Mr. WEBSTER spoke briefly in favor of this motion, in order that the compulsory clause might be modified before the final vote upon it.

Mr. GRUNDY and Mr. CLAY of Kentucky, spoke in favor of first taking the question on the admission of the principle of compulsion at all into the bill; and after some further remarks, Mr. CLAY of Kentucky moved to strike out the 18th section, being the compulsory clause.

Mr. WRIGHT intimating a wish to make some remarks on the subject before the vote was taken, The Senate adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
TUESDAY, June 2, 1840..

Messrs. BELL and DAVIES of Pennsylvania made some remarks in reference to amending the journal; and the latter made a motion to change the phraseology of a part of the record; which was disagreed to by the House.

Mr. THOMPSON of South Carolina rose for the purpose of asking the general consent of the House to submit a motion, that the House would thea resolve itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, to take up the bill for raising sixteen hundred troops for the protection of Florida. He was satisfied that the discussion on the bill would not take up more than this day.

Mr. GRAVES hoped the House would not consent to the motion; and after some suggestions,

Mr. THOMPSON said he would not press the motion until after the expiration of the morning hour.

The SPEAKER announced that the first business in order during the morning hour was the motion of the gentleman from New Jersey, [Mr. RANDOLPH,] to recommit to the Committee on Commerce the bill reported from the committee by the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. HILLEN,] to repeal the law regulating pilots.

Mr. CURTIS, who was entitled to the floor, assumed that the motion to recommit opened for discussion the whole merits of the question. He desired to discuss the question in that way; and as he believed that it would be debated during the morning hour for two days, and as many of the standing committees were anxious to report, he would suggest that the further consideration of the subject be laid over tili to-morrow morning, for the purpose of receiving reports of committees; to which suggestion the House yielded.

Mr. GRAVES inquired of the chairman of the Committee on Commerce [Mr. CURTIS] when a bill would be reported (in pursuance of the recommendations made by the President and Secretary of War) making appropriations to pay for sites selected by the board appointed for that purpose, for the building of Marine Hospitals in the West.

Mr. CURTIS entered into some explanations in regard to the condition of this question before the committee, and from which it appeared that the delay in the action of the committee arose from the conflicting claims of Wheeling and Pittsburg, and the conflicting reports in relation thereto. [The act of 1837 authorized the purchase of seven sites; six of them were accordingly selected; and the difficulty is, as to the seventh, whether Wheeling or Pittsburg shall be fixed upon.]

Mr. GRAVES urged the propriety of reporting a bill as to the six selected sites, leaving the dis puted one to be acted on hereafter.

Mr. MORGAN of New York spoke of the injustice done to one of his constituents, who had made a contract with the Government for the sale of land in Pittsburg for the site of one of these hospitals, but who was kept out of his money. Mr. BIDDLE rose; but

The SPEAKER remarked that there was no question before the House, and discussion was ir regular.

Mr. BIDDLE moved a suspension of the rules, to enable him to say a word on the subject; which being accorded by a vote of two-thirds, he declared it was not his purpose to enter upon any contest as tothe comparative claims of Pittsburg and Wheeling; to do so in the House now, could lead to no useful purpose, and would only tend to shift responsibility from the proper quarter. The act of 1837 had rendered it the duty of the President to

make the selection. Mr. B. was unwilling the committee should be goaded into premature action. A communication from the Executive, he had reason to believe, would be made to the committee. He entertained a deep conviction that there had been great and inexcusable delay in the Executive action. The course which the Executive had now tardily taken, at the close of the session, even supposing it at all necessary to a just decision, might have been taken, and ought to have been taken, six months ago-yes, long before the present session commenced, when the report of the second Board of Surgeons reached the President. But he would not draw the subject from where the responsibility properly lay. The West would hold the President ultimately to a strict account.

Mr. STEENROD said he must ask the indulgence of the House to enable him to make a few remarks in reply to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. BIDDLE,] on this subject. It was true, he said, that another board of commissioners had been ordered by the proper authority to ascertain which of these two points, Pittsburg or Wheeling, was the proper and appropriate place for the Marine Hospital. And it is true that the appropriation must be suspended for these improvements, until the further action and return of this board. But with what propriety or justice could the honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. BIDDLE] charge this consequent delay on the President? How, said he, could any censure or improper im. putation be justly cast on the President? The law of 1837 imposed on the President the selecting of the respective sites for the hospitals ordered to be established on the Western waters by the law. In pursuance of this law, they authorized a board to be appointed by the President, which board selected and contracted for the site at Wheeling: so far the President was not unmindful of his duty, nor was he tardy in discharging it. But what was the course of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. BIDDLE] or those whom he so ably represents. This decision of the board was then challenged, the President was remonstrated with, and his authority invited to interpose, and to give the constituents of the honorable gentlemen another hearing, that their claims might again be presented for consideration. They petitioned that another board might be appointed. This was granted. For this delay-for this concession to meet the request of the gentleman, or petition of his constituents, of course he will not complain, or censure the President. It must then be the cause of the recent delay. The other board of commissioners, appointed on the remonstrance of the gentleman, (Mr. BIDDLE) or his constituents, selected and recommended Pittsburg as the proper and appropriate place. Mr. S. said that it was then rendered his duty to interpose and petition the President, and present to bis consideration such reasons as, in justice to those he represented, might induce him to appoint another board, whose decision should be final on the subject. If, then, there has been unusual delay in concluding this matter, the blame must rest on others, but certainly not on the President.

