324

and party. There was no sufficient cause for war; he took occasion to say, that so far as he was in formed, the opinions both of the Administration party, and of the party with which he acted, were that war was to be be avoi'ed so long as it could be done without compromitting the rights and honor of the nation. The Senate had solemnly expressed the opinion that the question of right was with us, and all parties, every individual of those parties, so far as their views had been expressed, seemed determined to obtain for Maine, by some of those modes by which national rights are asserted, a full and absolute possession of all the territory within her rightful limits. But he must say that there were two modes of arriving at this result. One was by negotiation, and the other was by war; and these questions were to be decided by the united voice of the whole country, and by the Executive branch of the Government, as the case may be, and not to be decided by the voice of one single member of the Confederacy. If the honor of the country is assailed, the councils of the whole country must determine as to the manner and time of vindicating it. He would take occasion to say for the benefit of the Senator from Maine, and the whole people of Maine, that whilst he believed them to be as valorous and as enlightened as any people in the Union, he was not inclined to confide in their judgment as to declaring war, and the period at which this last resort may become necessary. If Maine expects the Government of this country to secure her righ's, she must confide to the Government of this coun ry the whole agency in settling the controversy. If it is to be done by negotiation, it must be left to the Executive and his constitutional advisers. If it is to be by war, it should be left to that department of the Government to which the power of declaring war is confided by the Constitution. In saying all this, he meant nothing in condemnation of the state of feeling that had been evinced by the people of Maine. Justice was with her, and he sympathized with her natural feelings on this subject. He claims had unfortunately too long been delayed; but, notwithstanding that, he said that this Government alone should conduct the negotiation, and if war became necessary, decide upon the time and manner of commencing it. He could not, however, believe that this last resort would be necessary. There were two securities which we had for the continuance of peace. The first security was that Great Britain, enlightened as her councils were, must perceive, what we know, that the right was with us; that she had no claim; and after being satisfied with these facts, upon an examination of the necessary information, will ultimately concede the right to us. But let me suppose, cortinued Mr. C. that she does not. Let me suppose that, after investigation, she comes to the clear conviction to which we have arrived, that the right is with her; that the territory in dispute, according to the treaty of 1783, is within her limits. What, then, will be the case presented before the world? Two enlightened nations coming to different conclusions on the same testimony, and unable to agree. What, then, are to be the consequences? Is war, that calamity which every lover of humanity must deprecate, the only alternative? No, sir. There is another: there is a subsisting treaty stipulation contained in the treaty of Ghent, by which this question is to be left to the decision of an impartial tribunal, in the event that the two countries cannot settle it themselves. I say there is a trea'y stipulation stil! subsisting; and how do I make it out? It may be alleged that the mater having been once committed to the umpirage of a third party, and that party having given an award, the stipulation in the treaty was fulfilled, and it was no longer in force. Not so. There was an attempt at arbitration, through the instrumentality of the King of Holland; but it was an abortion-a failure-the King did not settle the question; both parties acknowledged that he did not, and the treaty remains in full force, binding the parties to refer this question, if unable to settle it amicably themselves, to an impartial tribunal. But, putting the treaty out of the question, suppose there was no such stipulation, and that the two parties having brought their minds to the conclusion that the right was with

each, were determined to persist on it. Sooner than resort to war, with all its calamities, both par ties should agree to arbitration; and I say that England, if she will not concede the right to us, must yield the point at issue to arbitration. Though this course may be attended with delay-hough Maine may not arrive at the possession of her territory as soon as she wishes, yet she had infinitely better wait the movements of two great nations, than that they should be involved in war. we come to deciding on the question of war, all other means of settling the controversy having failed, that question is to be decided by the united wisdom of all, in reference to the condition of the whole country, in reference to the other interes's of Maine besides the interest in question, and in reference to the probable issue of the controversy.

When

could not let the remark pass without a little quali fication. He was for peace, if peace could be pre served consistently with the rights aud honor of the country. If not, then he was ready for the alter native. He said he would add a word in respect to submitting the matter in controversy to arbitration. He did not mean to discuss, at this time, the right of this Government to refer the question to an arbiter without the assent of Maine, and against her protestation; but he would remind the Senator that Maine had, over and over again, by her Le gislature, declared her opinion that the Federal Government had not the constitutional power, and ought not to jeopard her rights by a submission of them to abitrators without her assent. That op nion had been so strongly enter'aiaed by Maine that he felt, in some sort, instructed upon tha point, and could not yield it. But he saw no of casion for discussing that question now. He t ferred to writers on the laws of nations who main tained fully that no nation could be called upon submit to the umpirage of others, a clear and inde bitable right, which she was justified in claim as such. But he would not pursue the subject.

Mr. CLAY of Kentucky, in reply, said, that h did not express the opinion that this Governmer had claimed the right to refer this question to arb tration; but he expressed, as his unqualifiel op nion, that this Government had the undoubte right to refer the question to arbitration, withot consulting Maine.

The question was then taken, and the motion print ten thousand extra copies of the report w agreed to.

Mr. MERRICK, from the Committee on th District of Columbia, reported a joint resolutio authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to pu chase for the United States the banking-house the old Bank of Alexandria, and to credit the deb due by said bank for the amount of the purcha money: read, and ordered to a second reading. On motion by Mr. MERRICK, the bill for i corporating the Bank of the District of Columbi and

On motion by Mr. TAPPAN, the various bil respecting banking corporations in the District, were made the special order of the day for ne Monday two weeks.

