from the General Assemb of that State, asking for the extension of the rig of pre-emption; and two from citizens of the Star asking for the establishment of an additional lai office in the Cherokee country, for the sale of u lands lately acquired from those Indians. Mr. said that bills having been reported on these su jects, he would move to lay the memorials on i table, after discharging the committee from the This motion was agreed to.
On motion by Mr. CLAY of Alabama, the sar committee was also discharged from the forth consideration of the memorial of the Lake Sup rior Fishing and Mining Company of the State Michigan, praying to be allowed the right of wo! ing the mineral lands belonging to the Uolled Sta along the southern shore of Lakel Superior in 1 said State; which was agreed to.
Mr. HUBBARD, from the the Committee Claims, reported a bill for the relief of J. H. Reli which was read, and ordered to a second readio and the report was ordered to be printed.
Mr. H. from the same committee, made a verse reports on the bills from the House fort relief of John Howe and Chauncey Calhou and also made an adverse report on the petite of Abner L. Duncan.
Mr. FULTON, from the Committee on Pa
He said that all i's members, with the exception of one, had conourred in the report; and nat a minority report would be presented to the House.
Mr. WISE objected.
Mr. JOHNSON moved a suspension of the rules, and the question was taken by count; and there being ayes 79, noes 40, and no quorum voting,
Mr. BELL said he presumed the object of the chairman was to get the report printed, and that it would not give rise to debale.
Mr. JOHNSON replied that the report was & voluminous one, and that debate would not take place until its contents were known to the House. The object was merely to let both reports be received, and have them printed. He presumed there could be no debale on a motion to print.
Mr. WISE gave notice that he would debate it the moment it touched the CLERK's table.
Mr. PETRIKIN alsu gave notice that he would debate it.
Mr. JOHNSON again moved a suspension of the rules, and called for the yeas and nays on that motion; which were ordered, and were-ayes 128,
io Lands, reported a bill for the relief of Henry Wilis which was read, and ordered to a second realing,
Mr. F. on leave, introduced a bill for the relief of Richard K. Cali; which was read twice, and referred.
The joint resolution directing the Committee on the Library to take measures for the importation and erection of the s'atue of Washington by Greenhough;
The bill for the relief of Clements, Bryan and Company;
The bill for the relief of George W. Paschall; The bill for the relief of Margaret Barnes; and
The bill to revive the act entitled “An act to enable claimants of land within the limits of Missouri and the Territory of Arkansas to institute proceedings to try the validity of their claims,” approved the twenty-sixth day of May, eighteen aundred and twenty-four, and an act amending the same, and extending the provisions of said acis to claimants to land within the State of Louisiana and Mississippi; were severally read a third time and passed.
The bill granting to the State of Michigan a quantity of land to aid said State in the construction of a cabal around the falls of St. Marie, was taken up on its third reading, and was opposed by Messrs. CLAY and CRITTENDEN, and advo. cated by Messrs. NORVELL and PORTER, and after some further remarks by Messrs. ALLEN and TAPPAN, amendments were offered by Messrs. WHITE and HENDERSON, and the fariher consideration of the bill was postponed apul to-morrow.
The bill for the relief of James Dutton;
The bill for the relief of Peter Warner of Indana; and
A bill for the relief of Samuel White; were considered as in Committee of the Whole, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
Mr. KING, from the Committee on Commerce, to wbich was referred the bill relative to the run steamer, the New Jersey, reported the same with an amendment; which was agreed to.
The bill was then, on motion by Mr. K. taken op as in Committee of the Whole, considered, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. Oa motion by Mr. HUBBARD, it was
Ordered, That Friday and Saturday next be devoted to the consideration of private bills, and the reports of commillees on private bills. The Senate then adjourned.
posed of the bill No. 8, making appropriations for ihe civil and diplomatic expenses of Government, and that the said special order be then taken up and considered as though no postponement thereof bad been made.
Mr. R. GARLAND, before the adoption ou une resolution, wished to present the report of the minority of that committee on the other branch of the subject referred to that committee.
Mr. DROMGOOLE inquired of the CHAIR, (there being two special orders,) which took precedence, and whether the civil and diplomatic bill did not, as a matter of course, override and postpone the special order relating to the printing.
The CHAIR replied that Speaker STEVENSON had decided that the special order first made took priority. The subject of printing was the first special order, and would therefore take precedence.
Mr. R. GARLAND again presented his report from the minority.
Mr. CONNER objected to the reception of the report from the minority, until ihe chairman of the committee should be present, and make the report of the committee. It would be very irregular to receive the views of the minority, until it done. He had no objection, further than that it would be unprecedenied, until the majority's report was received. The chairman gave notice, on yesterday, that he would be prepared to report to-day, and he hoped the subject would be delayed till he was present.
Mr. DROMGOOLE protested against all the proceeding, as out of order, while the resolu'ion of ihe gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Jones] was pending.
Mr. BLACK, at this stage of the proceeding, made his appearance, and said, when the subject came up, he was prepared to report.