The SPEAKER called the committees for reports; when

Mr. CURTIS, from the Committee on Com. merce, reported back to the House, with an amendment, Senate bill entitled an act to refund to Noah Miller and others a part of the proceeds of the sale of the British sloop Mary and cargo, which were captured by them, and libelied by them for the benefit of the United States; which bill and amendment were ordered to be printed.

Mr. CURTIS, from the same committee, reported a bill making appropriations for the erection of a custom-house in the city of Richmond, in the State of Virginia; which was read twice, and,

On motion of Mr. BANKS, was referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and the bill ordered to be printed.

Mr. CURTIS also reported from the same committee a bill to establish a port of entry at St. Joseph's, in the State of Florida; which was read twice, and committed to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Mr. HABERSHAM, from the same committee, reported a bill making appropriations for the com

pletion of the marine hospital at Mobile, and furnishing the same; which was read twice, and referred to the Committee of the Whole, and made the order of the day for to-morrow.

Mr. CURTIS, from the same committee, reported a bill for the protection of the commerce on Lake Michigan; which was read twice, and com. mitted to the Committee of the Whole, and made the order of the day for to-morrow.

Mr. BURKE, from the same committee, reported back to the House without amendment, Senate bill entitled an act for the relief of Jacob Parnell and others, owners of the Eliza of Brunswick; which was committed to the Committee of the Whole, and made the order of the day for to-morrow.

Mr. CRARY, from the Committee on the Pub. 1 lic Lands, reported back to the House, without amendmen', Senate bill entitled an act to autho rize the State of Tennessee to issue grants and perfect tiles to certain lands therein described, and to settle the claims to the vacant and unappropriated lands within the same, passed 18th April, 1836.

Mr. C. moved that the bill be read the third time, and be put upon its engrossment.

Mr. MONTGOMERY moved the commitment of the bill to the Committee of the Whole.

Mr. CROCKETT hoped that this bill would not be permitted to be referred to the Committee of the Whole; but that it would be read the third time, as proposed by the gentleman from Michigan, and put upon its passage. The bill had been before Con gress for twelve years, and had been frequently reported upon favorably. It had received the sanction of the three or four standing committees of the Senate, and three committees of the House of Representatives. He hoped if it was the desire of any gentleman to examine the bill, that they would permit it to le on the SPEAKER'S table, and take occasion to examine it there; but if there was no objection, he would be glad if the bill would be put upon its passage, and to effect that object, and it in order, he would move the previous question on the motion of the gentleman from Michigan [Mr. CRARY] for the third reading of the bill.

Mr. L. WILLIAMS objected to such a course. It was a very important bill, and hoped that it would be referred to the Committee of the Whole.

Mr. CAVE JOHNSON made some remarks explanatory of the principles of the bill, and urged its immediate passage.

[The motion for the previous question operating on the motion to commit, and zot on its passage of the bill, it was not pressed]

Mr. W. C. JOHNSON urged the propriety of committing the bill. He regarded the bill as the first step towards the surrender of the whole public domain. It was a bill of the utmost importance, and should have full investigation. It was a measure involving a question of revenue, and the rights of all the States. He believed there was some. thing wrong in the bill, otherwise the friends of it would not wish to press it through in such a hur ried manner.