Mr. CLAY of Alabama, from the Comm on the Public Lands, to whom was referred resolutions of the Legislature of the State of Mi sissippi in relation to the re'inquishment and change of the sixteenth sections, reserved for u use of schools, moved that the committee be di charged from the further consideration thereof, an that the same be laid on the table, for the reas that a bill had already been reported on the subje This motion was agreed to.

On motion by Mr. CLAY of Alabama, the sa committee was also discharged from the furth consideration of three several memorials from State of Alabama; one from the General Assemb of that State, asking for the extension of the rig of pre-emption; and two from citizens of the Sta asking for the establishment of an additional la office in the Cherokee country, for the sale of lands lately acquired from those Indians. Mr. said that bills having been reported on these st jects, he would move to lay the memorials on table, after discharging the committee from the This motion was agreed to.

On motion by Mr. CLAY of Alabama, the sa committee was also discharged from the furt consideration of the memorial of the Lake S rior Fishing and Mining Company of the Stat Michigan, praying to be allowed the right of w ing the mineral lands belonging to the United St along the southern shore of Lake Superior in said State; which was agreed to.

Mr. HUBBARD, from the the Committed Claims, reported a bill for the relief of J. H. R which was read, and ordered to a second read and the report was ordered to be printed.

Mr. H. from the same committee, made verse reports on the bills from the House fo relief of John Howe and Chauncey Calh and also made an adverse report on the pe

of Abner L. Duncan.

Mr. FULTON, from the Committee on

fe Lands, reported a bill for the relief of Henry Willis; which was read, and ordered to a second reading.

TeaMr. F. on leave, introduced a bill for the relief of Richard K. Call; which was read twice, and reas ferred.

The joint resolution directing the Committee on We the Library to take measures for the importation and erection of the statue of Washington by Green

Arethough;

The bill for the relief of Clements, Bryan and Company;

The bill for the relief of George W. Paschall; stya The bill for the relief of Margaret Barnes; and

The bill to revive the act entitled "An act to eras enable claimants of land within the limits of MisSite souri and the Territory of Arkansas to institute proBeedings to try the validity of their claims," ap

proved the twenty-sixth day of May, eighteen anndred and twenty-four, and an act amending the liten-same, and extending the provisions of said acis to claimants to land within the State of Louisiana and Mississippi;

were severally read a third time and passed. IEC 7 The bill granting to the State of Michigan a quantity of land to aid said State in the construcication of a canal around the falls of St. Marie, was tahaken up on its third reading, and was opposed by had Messrs. CLAY and CRITTENDEN, and advoarticated by Messrs. NORVELL and PORTER, and after some further remarks by Messrs. ALLEN and TAPPAN, amendments were offered by Messrs. WHITE and HENDERSON, and the further consideration of the bill was postponed Contil to-morrow.

The bill for the relief of James Dutton; The bill for the relief of Peter Warner of Inbadians; and

A bill for the relief of Samuel White; were considered as in Committee of the Whole, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. Mr. KING, from the Committee on Commerce, to which was referred the bill relative to the iron steamer, the New Jersey, reported the same with an amendment; which was agreed to.

The bill was then, on motion by Mr. K. taken up as in Committee of the Whole, considered, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. Oa motion by Mr. HUBBARD, it was Ordered, That Friday and Saturday next be devoted to the consideration of private bills, and the teports of committees on private bills. The Senate then adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
TUESDAY, April 14, 1840.

Mr. PETRIKIN, by general consent, introduced a proposition to print the communication of the President, now lying on the table, in answer to a certain resolution reported by the order of the Committee on the Public Buildings and Public Grounds.

Mr. J. W. JONES asked the general consent of the House to take up the motion which he submitted a few days ago, to print 2,500 copies of the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, showing the condition of the banks throughout the United States.

Mr. ANDREWS said he objected.

Mr. JONES had supposed that every member of the body wanted to see the condition of the banks. Mr. ANDREWS inquired the size of the docu

ment.

Mr. JONES replied that it was quite volumi. nous; which was the reason that he had moved the printing of the 2,500 copies only.

Mr. ANDREWS withdrew his objection; and the resolution was agreed to.

The CHAIR then announced that the business first in order was the report of the Select Committee on Printing, which had been made the special order of the day for this day.

Mr. JONES of Virginia said he wished to offer a resolution for the postponement of the special order; which was read for the information of the House, as follows:

Resolved, That the execution of the special order on the report of the Committee on Printing, be postponed until the House shail have finally dis

posed of the bill No. 8, making appropriations for the civil and diplomatic expenses of Government, and that the said special order be then taken up and considered as though no postponement thereof had been made.

Mr. R. GARLAND, before the adoption or ine resolution, wished to present the report of the minority of that committee on the other branch of the subject referred to that committee.

Mr. DROMGOOLE inquired of the CHAIR, (there being two special orders,) which took precedence, and whether the civil and diplomatic bill did not, as a matter of course, override and postpone the special order relating to the printing.

The CHAIR replied that Speaker STEVENSON had decided that the special order first made took priority. The subject of printing was the first special order, and would therefore take precedence. Mr. R. GARLAND again presented his report from the minority.

Mr. CONNER objected to the reception of the report from the minority, until the chairman of the committee should be present, and make the report of the committee. It would be very irregular to receive the views of the minority, until it was done. He had no objection, further than that it would be unprecedented, until the majority's report was received. The chairman gave notice, on yesterday, that he would be prepared to report to-day, and he hoped the subject would be delayed till he was present.

Mr. DROMGOOLE protested against all the proceeding, as out of order, while the resolution of the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. JONES] was pending.