The CHAIR inquired of the gentleman whether he wished to make the report.
Mr. BLACK said he was under the impression that the appropriation bill took precedence.
The CHAIR informed him oherwise.
Mr. LEET said if both branches of the commit. tee were prepared to report, he would suggest that both reports be received, and ordered to be printed; and that the question be then taken on the resolution to posipone. Accordingly,
Mr. BLACK, chairman of the committee, reported the views of the majority; which was ordered to be printed.
Mr. GARLAND of Louisiana, from the same committee, reported the views of the minority, accompanied by a bill.
Mr. DROMGOOLE objected to the minority reporting any bill; they had no right by the rules to do so-il was'unprecedented.
Mr. R. GARLAND intimated that he would withdraw the bill, and present a series of resolu. tions, lo effect the same object, to accompany the report.
Mr. BLACK said the commillee had authorized no bill to be reported; and he objected to it as upuqual and irregular.
The report was received and ordered to be printed; but the bill accompanying it was undersiood not to be received; but by courtesy ordered to be printed.
The resolution offered by the chairman of Ways and Means (Mr. Jones, of Va.) to postpone the subject, having been read,
Mr. RUSSELL hoped that the subject could be so inodified as not to have the special order operate to postpone ihe private business on Friday and Saturday.
Mr. J. W. JONES said he would be willing to agree to a simple postponement of the special order, which would require but a majority; but he had no desire to put the subject on a different footing than that which it had already occupied before The House.
Mr. R. GARLAND said he would object to the resolution, if it changed the question from a special order.
The question was then taken, and the resolution was agreed to withoul a count.
Mr. J. JOHNSON of Virginia asked leave to submit a report from the Committee of Accounts, in relation to the accounts of Langtree and O'Sulli.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
TUESDAY, April 14, 1840. Mr. PETRIKIN, by general consent, introduced a proposition to print the communication of the President, now lying on the table, in answer to a certain resolution reporied by the order of the Committee on the Public Buildings and Public Grounds.
Mr. J. W. JONEY asked the general consent of the House to take up the motion wbich he submitted a few days ago, to print 2,500 copies of the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, showing the condition of the banks thioughout the United States.
Mr. ANDREWS said he objected.
Mr. JONES had supposed that every member of the body wanted to see the condition of the banks.
Mr. ANDREWS inquired the size of the docu.
So the rules were suspended, and
Mr. JOHNSON sent the report to the CHAIR; and asked that it be printed.
Mr. JOHNSION of New York said the House would see, by the minority report, that the Committee of Accounts was required. by the resolution of - March, to inquire into the qual.fication of, and the prices paid for, the stationery furnished to the House by Langtree and O'Sullivan, and contrast them with those of the stationery furnished to the Senate, and to send for persons and papers. Mr. J. said, by referring to the minority report, it would be seen that the committee had refused to do so.
Mr. PETRIKIN moved that the report be recommitted to the Committee of Acoounts, with additional instructions to eaquire and report to this House,
1. Whether the prices paid by the CLERK of this House for stationery, is a reasonable price, when compared with what stationery can be purchased for from olher persons, of like quality.
2. Whether the stationéry is not of an inferior kind, when compared with the stationery purchased for this Huuse at the last two sessions of Congress.
3. Whether any allowance was asked by the CLERK, either in writing or verbally, for the disa ference in exchange between Philadelphia and New York; and, if any, how much?
4. Whether any payment has been made by the CLERK to the contractor, in advance, on his contract, or the auditing of his account by the committee?
Mr. EVERETT called for the reading of the reports.
Mr. WISE wanted to know how much of the report was the work of the committee, and how much was the work of the officer whose accounts were to be investigated, and hoped it would be read.
The reports having been partially read through, and the morning hour, to wbich the suspension of the rules applied, having expired,
Mr. J. W. JONES called for the orders of the day; before passing to which, however,
The SPEAKER laid before the House the fol lowing communications, which were appropriate ly disposed of :
1. From the Treasury Department, containing a statement of the expenditures and estimates of the Treasury building, and the Patent Office.
2. From the War Department, in relation to the claims of Tennessee volunteers.
3. From the Treasury Department, containing the amount of receipts under the treaty of indemnity with France, and the dividend or per centage payable on each case,
4. Depositions in relation to the New Jersey election,
The House, then resolved itself into a Committee of the whole, (Mr CASEY in the chair,) and took up the civil and diplomatic appropriation bill. MT, STANLY being entitled to th: door, spake,
Mr. JONES riplied that it was quite volumi. nous; which was the reas: 'n ihat he had moved the prin'ing of the 2,500 copies only.
Mr. ANDREWS withdrew his objection; and the resolution was agreed to.
The CHAIR then announced that the business first in order was the report of the Select Committee on Printing, which had been made the special order of the day for this day.
Mr.JONES of Virginia said he wished to offer a resolution for ibe postponement of the special order; which was read for the information of the House, as follows:
Resolved, That the execution of the special order on the report of the Commitee on Printing, be postponed until the House shail have finally dis
The purport of which may be judged of by the re
Mr. STEENROD, who said he wished to make a single remark by way of reply to the genıleman from Norih Carolina, in relation to his charges against Judge Tappan. He was not present at the time and place when the conversation was said to have taken place between the Judge and Collier, Therefore he could nct speak of that. But he wished 10 say that he had some knowledge of Judge Tappan, having been intimately acquainted with him for several years, ard associated wi h him in the practice of law for a long period. He had again and again conversed with him on the -ubject, and he would inform the gentleman from Norih Caro. lina that he had heard Judge Tappan as repeatedly denounce and ridicule the Abolitionists. He (Mr. 8.) would not have intruded upon the lime of the committee, if he had not believed that the gentleman from North Carolina was doing injustice to the re-pected Senator from Ohio. He thought ihat, knowing what he did of the sentiments
main silent and hear him denounced. If the gentleman from Norih Carolina wished to obtain an accurate koowledge of the opinions of Judge Tappan on the question of Abolition, let him read the letler written by him in answer to certain interro. gatories put to him by a commiitee previous to his election, and when he was a candidate for Senator. The gentleman would find that, on that occasion, Judge Tarpan had taken similar ground.
Mr. WISE asked where the seller was, and whether, in the letter, Judge Tappan had iaken the position ihat slavery was unconstitulioaal.
Mr. STEENROD was understood to reply that Judge Tappan had takea the ground hat slavery in the abstract was an evil; but that ihe Federal Government bad po right to interfere with it. Mr. $. then adverted to the recent conduct of Mr. Tappan in reľusing to present Abolition petitions in the Senate, and asked where there was another man, coming from a noa-s'aveholding Siat-, who had done the same. Yes, he would ask, where was the man from beyond Mason and Dixon's line, who bad taken such high ground on the Abolition ques. tion as that Senator? And yel, notwiths'anding all this, the genileman from North Carolina bas cboien to attack him.
Mr. S. subsequently said, that until this session be ha i never heard of the conversation which was said to have taken place between Judge Tappan and Collier; but he would repea', that he had again and again conversed with Judge Tappan on the aub ecl of Abolition, when the latter had invariaby nenounced anit ridiculed the conduct of the fanalics.
Mr. WISE said that he had published an address to his constituents, in which he bad taken the ground that the testimony of Collier and others of Ohio was true; but if his colleague controverieu that testimony, he was williog to retracı ibal which had been founded upon it. But he would say that the truth of the testimony in question was vouched to him by respec'able gentlemen. They had stated as a faci thai Judge Tappan did deride and ridicule fanaticism, and Collier says so too; but in what manner? Collier says that Judge Tappan de. rided the Abolition sis because they employed peaceable means, and that he had said if the negroes wanted
ms and knives to cut ihe throats of their masiers, he would furnish them. Also, that when asked if he were standing on the banks of the Obio, and witnessed a servile insurrection, whether he would help to suppress it, he said "No, by G-d;" and that if he had a son ihat would do it, he would disipheril him.
Mr. STEENROD was understood to say that he wouli repy when he replicd to the gentleman from North Carolina, (Mr. Stanly,) but after Mr. STANLY had finished, he was prevented from doing so by
Mr. DAWSON, who obtained the fluor, and said he did ng rise to discuss the bill now under consideration; if he were to atempt to do so, according to the manner of debate, it would be out or order. But he rose for the purpose of making an effort 10 draw the commitiee to ihe consideration of the business of the country now legitimately before the
committee. The House had been five days in committee on this bill, but the subject which bad been discussed during that time was the Presidenlial question. The State of Ohio first let off in the irrelevant and unjustifiable course of debate on this bill, but we had nothing to do with either with Gen. Harrison or Abolitionism here. Let the gentleman from Norih Carolina confine his remarks to the bill before the committee, and leave other ques. lions to be decided at their proper time. If the gentleman from Norih Carolina objected to any item of the bill, let him po nt il oul, so that it might be considered. But, in his opinion, the character of General Harrison had been sufficiently descanted upon. The course this detale had taken was incompatible with the public interest, and with their character as members of a legislative body.
He considered the character of Major General William Henry Harrison as ably defended from the imprudent attacks made upon him by his enemies. "He, for one, confessed ihat his opinion of General H. had been vastly changed by the dis. cussion. Mr. D. said the question of Abolition bad also been improperly introduced into the debate, in relation to the principles of men with whom we have noihing to do. He considered hat ibis question of President-making, and the reciprocal charges of Abolition, had been fairly discussed. Five months of the session had elapsed, and they bad about two months and a half io do busines; and now (said Mr. D.) let us come forward and do the business of the country, and then we can go before the people in our districts, and there discuss the Presidential question. He, for one, would do this, and would be glad to do it. If there was any particular item which should be rejected. They could enlighten the country on the subject of app:opriations in the discussion which might take place oa it. But let us make these appropriations. Tne Governmeat had called for them, and must bave them. Let us make ihem, and the responsibiliiy must rest upon the Givernment for ther proper disbursement. He did not inten), when he rose, to say one word to give offence to any genileman who had taken part in the discussion. He considered that ihose with whom he was associated, had acted entirely on the defensive. He would not discuss the bill at this time; but he would probably do so at another time; and would then discuss the particular proposition before the House.