Mr. BLACK, at this stage of the proceeding, made his appearance, and said, when the subject came up, he was prepared to report.

The CHAIR inquired of the gentleman whether he wished to make the report.

Mr. BLACK said he was under the impression that the appropriation bill took precedence." The CHAIR informed him otherwise.

Mr. LEET said if both branches of the commit. tee were prepared to report, he would suggest that both reports be received, and ordered to be printed; and that the question be then taken on the resolution to postpone. Accordingly,

Mr. BLACK, chairman of the committee, reported the views of the majority; which was ordered to be printed.

Mr. GARLAND of Louisiana, from the same committee, reported the views of the minority, accompanied by a bill.

Mr. DROMGOOLE objected to the minority reporting any bill; they had no right by the rules to do so it was unprecedented.

Mr. R. GARLAND intimated that he would withdraw the bill, and present a series of resolutions, to effect the same object, to accompany the report.

Mr. BLACK said the committee had authorized no bill to be reported; and he objected to it as unusual and irregular.

The report was received and ordered to be printed; but the bill accompanying it was understood not to be received; but by courtesy ordered to be printed.

The resolution offered by the chairman of Ways and Means (Mr. JONES, of Va.) to postpone the subject, having been read,

Mr. RUSSELL hoped that the subject could be so modified as not to have the special order operate to postpone the private business on Friday and Saturday.

Mr. J. W. JONES said he would be willing to agree to a simple postponement of the special order, which would require but a majority; but he had no desire to put the subject on a different footing than that which it had already occupied before the House.

Mr. R. GARLAND said he would object to the resolution, if it changed the question from a special order.

The question was then taken, and the resolution was agreed to without a count.

Mr. J. JOHNSON of Virginia asked leave to submit a report from the Committee of Accounts, in relation to the accounts of Langtree and O'Sulli

van. He said that all i's members, with the exception of one, had concurred in the report; and at a minority report would be presented to the House.

Mr. WISE objected.

Mr. JOHNSON moved a suspension of the rules, and the question was taken by count; and there being ayes 79, noes 40, and no quorum voting,

Mr. BELL said he presumed the object of the chairman was to get the report printed, and that it would not give rise to debate.

Mr. JOHNSON replied that the report was a voluminous one, and that debate would not take place until its contents were known to the House. The object was merely to let both reports be received, and have them printed. He presumed there could be no debate on a motion to print.

Mr. WISE gave notice that he would debate it the moment it touched the CLERK'S table.

Mr. PETRIKIN also gave notice that he would debate it.

Mr. JOHNSON again moved a suspension of the rules, and called for the yeas and nays on that motion; which were ordered, and were-ayes 128, nays 28.

So the rules were suspended, and

Mr. JOHNSON sent the report to the CHAIR; and asked that it be printed.

Mr. JOHNSTON of New York said the House would see, by the minority report, that the Committee of Accounts was required. by the resolution of March, to inquire into the qualification of, and the prices paid for, the stationery furnished to the House by Langtree and O'Sullivan, and contrast them with those of the stationery furnished to the Senate, and to send for persons and papers. Mr. J. said, by referring to the minority report, it would be seen that the committee had refused to do so.

Mr. PETRIKIN moved that the report be recommitted to the Committee of Accounts, with additional instructions to enquire and report to this House,

1. Whether the prices paid by the CLERK of this House for stationery, is a reasonable price, when compared with what stationery can be purchased for from other persons, of like quality.

2. Whether the stationery is not of an inferior kind, when compared with the stationery purchased for this House at the last two sessions of Congress.

3. Whether any allowance was asked by the CLERK, either in writing or verbally, for the difference in exchange between Philadelphia and New York; and, if any, how much?

4. Whether any payment has been made by the CLERK to the contractor, in advance, on his contract, or the auditing of his account by the committee?

Mr. EVERETT called for the reading of the reports.

Mr. WISE wanted to know how much of the report was the work of the committee, and how much was the work of the officer whose accounts were to be investigated, and hoped it would be read.

The reports having been partially read through, and the morning hour, to which the suspension of the rules applied, having expired,

Mr. J. W. JONES called for the orders of the day; before passing to which, however,

The SPEAKER laid before the House the fol lowing communications, which were appropriately disposed of:

1. From the Treasury Department, containing a statement of the expenditures and estimates of the Treasury building, and the Patent Office.

2. From the War Department, in relation to the claims of Tennessee volunteers.

3. From the Treasury Department, containing the amount of receipts under the treaty of indemnity with France, and the dividend or per centage payable on each case,

4. Depositions in relation to the New Jersey election.

The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the whole, (Mr CASEY in the chair,) and took up the civil and diplomatic appropriation bill.

Mr. STANLY being entitled to the floor, spake

the purport of which may be judged of by the reply of

Mr. STEENROD, who said he wished to make a single remark by way of reply to the gentleman from North Carolina, in relation to his charges against Judge Tappan. He was not present at the time and place when the conversation was said to have taken place between the Judge and Collier, therefore he could not speak of that. But he wished to say that he had some knowledge of Judge Tappan, having been intimately acquainted with him for several years, and associated with him in the practice of law for a long period. He had again and again conversed with him on the subject, and he would inform the gentleman from North Carolina that he had heard Judge Tappan as repeatedly denounce and ridicule the Abolitionists. He (Mr. S.) would not have intruded upon the time of the committee, if he had not believed that the gentleman from North Carolina was doing injustice to the respected Senator from Ohio. He thought that, knowing what he did of the sentiments of the Senator, it would be unkind for him to remain silent and hear him denounced. If the gentleman from North Carolina wished to obtain an accurate knowledge of the opinions of Judge Tappan on the question of Abolition, let him read the letter written by him in answer to certain interrogatories put to him by a committee previous to his election, and when he was a candidate for Senater. The gentleman would find that, on that occasion, Judge Tappan had taken similar ground.

Mr. WISE asked where the letter was, and whether, in the letter, Judge Tappan had taken the position that slavery was unconstitutional.

Mr. STEENROD was understood to reply that Judge Tappan had taken the ground that slavery in the abstract was an evil; but that the Federal Government had no right to interfere with it. Mr. S. then adverted to the recent conduct of Mr. Tappan in refusing to present Abolition petitions in the Senate, and asked where there was another man, coming from a non-slaveholding State, who had done the same. Yes, he would ask, where was the man from beyond Mason and Dixon's line, who bad taken such high ground on the Abolition question as that Senator? And yet, notwithstanding all this, the gentleman from North Carolina has chosen to attack him.

Mr. S. subsequently said, that until this session he had never heard of the conversation which was said to have taken place between Judge Tappan and Collier; but he would repea', that he had again and again conversed with Judge Tappan on the sub ect of Abolition, when the latter had invariably denounced and ridiculed the conduct of the fanatics.

Mr. WISE said that he had published an address to his constituents, in which he had taken the ground that the testimony of Collier and others of Ohio was true; but if his colleague controverted that testimony, he was willing to retract that which had been founded upon it. But he would say that the truth of the testimony in question was vouched to him by respectable gentlemen. They had stated as a fact that Judge Tappan did deride and ridicule fanaticism, and Collier says so too; but in what manner? Collier says that Judge Tappan derided the Abolition sts because they employed peaceable means, and that he had said if the negroes wanted arms and knives to cut the throats of their masters, he would furnish them. Also, that when asked if he were standing on the banks of the Ohio, and witnessed a servile insurrection, whether he would help to suppress it, he said "No, by G-d;" and that if he had a son that would do it, he would disinherit him.

Mr. STEENROD was understood to say that he would reply when he replied to the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. STANLY,] but after Mr. STANLY had finished, he was prevented from doing so by

Mr. DAWSON, who obtained the floor, and said he did not rise to discuss the bill now under consideration; if he were to attempt to do so, according to the manner of debate, it would be out or order. But he rose for the purpose of making an effort to draw the committee to the consideration of the business of the country now legitimately before the

committee. The House had been five days in committee on this bill, but the subject which had been discussed during that time was the Presidential question. The State of Ohio first led off in the irrelevant and unjustifiable course of debate on this bill, but we had nothing to do with either with Gen. Harrison or Abolitionism here. Let the gentleman from North Carolina confine his remarks to the bill before the committee, and leave other questions to be decided at their proper time. If the gentleman from North Carolina objected to any item of the bill, let him po nt it out, so that it might be considered. But, in his opinion, the character of General Harrison had been sufficiently descanted upon. The course this debate had taken was incompatible with the public interest, and with their character as members of a legislative body.

He considered the character of Major General William Henry Harrison as ably defended from the imprudent attacks made upon him by his enemies. He, for one, confessed that his opinion of General H. had been vastly changed by the discussion. Mr. D. said the question of Abolition had also been improperly introduced into the debate, in relation to the principles of men with whom we have nothing to do. He considered that this question of President-making, and the reciprocal charges of Abolition, had been fairly discussed. Five months of the session had elapsed, and they had about two months and a half to do business; and now (said Mr. D.) let us come forward and do the business of the country, and then we can go before the people in our districts, and there discuss the Presidential question. He, for one, would do this, and would be glad to do it. If there was any particular item which should be rejected, they could enlighten the country on the subject of app:opriations in the discussion which might take place on it. But let us make these appropriations. The Governmeat had called for them, and must have them. Let us make them, and the responsibility must rest upon the Government for their proper disbursement. He did not intend, when he rose, to say one word to give offence to any gentleman who had taken part in the discussion. He considered that those with whom he was associated, had acted entirely on the defensive. He would not discuss the bill at this time; but he would probably do so at another time; and would then discuss the particular proposition before the House.

Mr. GRAVES replied in opposition to the views of the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. DAWSON.] He entered b's protest on the sort of criticism used by that gentleman.

Mr. MARVIN did not rise to make a speech on the bill, but to make some brief remarks on the strange course this debate had taken. They were, as he understood, in Commit e of the Whole on the bill making appropriation for the civil and diplomatic expenses of the Government. On the first day of the debate, he had listened with attention, expecting to hear nothing but what had some reference to the bill. But, to his great surprise, in the midst of the debate, an entirely foreign subject was introduced, and an at'ack made in reference to the opinions of one of the candidates for the Presidency. What had the Presidential question to do with the subject before the committee? He appealed to his Southern friends, without distinction of party, whether it was proper that an Abolition debate should spring up, day after day, when, by their vote, they had previously decided that this subject should not be introduced or discussed in any shape whatever.

They had determined, some time ago, that the subject of Abolition should in no way be discussed, yet, day after day, members were reading from Abolition papers, to prove that somebody is or is not in favor of, or opposed to Abolition. He could not understand what this had to do with the bill under consideration.

In the early part of the debate, the gentleman from Ohio had made some remarks in relation to the price of labor, the currency, etc. and had stated that there was no distress in the country except among speculators. At that time he did wish an opportunity to reply, that he might correct that erroneous statement, and convince the gentleman that that distress existed among others, besides spe

culators; also, of telling him that Mr. Van Bu ren, the leader of his party, had given his cognovit that there was general distress through the land.