Mr. GRAVES replied in or position to the views of the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Dawson.) He entered b's protest on the sort of criticism used by that gentleman.
Mr. MARVIN did not rise to make a speech on the bill, but to make some brief remarks on the strange course this debate had taken. They were, as he unders'ood, in Commiit e of the Whole on The bill making appropriation for the civil and diplomatic expenses of the Government. On the first day of the debale, he had listened with attention, expecting 10 hear nothing but what had some reference to the b:11. But, 10 bis great surprise, in the midst of the debate, an entirely foreign subject was introduced, and an al'ack made in reference to ihe opinions of one of the canvidales for the Presidency. What had the Presidential question to do with the subject before the committee? He appealed to his Southern friends, without distinction of party, whether it was proper that an Aboli. tion debate should spring up, day after day, when, by their vote, they had previously decided that this subject should not be introduced or discussed in any shape whatever.
They had determined, some time ago, that the subject of Abolition should in no way be discussed, yet, day after day, members were reading from Abolition papers, to prove that some body is or is not in favor of, or opposed to Abolition. He could pot understand what this had to do with the bill under consideration
In the early part of the debate, the gentleman from Ohio had made soine remarks in relation to the price of labor, ihe currency, elc. and had slated ihat there was no distress in the country except among speculators. At that time he did wish an opportunity to reply, that he might correct that erroneous statement, and convince the gentleman that that distress existed among others, besides spe
culators; also, of telling him that Mr. Van Bu. ien, ihe leader of his party, had given his cognovit that there was general distress through the land.
But ihe lea-t reflection would show we had a greal amount of important business lo transact befure oar adjournment. For nimself, he desired to go home in June, and did not wish to remain through the hot weather until the fall, and then perhaps without doing the business before them. He was iherefore strongly desirous that geotlemen should confine themselves to the real and direct questions before them, and restrain this unparal. leled lalilude of dehale. Lei gentlemen take one thing at a time, and pass upon it; then they would act with some intelligence.
He was aware it was very difficult to lay down any general rule by which their deliberaiions might be controlled; but each member, and each individual, must be the judge of what course it would be best to pursue. There was a feeling in the House like this: a member would get up, and, in the course of debate, would say something, or make some charge against a pornical opponent. He would be called to order; but his friends would say to the other party, “Whal; are you afraid to have the qualifications of your candidate consdered?" Cries would then arise of, "go on," “go on;" and thus imperceptibly they drawn into a debate having no Connection whatever with the legitimate business before them. The debate was one of that nature, and urged by this feeling. Memlers had gone on conti: ually in making politieal charges, and replying to them from day to day, until ihey had nearly lost sight of the bill. He thought there was much good sense in the remark of the gentleman trom Georgia, in reference to the improper introduction of the Presidential question, in this debale. It appeared 10 him that members did not properly apprec:a e the intelligence of the people of this coun'ry. All these Abolition papers, from which ex'rac's hai been made, were published all throngh the country, and had been read by their constituents, and these constituents were fully able to form theii own judg. ment on the questions involved. If the people should choose to elect Harrisi n, they would do so notwithstanding all the speeches made in Congress. Mr. M. concluded by entrealing members of both parties to leave the Presidential question to be sel. tled by the people, while they transacted ihe great mass of legislative business pressing with so much uigency upon them.
Mr.OGLE oblained the floor, and wished to call the altention of the commiliee to the amendments which he should offer to the bill under considera. lion, in respect to the salaries of the Ministers 10 Russia, Austria, Prussia, Spain, and Mexico; an salaries of Secretaries of Lgation, Chargés, expenses of missions abroad, the salary paid to the signer of patents, &c; and, after a few remarks, moved thai lhe commiiee rise.
And, on the question being taken, resalied-ayes 55, noes 47, no quorum voting; but a majority having decided,
The committee rose and reported progress.
Mr. PETRIKIN here t ok exception to the report of the chairman of the Committee on the state of the Union. He raised a point of order whether it was not the duly of the chairman lo report that the committee found itself without a quorum.
Mr. BRIGGS said a majority of the committee had agreed to rise, and did nut authorize its chairman to report the fact of there being no qoorum.
Mr. PETRIKIN did not press his point of order.
Mr. DROMGOOLE demanded the yeas and nays on the motion to adjourn; which were ordered, and were-yeas 49, nays 68.
So the House refused 10 adjourn. No quorum voted; but
The SPEAKER said there was evidently a quorum present.
Mr. DROMGOOLE then withdrew bis motion for a call of the House, and
The House ihen again resolved itself into Committee of the whole on the state of the Union, (Mr. Casey in the chair) and resumed the consideration of the civil and diplomatic bill.
be necessary fo en ble me to carry the engagements of the United States under ihe convention into fuil effect.