But the least reflection would show we had a great amount of important business to transact be fore our adjournment. For himself, he desired to go home in June, and did not wish to remain through the hot weather until the fall, and then perhaps without doing the business before them. He was therefore strongly desirous that gentlemen should confine themselves to the real and direct questions before them, and restrain this unparal leled latitude of debate. Let gentlemen take one thing at a time, and pass upon it; then they would act with some intelligence.

He was aware it was very difficult to lay down any general rule by which their deliberations might be controlled; but each member, and each individual, must be the judge of what course it would be best to pursue. There was a feeling in the House like this: a member would get up, and, in the course of debate, would say something, or make some charge against a political opponent. He would be called to order; but his friends would say to the other party, "What; are you afraid to have the qualifications of your candidate consdered?" Cries would then arise of, "go on," "go on;" and thus imperceptibly they were drawn into a debate having no connection whatever with the legitimate business before them. The debate was one of that nature, and urged by this feeling. Members had gone on continually in making political charges, and replying to them from day to day, until they had nearly lost sight of the bill. He thought there was much good sense in the remark of the gentleman trom Georgia, in reference to the improper introduction of the Presi dential question, in this debate. It appeared to him that meinbers did not properly appreciate the intelligence of the people of this country. All these Abolition papers, from which extrac's had been made, were published all through the country, and had been read by their constituents, and these constituents were fully able to form their own judg ment on the questions involved. If the people should choose to elect Harrison, they would do so notwithstanding all the speeches made in Congress, Mr. M. concluded by entreating members of both parties to leave the Presidential question to be set. tled by the people, while they transacted the great mass of legislative business pressing with so much ugency upon them.

Mr. OGLE obtained the floor, and wished to call the attention of the committee to the amendments which he should offer to the bill under considera. tion, in respect to the salaries of the Ministers to Russia, Austria, Prussia, Spain, and Mexico; and salaries of Secretaries of Lgation, Chargés, expenses of missions abroad, the salary paid to the signer of patents, &c; and, after a few remarks, moved that the committee rise.

And, on the question being taken, resulted-ayes 55, noes 47, no quorum voting; but a majority having decided,

The committee rose and reported progress. Mr. DROMGOOLE moved a call of the House. Mr. BRIGGS moved that the House adjourn. Mr. PETRIKIN here t ok exception to the repor of the chairman of the Committee on the state o the Union. He raised a point of order whether i was not the duty of the chairman to report that the committee found itself without a quorum.

Mr. BRIGGS said a majority of the committe had agreed to rise, and did not authorize its chair man to report the fact of there being no quorum.

Mr. PETRIKIN did not press his point of order Mr. DROMGOOLE demanded the yeas an nays on the motion to adjourn; which were ordered and were-yeas 49, nays 68.

So the House refused to adjourn. No quorur voted; but

The SPEAKER said there was evidently quorum present.

Mr. DROMGOOLE then withdrew his motio for a call of the House, and

The House then again resolved itself into Com mittee of the whole on the state of the Union, (M CASEY in the chair) and resumed the consideratio of the civil and diplomatic bill.

ון

Mr. DROMGOOLE made some remarks in relation to confining the discussion on this bill to the particular portions immediately under considera

non.

Mr. OGLE then resumed the floor, and moved to strike ont the appropriation for repairs of the furniture in the President's House, &c.

The CHAIR decided that it was not in order to move the amen iment until the clause to which it related was reached, but that the bill generally was open for debate.

Mr. OGLE then spoke at some length in relation to the furniture in the President's House; and, in the course of his remarks, referred to the following paragraph, which appeared in the Globe of yesterday, copied from a Northern paper, viz:

k

"Mr. Andrews, a good Whig member from Ken. tucky, who possesses all the blunt honesty which characterizes the people of that State, whilst d ning with the President, observed a splendid service of gold plate upon the table, and taking one of the golden spoons in his hand, said to the President, 'Mr. Van Buren, if you will let me take this spoon to Kentucky, and show it to my constituents, I wil promise not to make use of any other argument against you this will be enough."

"When articles like this are circulated through the Federal press, and regarded as second only to leg cabins and hard cider, it may be deemed excusable to say, that the gold plates, spoons, knives and forks, which have figured so largely of late in the Opposition papers, are the same which the President found in the White House when he took possession; that the plates, instead of gold, are simple china, purchased in Mr. Monroe's timethe spoons, knives and forks, (neither of which are gold,) procured, it is beheved, during each of the administrations of Monroe, Adams, and Jackson, having received no additions or improvements from Mr. Van Burn."

Mr OGLE was commenting on the above, and was understood to deny the truth of the comments of the Globe, when he was interrupted by

Mr. ANDREWS, who asked the gentleman from Pennsylvania to yield the floor to him to make an explanation. Mr. A. stated that some weeks since he had heard that such a publication as the one just read from the Globe was going the rounds of many of the Eastern papers. That it had not been his practice heretofore-nor did he intend, for the future, to deviate from that practice-to notice the manner in which his name might be used in connection with newspaper publications or gossip of the day; but as the gentleman from Pennsylvania had referred to that publication, it was due to himself, as a gentleman, to say that no such conversation had taken place between him and the President. It was true, that, with other gentlemen of the House, he had the honor to dine during the winter with the President, and it was due to truth and his own sense of propriety and justice, to say that the President treated him as a gentleman, and he trusted that it had been his fortune to treat the President in like manner.

Mr OGLE resumed his remarks and eulogized the character of General Harrison; but, before concluding, gave way to

Mr. COOPER of Pen: sylvania, who moved that the committee rise; which motion was agreed to, and the committee rose; and

The SPEAKER having resumed the chair, the 1 chairman of the Committee on the state of the Union, reported progress on the bill, and asked leave to sit again; which leave was granted; alter which,

On motion of Mr. RANDOLPH,

The House adjourned.

IN SENATE,

WEDNESDAY, April 15, 1840.

The following message was received from the President of the United States, Ly Mr. VAN BUREN, his priv te secretary:

To the Senate of the United States:

It ansmit a copy of a convention for the a'justment of claims of citizens of the United States upon the Government of the Mexican Republic, for such legislative action on the part of Congress as may

be necessary to en ble me to carry the engagements of the United States under the convention into full effect. M. VAN BUREN.

Washington, April 15, 1840. Which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and ordered to be printed.

Mr. YOUNG presented the memorial of inhabitants of the town of Dubuque, in the Territory of Iowa, remonstrating against the passage of a bill to amend the act for laying off Dubuque, and other towns in Wiskonsin and Iowa; which was referred to the Committee on the Public Lands.

Mr. Y. also presented the memorial of citizens of Dekalb county, Illinois, praying that the punishment of William L. Mackenzie may be mitigated; which was ordered to be printed, and laid on the table.

Mr. PIERCE presented the memorial of the widow of James Howard; which was referred to the Committee on Pensions.

Mr. PORTER presented a memorial from a number of cit zens of the State of Michigan, praying for a mi igation of punishment in the case of William L. Mackenzie; which was ordered to be transmitted to the President of the United States.

Mr. ANDERSON presented the memorial of Messrs. H. Langtry and B W. Jenkins, praying indemnity for losses sustained by a contract for the supply of the Cherokees; which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

Mr. WALKER presented the memorial of the representatives of Robert Mo re; which was referred to the Committee on the Public Lands.

Mr. NORVELL presented the memoral of the mayor and common council of Detroit, praying an act for the adjustment of tiles to land in said city; which was reterred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

Mr. PRESTON submitted additional documents in rel tion to the petition of Hill and Stalker; which were referred to the Committee on Claims. On motion by Mr. KING,

Ordered, That the heirs of William Fisher have leave to withdraw their papers presented at the sccond session of the 25th Congress.

On motion by Mr. ROANE, it was Ordered, That the heir of Robert Watkins have leave to withdraw his papers presented at the last session.

Mr. BENTON offered the following resolution, which was considered, and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to communicate to the Senate as soon as the information can be obtained, the amount of debentures issued at different ports on the exportation of refined sugars, during the three first months of the present year. Also, that he cause inquiries to be made to ascertain whether any of that description of sugar cal ed "bastard," is exported for drawback as sugar refined, and report the facts to the Senate. Also, that he report to the Senate the amount of duty payable on imported brown sugars, during the year 1840.

Mr. LINN submitted the following motion, which was considered, and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be requested to send to the Senate the report, if yet made, of Mr. Owen on the geology and mineralogy of the Territory of Iowa.

Mr. WILLIAMS submitted the following mction; which was considered and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Commitee on Military Affairs be instructed to inquire into the expediency of providing for the settlement and payment of the claims of the State of Maine for services of her mili ia in the protection of the Northeastern frontier of the United States in the year 1839.

Mr. W. als presented sundry documents in connection with the above; which were referred to the Committee on Military Affairs

Mr. TAPPAN, from the Committee on the Library, reported a joint resolution for the relief of Langtree and O'Sullivan; which was read, and ordered to a second reading.

Mr. PRENTISS, from the Committee on the Public Lands, reported a bill to relinquish to the State of Indiana the title of the United States to eight acres of land; which was read, and ordered to a second reading.

Mr. P. also, from the same committee, made an adverse report on the petition of William Tracy.

Mr. DAVIS, from the Committee on Commerce, reported a bill to amend an act entitled an act regulating passenger ships and vessels; which, by unanimous consent, was considered as in Committre of the Whole, and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. [This bill enacts that the law shall not apply to steam vessels running between Nova Scotia and ports of the United States, or between Texas and ports of the United States]

Mr. KING, from the Committee en Commerce, to which various communications on the subject were referre, reported a bill to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to procure steam vesseis for the revenue service; which was read, and ordered to a s cond reading. [The bill authorizes the purchase or construction of three steam vesse's: one for the waters of Lake Erie and the upper lakes; and for the Atlantic and one for the Gulf coast.]

Mr. PIERCE, from the Committee on Pensions, to which was referred the peition of Eliza A. Mellon, made an adverse report thereon; which was ordered to be printed.

Mr. STURGEON gave notice that to-morrow he would ask leave to bring in a bill altering the time of holding the terms of the Federal courts in Western Pennsylvania.

The various unfavorable reports from committees on the Secretary's table, were considered and concurred in.

SPECIAL ORDER.

The bil making grants of public lands to certain States for purposes of internal improvement, was taken up, and

Mr NORVELL explained at some length the provisions of the bill, and advocated its passage.

Mr. MERRICK opposed the bill, and moved its recommitment to the Committee on Public Lands, with instructions so to amend it as to make an equal grant to all the States in the Union.

The motion to recommit was discussed by Messrs. WALKER, MERRICK, CLAY of Kettucky, and NORVELL, when, on motion of Mr. N. it was laid on the table.

LAWS OF NATIONS.