M. VAN BUREN. Washington, April 15, 1840.
Wbich was referred 10 ih: Committee on Fo. reign Relations, and ordered to be prioted.
Mr. YOUNG presented the memorial of inhabitants of the town of Dubuque, in the Territory of Iowa, remonstrating against the passage of a bill to amend the act for layiog off Dabuque, and oiher town in Wiskonsin and lowa; which was referred to the Committee on the Public Laods.
Mr. Y. also presented the memorial of citizens of Dekalb county, Illinois, praying that the punishment of William L. Mackenzie may be mit gated; which was ordered to be printed, and laid on the table.
Mr. PIERCE presented the memorial of the widow of James Hward; which was referred to the Commitee on Pensions.
Mr. PORTER presented a memorial from
Mr. DROMGOOLE made some remarks in relation to confining the discussion on this bill to the particular portions immediately under consideration.
Mr. OGLE then resumed the floor, and moved to strike out the appropriation for repairs of the furniture in the President's House, Rc.
The CHAIR decided that it was not in order to move the ameniment until the clause to which it relate I was reached, but thai the bill generally was open for debate.
Mr. OGLE hen spoke at some length in relation to the furniture in ihe President's House; and, in the course of his remarks, referred to the following paragraph, which appeared in the Globe of yesterday, copied from a Northern paper, viz: i "Mr. Andrews, a good Whig member from Ken. lucky, who possesses all the blunt honesty which characterizes the people of that Stale, wbilst d ning with the President, observed a splendid service of gold plate upon he table, and iaking one of the golden spoons in his hand, said to the President, Mr. Van Buren, if you will let me take ihis spoon to Kentucky, and show it 10 my constituents, I will promise not to make use of any other argument against you—this will be enough." »
"When articles like this are circulated through the Federal press, and regarded as second only 10 log cabins and hard cider, 11 may be deemed ex. casable to say, that the gold plates, spoons, knives and forks, which have figured so argely of late in the Opposition papers, are the same which the President found in the White House when he took possession; that the plates, inst-ad of gold, are simple china, purchased in Mr. Monroe's timethe spoons, koives and forks, (neither of which are gold,) procured, it is believed, during each of the administrations or Monroe, Adams, and Jackson, having received no addi ions or improvements from Mr. Van Bur n."
Mr OGLE was commenting on the above, and was under lood to deny the truth of the commenis of the Gl..be, when he was interrupted by
Mr. ANDREWS, who asked the gentleman from Pennylvania 10 yield the floor to him to make an explanation. Mr. A. stated that some weeks since he had heard that such a publication as the one jast read from the Globe was going the rounds of many of the Eastern papers. That it had not been his practice heretusore-nor did he intend, for the future, to deviale from that practice-10 notice the manner in which his name might be used in connection with newspaper publications or gossip of the day; but as the gentleman from Penn. sylvania had referred to that
publication, it was due to himself, as a gentleman, to say ihal no such conversation had taken place between him and the President.
It was true, that, with oiber genilemen of the House, he bad the honor to dine during the w nter wiib the President, and it was due to Iruth and his own sense of proprirty and justice, to say thai the President treated him as a genileman, and he trusted that it had been bis fortune to treat the President in like manner.
Mr OGLE resumed h's remarks and eulogized the character of General Harrisoa; but, before concluding, gave way to
Mr. COOPER of Pen: sylvania, who moved that ibe commitee rise; which motion was agreed to, and the cummillee rose; and
The SPEAKER having resumed the chair, the chairman of the Commiliee on the scale of the Union, reported progros3 on the bill, and asked leave to sit again; which leave was granied; alter wpich,
On motion of Mr. RANDOLPH,
ing for a mi igation of punishmoni in the case of William L. Mackenzie; which was (rdered to be transmitied 10 The President of the United S ates.
Mr. ANDERSON presented the memorial of Messrs. II. Langtry and B W. Jenkins, praying indemnity for losses sustained by a contract for the supply of the Cherokees; which was referrel lo the Cominiitee on the Judiciary.
Mr. WALKER presenied the memorial of the representatives of Robert Mo re; which was referred to the Commitee on the Public Lands.
Mr. NORVELL presen'ed the memoral of the mayor and common council of Detroit, praying an act for the adjustment of liile; lo land in said city; wh ch was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.
Mr. PRESTON submitted additional dncaments in rel tion to the perition of Hill and Stalker; which were referred in the Commiilee on Claims.
On milion by Mr. KING,
Ordered, That the heirs of William Fiher have leave to withdraw their parers presented at the sccond ses-jin of the 251h Congress.
Oa motion by Mr. ROANE, 11 was
Ordered, That the heir of Robert Watkins bave leave to withdraw his papers presented at the last session.
Mr. BENTON offered the following resolution, which was considered, and agreed to:
Resolved, that the Secreiary of the Treasury be directed to communicale 10 the Senate as si on as the information can be oblained, the ainount of debentures issues at d fferent ports on the exportation of refined sugars, duriøg ihe ihree first monins of the pre:ent year. Also, that he cause inquiries to be made to ascertain whether any of that description of sugar cal ed "bastard,"is exported for drawback as sugar refined, and report the facts to the Senale. Also, that he report to the Senate the amount of duty payable on imported brown sugars, during the year 1840.