The resolutions submitted on the 4th of March by Mr. CALHOUN, as amended by the Committee on Foreign Relations, were taken up, and were read, as follows:

Resolved, That a ship or a vessel on the high seas, in time of peace, engaged in a lawful voyage, is, according to the laws of nations, under the exc'usive jurisdiction of the State to which her flig belongs; as much so as if constituting a part of its own domain.

Resolved, That if such ship or vessel should be forced by stress of weather, or other unavoidable cause, into the port, and under the jurisdiction of a friendly power, she and her cargo, and persons on board, with their property, and all the rights belonging to their personal relations, as establisi.ed by the laws of the State to which they belong, would be placed under the protection which the laws of nations extend to the unfortunate under such circum-tances.

Resolved, That the big Enterprise, which was forced unavoidably by 'stress of weather into Port Hamilton, Bermuda island, while on a lawful voyage on the high se s from one port of the Union to another, comes within the principle, embraced in the foregoing resolutions; and that the seizure and detention of the negroes on board by the local authority of the island, was an act in violation of the laws of notions, and highly unjust to our own citi. zens to whom they belong.

Mr CLAY said that, with respect to the general principles contained in the resolutions, as that the flag should protect its vessels on the high seas, there could be no doubt. It was the common highway of nations, and vessels under their flags were, to all intents and purposes, protected by them. On the high seas no nation had exclusive jurisdiction.

A's the resolutions were amended by the committee, they were undoubtedly correct; but, as originally drafted, he had some oubts of the principles set forth. He could not think that in the port

of a foreign power, when the flag was consequently under a particular jurisdiction, that its protection was as great and unrestricted as when the vessel

was at sea.

He had risen, however, not to discuss the principles contained in these resolutions, but rather to inquire what good could result, what benefit was proposed, by their introduction at the present time. As he was called upon merely to express an affirmative opinion, he should vote for the resolutions as amended; but the question was whether it was a subject upon which the Senate should b called to

act.

What was the use to be made of the ques. tion? If a negotiation were pending, it might exercise some influence; but in the present case, where that was precluded in language so strong by Lord Palmerston as to forbid the expectation of a resump. tion of the negotiation, he saw no utility in the adoption of the resolutions..

He thought a too frequent use of the expressions of opinions on subjects merely abstract, by a body of such high and grave authority as the Senate, would have a tendency to bring our opinions into disrepute.

Mr. CALHOUN said it was not his impression that there was much difference between the resolutions, as they originally stood, and as how amended. The chairman had showed him the amendments, before they had been acted on by the committee, and he had, without hesitation, assented to them; not because he thought them an improvement, but simply because he understood that some of the members of that committee desired the change. He looked only to the substance and the conclusion, and cared but little about the mere phraseology. It was a point of too little importance to dwell on. He must say, that he had heard the remarks of the Senator with pain. He had hoped, on this occasion, to have his zealous support. He vet hoped to have his vote. The princip'e involved is one of profound interest, especially to the portion of the Union he represented; and it was on that conviction he had offered them. Looking to the future, it is impossible to say what may result from the grun is assumed by the British Minister. Viewed practical, it was a question of no small magnitude. Cases of the kind must be constan ly occurring; unless, indeed, the increased hazard from this new danger should have the effect of closing the intercourse by sea between the Southern Atlantic ports and these of the Gulf, so far as our slave property is concerned. If to this be added the injury done to our citizens, in refusing compensation for property seized and detained contrary to justice and honesty, and the dangerous principle on which the refusal is placed, the Senator ought not to be surprised, or have any difficulty in accounting for the introduction of these resolutions.

He admits there would have been no impropriety in introducing them, had there been a pending negotiation; but thinks there is, because the British Minister had closed the door of negotiation. He (Mr. C) took the very opposite view. Pending the negotiation, and before the decision was known, the propriety of a movement of the kind would, to say the least, be doubtful; but now that it has been made, and justice refused, silence would have been construed into an abandonment of the claim of our citizens, and an acquiescence in the dangerous principle on which it was rejected. It was to repel such inference, that he desired to take the sense of the Senate. If the resolutions should receive the vote of the body, it would keep alive the claim, and, what was still more important, rebut any inferred abandonment of the principle on which it rests. He hoped that it never would be surrendered. Justice was on our side, and if we cannot succeed in establishing it now, there is no reason why we may not hereafter. He trusted that the strong expression <f opinion by the Senate, which he this day anticipated, would rouse subject, that might lead to a happy termination of a controversy which could not be safely kept open. Be that as it may, it is our duty to maintain our ground. If we now yield-if the Senate should refuse to act on the resolutions, or vote them down, we surrender both right and principle.

an attention to the

He would appeal to the Senate, and ask if it is

ready to say that the rights of the South to the great mass of its property, that which enters so deeply into their political and social institut ons, and on the maintenance of wh ch, not only their wea'th and prosperity, but peace and safety depend, shall be outlawed and pliced beyond the pale of protection? Is it prepared to distinguish between this and every other description of property, so as to leave this alone undefended? The British Minister acknowledges that compensation ought to be made for every other description,under similar circumstances, and places the distinction between this and others, on ground fatal to its existence, if it be admitted. Is she righ? That is the question; and are you ready to say so, by your votes? If so, it is time we should know it; and if not, you should speak out plainly and distinctly.

He had not supposed that there was a member of the body that would be embarrassed by the resolutions; on the contrary, he had hoped that all would have been pleased with the opportunity, in a case so strong and clear, of recording their votes in our favor-to stand by us on this great question, in which we are particularly concerned, as we have stood by them on a recent occasion where they were.