Mr. LINN subrnitted the following motion, which was considered, and agreed to:
Resolved, That ih• Secretary of the Treasury be requested to send 10 the Senate the report, it yet made, of Mr. Owen on the geology and mineralo. gy of the Territory of Iowa.
Mr. WILLIAMS »ubmined the following mclion; which was considered and agreed to:
Resolvid, That the Commitee on Military Alfairs be instructed to inquire into the expadiency of providiog fir the settlement and płyment of the claims or ibe Stale of Maine fur servic-s of her mili ia in the protection of the Northeas ern frontier of the United States in the year 1839.
Mr. W. als, presented sundry documents in con. nection with the abuve; which were referred to the Commillee on Military Affairs
Mr. TAPPAN, from the Committee on the Library, reported a joint resolution for the relief of Lingtree and O'Sullivan; which was read, and ordered to a second reading.
Mr. PRENTISS, from the Commitee on the Public Lands, reported a biil to relinquish to the State of Indiana ihe title of the United States to eizbi acies of land; which was read, and ordered 10 a second reading
Mr. P. also, from the same committee, made an adverse report on the petition of William Tracy.
Mr. DAVIS, from the Committee on Commerce, reported a hill to amend an act eatitled an act regulating passenger ships and vessels; which, by unanimoas consent, was considered as in Commiitre of the whole, and ordered to be engross:d for a Third reading. (This bill enacts that the law shall not apply to steam ves,els running between Nova Scotia and poris of the United States, or between Texas and ports of the United States ]
Mr. KING, from the Commiliee on Commerce, to which various communications on the subject were referrel, reported a bill to authorize the Se. cretary of the Treasury to procure steam vesseis for the revenue service; which was read, and ordered to a s cond reading. (The bill authorizes the purchase or con truction of three steam vesse's: one for the walers of Lake Erie and the upper lakes; and for the Atlantic and one for the Gulf coası.]
Mr. PIERCE, from the Committee on Pensions, lo which was referred tho pe'ition of Eliza A. Mel. lon, made an adverse report thereon; which was ordered to be prinied.
Mr. STURGEON gave notice that to morrow he would ask leave to bring in a bill altering the time of holding the terms of the Federal couris in Western Pennsylvania.
The various unfavorable reports from commit. lees on the Secretary's labie, were considered and cincurred in.
SPECIAL ORDER. The bill making grants of public lands to cortain States for purposes of internal improvement, was taken up, and
Mr NORVELL explained at some length the provisions of the bill, and advocated its passage.
Mr. MERRICK opposed the bill, and m ved its recommitment to the Commitee on Public Lands, with instructions so lo amend it as to make an equal grant to all the States in the Union.
The motion to recommit was discussed by Messrs. WALKER, MERRICK, CLAY of Ketilucky, and NORVELL, when, on motion of Mr. N. it was laid on the table.
LAWS OF NATIONS. The resolutions submitted on the 4th of March by Mr. Caluous, as amended by the Committee on Foreign Relations, were taken up, and were read, as follows:
Resolved, That a ship or a vessel on the bigla seas, in time of peace, engaged in a lawful voyage, is, according to the laws of nations, under the exc'usive junsdiction of the Staie to which her flug belongs; as much so as if constituting a part of its own domain,
Resolved, That if such : hip or vessel should be forced by stress of weather, or other unavoidable cause, into the port, and under the jurisdiction of a friendly power, she and her cargo, and persons on board, with their properly, and all the rights belonging to their personal relations, as establisi.ed by the laws of ine Stale to which they belorg, would be placed under the protec:ion which the laws of nations extend to the unfortunate under such circum tances.
Resolved, That he brig Enterprise, which was frirced unavoi.ably by 'stress of wea her into Port Hamilton, Bermuda island, while on a lawful voyage oa the high se is frum one port of the Uninio another, cimes within the principle, embraced in The foregoing resolusions; and that the seizuje and detention of the negroes on board by the local authority of the island, was an act in violanion of the laws oi notions, and highly unjust to our own citi. zens to whom they belong.
Mr CLAY ad ihal, with respect to the general principles contained in the resolutions, as that the flag should protect its vesseis on the high seas, there could be no doubt. It was the common highway of nations, and vessels under their flags were, 1o all intents and parposes, protected by them. On The hiųh seas no nation had exclusive juridiction.
As ibe resolutions were amended by The commiilee, they were undoubtedly correct; but, as originally draited, he had some e oubis of the principles set forth. He could not think that in the port
IN SENATE, WEDNESDAY, April 15, 1840. The following message was received from the President of ihe United Slales, wy Mr. Van BUREN, his prav te st cretary: To the Senate of the United States:
Ilagsmit a copy of a convention for the ar'justment of claims of citizens of the Uniled States upon the Government of the Mexican Republic, for such legislative action on the part of Congress as may
of a foreign power, when the flag was consequently under a particular jurisdiction, that iis protection was as greal and unrestricted as when ihe vessel was at sea.
He had r sen, however, not to discuss the principles contained in these resolutions, but rather (9 inquire what good could result, what benefit was proposed, by their introduction at the present time. As he was called upon merely te express an affir. mative opinion, he should vote for the resolutions as amended; but the question was whether it was a subject upon which the Senate should b· called to
What was the use to be made of lhe ques. tion? If a negotiation were pending, it might exercise some influence; but in the present case, where that was precluded in language so strong by Lord Palmersion as to forbid ihe expectation of a resumption of the negotiation, he saw no alility in the adoption of the resolutions..
He thought a too frequent use of the expressions of opinions on subjects merely abstract, by a body of sich high and grave authority as the Senate, would have a tendency to bring our opinions into disrepute."
Mr. CALHOUN said it was not his impression that ihere was much difference between the resolutions, as they originally stood, and as bow amended. The chairman had showed him the amendmenis, before they had been acted on by the committee, and he had, without hesitation, assented to them; not because he thought them an improve. ment, but simply because he understood that some of the members of that committee desired the change. He looked only to the substance and the conclusion, and cared but little about the mere phraseology. It was a point of too litile importance to dwell on. He must say, that he had heard the remarks of the Senator with pain. He had hoped, on this occa. sion, to have his zealous support. He vet hoped 10 have bis vote. The princip'e involved is one of profound interest, especially to the portion of the Union he represented; and it was on that conviction he had offered them. Looking to the future, it is impossible 10 say what may result from he grup is assumed by the British Minister. Viewed piac'ical it was a question of no small magniiude. Cases of the kind must be constanly occurring; vnless, indeed, the increased hazard from this new danger should nave the effect of clo: ing ihe intercourse by sea between the Southern Atlantic ports and those of the Gulf, so far as our slave property is concerned. If 10 this be adùed the injury done to our citizens, in refusing compensation for property seized and detained contrary to justice and honesty, and the dangerous priuciple on which the refusal is placed, the Senator ought not to be surprised, or have any difficulty in accounting for the introduction of these resolutions.
He admits there would have been no impropriety in introducing them, had there been a pending negotiation; but thinks there is, because ihe British Minister had closed the door of negotiation. He (Mr. C.) took the very opposite view. Pending the negotiation, and before the decision was known, the propriey of a movement of the kind would, 10 say the least, be doubtful; but now that it has been made, and justice refused, silence would have been construed into an abandonment of the claim of our citizens, and an acquiescence in the dangerous principle on which it was rejected. It was to repel such inference, that he desired to take the sense of the Senate. If the resolutions should receive the vote of the body, it would keep alive the claim, and, what was still more important, rebut any inferred abandonment of the principle on which it rests. He hoped that it never would be surrendered. Justice
our side, and if we cannot succeed in establishing it now, there is no
reason why may not hereafier. He trusted that the strong expression of opinion by the Senate, which he ihis day anticipa'ed, would rouse an attention 10 the subject, that might lead to a happy termination of a contioversy which could not be sa'ely kept open. Be that as it may, it is our duty to maintain our ground. If we now yield—if the Senate should re. fuse to act on the resolutions, or vote them down, we surrender both right and principle.
He would appeal to the Senate, and ask if it is
ready to say that the rights of ihe South to the great mass of its property, that which eniers so deeply into iheir political and social institut ons, and on the maintenance of which, not only their wea'th and prosperity, but peace and safety depend, shall be outlawed and placed beyond the pale of protec'ion? Is it prepared to distinguish between this and every: other description of property, so as to leave this alone undefended? The British Minister acknowledges that compensation ought to be made for every other description,under similar circumstances, and places the distinction belween this and others, on ground fa'al to its existence, if its be admitted. Is she righ? That is the ques!ion; and are you ready to say so, by your votes? If so, it is lime we should know it; and if not, you should speak out plainly and distinctly.
He had not supposed that there was a member of the body that would be embarrassed by the resolutions; on the contrary, he had hoped that all would have been pleased wi h the opportunity, in a case so strong and clear, of recording their votes in our favor-to stand by us on this great queslion, in wbich we are particularly concerned, as we have stood by thein on recent occasion where they were.
It is a proud recollection for the South, ihat she never haited to count the cost or danger, when the in'erest of any portion of the Union, the most remote, called for defence. This is the first difficulty with Great Britain, in which we have been immediately interested. The war of the Revolution originated in causes much more Northern than Southern; and still more strikingly was that The case in the last war. Did we hesitale in either? No; the generous South, ever devoted to the liberty and honor of the country, and true lo ils engagements, poured out freely her means, in blood and money, for the common cause, without asking whether she was to be the gainer or loser. What he asked, was, that the same zealous and ardent sup. port that we have extended to oiher portions of the Union, should now be extended to us on this occasion.