It is a proud recollection for the South, that she never hatted to count the cost or danger, when the interest of any portion of the Union, the most remote, called for defence. This is the first difficulty with Great Britain, in which we have been immediately interested. The war of the Revolution originated in causes much more Northern than Southern; and still more strikingly was that the case in the last war. Did we hesitate in either? No; the generous South, ever devoted to the liberty and honor of the country, and true to its engagements, poured out freely her means, in blood and money, for the common cause, without asking whether she was to be the gainer or loser. What he asked, was, that the same zealous and ardent support that we have extended to other portions of the Union, should now be extended to us on this occasion.

Mr. CLAY of Kentucky observed that he would not have advised the introduction of the resolutions, though there was not a man in the Senate or the country more ready to defend our rights by all the means which God and nature had given us, in reference to that particular species of property which the Senator alluded to. He thought, however, that prudence and discretion should admo. nish us not too often to throw before the world questions in relation to it Who could believe that Great Britain, because she has refused to make compensation for the s'aves on board the wrecked ve sel which her colonial authorities had liberated, would interrupt or interfere with our coasting trade? Who could believe that she would assail such a description of property as that on board that vessel? Let her show such a purpose, and, his word for it, there would be but one feeling on the subject throughout the whole country. But what would the Senator propose but war for the redress of this injury, since all negotiation on the subject was at an end? Was that such an open, undisguised attack upon us as to justify such a measure? A vessel, pursuing her voyage from Norfolk to Charleston, is cast away on one of the Bahama islands, and the slaves on board, having been brought up before the authorities there on a habeas corpus, are liberated. Here, whatever the British Government had done, was involuntary. She had not gone out of her way to attack us with regard to this description of property. If she had done so, the Senator from South Carolina wou'd not be in advance of him in resisting her. But in this case, the vessel was cast away in a storm on one of the British islands, and the slaves on board having been liberated by the authorities of that island, on a habeas corpus, she will neither surrender them nor make compensation for them. Though there was a material difference between the resolution as it originally stood, and as it was now amended, yet, inasmuch as it contained truths, he should vote for it, though he regretted its introduction.

Mr. CALHOUN. He had said nothing that could justify the Senator in accusing him of imputing to the British Government hostile or im

proper motives, nor that could lead to the belief that there was danger she would seize our vessels at sea, with the view of liberating slaves on board. He did not suppose that she is about to turn buccanier, and plunder our coasting trade; but her de cision will interdict nearly as effectually the intercourse by sea between one half of this Union and the other, as to the greatest and most valuable por tion of the property of the South, as if she were to send out cruisers against it. The voyage was a most dangerous one. The Bahama group of islands extends for nearly two hundred miles along the eastward of Florida, at an average distance of not more than fifty miles, with a strong current, running many miles an hour, sweeping through it, and beset with dangers from innumerable shoals and keys. Through this dangerous channel, subject to storms, the vast intercourse between the Western and Atlantic cities passes by sea. Num berless wrecks occur annually. It was estimated many years ago, when the intercourse was far less, that the loss annually from that cause, was more than half a million of dollars. To this danger is now superadded, in the case of slave property, plunder by seizure and detention on the opposing and inhospitable shore; thus virtually interdicting to that extent, this, the greatest of all our thoroughfares. It is to repel the inference of acquiescence in a decision leading to such consequences, and resting on a principle still more dangerous, that he solicited the vote of the Senate.

Mr. PORTER said: Mr. PRESIDENT: I desire to do my duty in some form by recording a vote on these resolutions, and yet I am met by difficulties on both sides of the main question they present, which I frankly confess I am greatly embarrassed in attempting to surmount.

I look first to the necessity and expediency of this species of preliminary action by the Senate on a subject of this magnitude and delicacy, which proposes to declare, in advance, the principles of the law of nations as applicable to slave property, thrown, by the act of God, within the jurisdiction of a country where slavery does not exist; and having arrived at the conclusion that such action is not expedient or necessary, I look, secondly, to the consequences which, in my humble judgment, necessarily result from the adoption of these reso'utions, and which are by no means agreeable subjects of contemplation to me. These consequences I regard, sir, with an eye to the national honor only, which, in my view, cannot remain unsullied while the principle, as it is stated and applied in the last resolution, remains a silent record on your journal, unasserted, unvindicated, unacknowledged, unliquidated, by the demand and payment to the uttermost farthing of the sum claimed for the slave property on board the Enterprise, driven into the island of Bermuda.

From the reading of the documents accompanying the special message of the President of the 25 h January last, consisting of the correspondence between Mr. Stevenson and Lord Palmerston, which was terminated by an adjustment, on the part of the British Government, of the claims for slaves wrecked on the Bahamas, on board the brigs Comet and Encomium, we are informed that the British Government has already refused to make compen tion in the case of the Enterprise, on the ground that the latter vessel was thrown within British jurisdiction after the period when slavery was abolished throughout the British dominions, which objection was not applicable to the cases of the two former vessels.

In the correspondence alluded to (of a regular diplomatic character) between the representatives of the two Governments, we find this principle distinctly and emphatically stated; and it is in the very teeth of this quasi ultimatum of the British Government on the question, and in reference this very case of the Enterprise, that the last of these resolutions stands. Sir, I may mistake the effect which necessarily results from its adoption; but to my mind it is a pledge to the claimants and to the world of a determination on the part of our Government, so far as ths Senate is concerned, at least, to demand the adjustment of this already rejected claim. V ewed in this light, profound as my deference is for the great abiliues and eminent