Mr. CLAY of Kentucky observed that he would no: hare advised the introduction of the resolutions, though there was not a man in the Senale or the country more ready to defend our rights by all the means which God and nalure had given us, in reforence to that particular species of property which the Senator alluded 10. He thought, however, that prudenre and discretion should admo. nish us not too ofien to throw before the world questions in relation to it Who could believe that Great Britain, because she bas refused to make compensation for the s'aves on board the wrecked ve sel which her colonial authorities had liberated, would interrupt or interfere with our coasting trade? Who could believe that she would assail such a description of property as that on board That vessel? Let her show such a purpose, and, his word for it, there would be but one feeling on the subject throughout the whole country. But what would the Senator propose but war for the redress of this injury, since ali negotiation on the subject was at an end? Was ihat such an open, undis. guised aliack upon us as to justify such a measure? A vessel, pursuing her voyage from Norfolk to Charles!on, is cast away on one of the Bahama islands, and the slaves on board, having been brought up before ihe authorities there on a habens corpus, are liberaied. Here, whatever he British Government had done, was involuntary. She had not gone out of her way to allack us with regard to this description of properly. If she had dene so, The Senator from Sourb Carolina would not be in advance of him in resisting her. But in this case, the ves el was cast away in a storm on one of the British islan Is, and the slaves on board having been liberaled by the authorities of that island, on a habeas corpus,
she will neither surrender them nor make cimpen alion for them. Though there was a material difference between the resolution as it originally stood, and as it was now amended, yet, inasmuch as it contained truths, he should vote for it, though he regretted its introduction.
Mr. CALHOUN. He had said nothing that could justify the Senator in accusing bim of imputing to the British Government hostile or im
proper motives, nor that could lead to the belief that there was danger she would seize our vessels at sea, with the view of liberatiog slaves on board. He did not suppose that she is about to turn buccanier, and plunder our coasting trade; but her de. cision will interdict nearly as effectually the intercourse by sea between one half of this Union and the other, as to the greatest and most valuable portion of the property of the South, as if she were to send out cruisers against it. The voyage was a most dangerous one. The Bahama group of islands extends for nearly two hundred miles along The eastward of Florida, at an average distance of not more than fifty miles, with a strong current, running many miles an hour, sweeping through it, and beset with dangers from innumerable shoals and keys. Through this dangerous channel, subject to storms, the vast intercourse between the Western and Atlantic cities passes by sea. Nang berless wrecks occur annually. It was estimated many years ago, when the intercourse was far less, that ihe loss annually from that cause, was more than half a million of dollars. To this danger is now superadded, in the case of slave property, plunder by seizure and detention on the opposing and inhospitable shore; thus virtually interdicling to that exient, this, the greatest of all our thorough. rares. It is to repel the inference of acquiescence in a decision leading to such consequences, ant resting on a principle still more dangerous, that he solicited the vole of the Senale.
Mr. PORTER said: Mr. PRESIDENT: I desire to do my duty in some form by recording a vole on These resolutions, and yet I am mel by difficulties on boih siles of the main ques'ion they present, which I frankly confess I am greatly embarrassed in attempting to surmount,
I look first to the necessity and expediency of this species of preliminary action by the Senate on a subject of this magnitude and delicacy, which proposes to declare, in advance, the principles of The law of nations as applicable to slave property, thrown, by the act of God, within the jurisdiction on a country where slavery does not exist; and having arrived at the conclusion that such action is not expedient or necessary, I look, secondly, to the consequences which, in my humble judgment, ne. cessarily result from the adoption of these reso'utions, and which are by no means agreeable subjects of contemplation to me. These consequences I regard, sir, with an eye to the national honor only, which, in my view, cannot remain unsullied while the principle, as it is slated and applied in the last resolution, remains a silent record on your journal, unasserted, unvindicaled, unacknowledged, unligu dated, by the demand and payment to the uttermost farthing of the sum claimed for the slave property on board the Enterprise, driven into the island of Bermuda.
From the reading of the documents accompany. ing the special message of the President of the 25 h January last, consisting of the correspondence between Mr. Stevenson and Lord Palmerst n, which was terminated by an adjustment, on the part of the British Government, of the claims for slaves wrecked on the Bahamas, on board ihe brigs Comet and Encomium, we are informed that the British Government has already refused to make compen: tion in the ca e of the Enterprise, on the ground that the latter vessel was thrown wiihin British jurisdiction after the period when slavery was abolished ihroughout the British dominions, which objection was not applicable to the cases of the two former vessels.
In the correspondence alluded 10 (of a regular diplomatic character) between the representatives of the two Governments, we find this principle distinctly and emphatically stated; and it is in the very teeth of this quasi ultimatum of the British Government on the question, and in reference to this very case of the Enterprise, that the last of these resolutions stands. Sir, I may mistake the effect which necessarily results from its adoption; but to my mind it is a pledge to the claimanis and to the world of a determination on the part of our Government, so far as ih s Senate is concerned, at least, to demand ihe adjustment of this already rejec!ed claim. Vewed in this light, profound as my deference is for the great abiliues and eminent