If

Mr. CRARY considered the motion of reference as tantamount to a motion for rejection. It was evident that the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union had very much abused its privi leges. We had already spent a month of the session in the discussion of one bill in that committee. It was a place where debate was almost interminable. It took from the majority all their power and gave it into the hands of a few individuals. this bill went to that committee, it would not be considered this session. We had bills enough there already to occupy our time till August, and we had yet other bills to refer, that should receive consideration. By referring the bill before us, the whole question of the public lands will come under discussion. We shall have speeches on the right of pre-emption, on the subject of graduation and distribution, and all these on a bill that does not involve the principles of either of those great

He repudiated the insinuation of the gentleman Sthan from Maryland [Mr. JOHNSON.] He

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Pa did not wish to take any advantage of those who were opposed to the bill. He only desired action, and action was the duty of the House. The new States have nothing to gain by voting for this measure. Their interests were to be promoted by keeping the State of Tennessee in her present CD vassalage, until they were able to effect a cession of the lands of the Government within their own borders. The passage of this bill will soon place Tennessee at the side of the old States. Reject it, and her interests and feelings must remain with at the new. He should vote for the bill, not from any motives of policy which governed his views in regard to the public lands, but because its passage was due to a sovereign State of this Union.

Mr. WHITE of Kentucky spoke of the political organization of the Committee on the Public Lands. It stood four and four when this question was before it; but the bill had received the unaniga mous sanction of that committee. The bill was not intended as an inroad on the public domain, 2 as was stated by the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. JOHNSON.] Mr. W. spoke of his scrupulous regard for the protection of the public domain. He had always opposed any inroad upon it; and referred to his past course in proof of that fact. He a. said that this bill was a measure of protection; a measure to preserve that domain; and he believed if the character of it was understood by the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. JOHNSON,] and if he was to take a statesman-like view of the subject, he would vote for the bill. He adverted to the great injustice which had been done the State of Tennes1 see by the course which the National Government. had practised towards it. Whilst the lands of all the other States and Territories had been surveyed by the United States, and brought into the market, the State of Tennessee had been patiently waiting for more than fifty years, either to have the land surveyed and brought into market, or to relinquish it to her, that she might survey it herself. But that State had been compelled to witness the cream of the land picked out by the State of North Carolina, to locate her military land warrants-picked out ex not by quarter sections, but by acres. He thought

it a measure of great hardship to Tennessee. The Government had never surveyed the land, and it will never dare risk the expense of a survey; this bill should pass as a matter of right and of justice. The lands were worth nothing to the Government, and should be given up to the State of Tennessee. The bill did not involve an expenditure of money, and he hoped it would not be committed.

After a few remarks by Mr. JOHNSON of Maryland, in reply to Mr. WHITE, Mr. CRABB was understood to say that this bill differed very little from the graduation bill. He was distinctly heard, but was understood to be opposed

to this bill.

not

Mr. WHITE of Kentucky said the protection of the public domain was a measure near and dear to his heart. This was a measure of protection. The bill had been already discussed freely at other #times, and had cost the Government more than $100,000 by such discussion. He hoped it would not be committed. The morning hour having ex=pired,

Mr. JONES of Virginia moved that the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Mr. W. THOMPSON of South Carolina moved to amend that motion, so that the House go into committee on the bill to raise troops for the protection of Florida.

The CHAIR suggested that if the House went into committee, a majority could take it up..

Joint resolution of the Senate, authorizing the President to receive the presents from the Imaum

of Muscat ant the Emperor of Morocco, having been read twice, was,

On motion of Mr. CUSHING, referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Other Senate bills were read twice, and appropriately referred.

Mr. THOMPSON moved that the House resolve itself into Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, on the bill to raise troops for the protection of Florida.

The CHAIR suggested that if the gentleman made that specific motion, it would take twothirds.

Mr. THOMPSON then said he would not make it.

The House then resolved itself into Committee of the Whole, (Mr. BANKS in the chair,) and took up the

INDEPENDENT, TREASURY BILL.

Mr. LEET, being entitled to the floor, addressed the committee at much length in favor of the bill, and in reply to the several objections urged against it. He contrasted the benefits which would arise from this measure with the injurious effects of the deposite system, and showed that it was impossible to suggest a more safe, convenient, and constitutional mode of keeping the public money. After illustrating and establishing his positions with numerous references to facts, he proceeded to show the fallacy of the charge that the Government was distinct from the people. He contended that such could never be the case. It was against the very nature of things for the people to be separate from the Government. Their interests were inseparable, and always were and would continue the same. He then drew a glowing picture of the fatal consequences which would result in case of a war, if Government had its funds in the hands of the banks.

The bill, he said, should pass, and he ventured to assert that it would pass. It was a plain, simple, and constitutional measure, and would impart into the currency health, by infusing into it more gold and silver. If this was not the best measure to meet the condition of the country, and if it did not meet the approbation of the Opposition, he challenged them to bring forward their plan. What better plan than this have the Opposition; what measure have they to present to the country? Echo answers, where? We have heard them reproach the President for not relieving the country by a proper measure, and they will not suggest that better measure, as one antagonistical to this. The Bank of the United States has been tried-the State deposite banks have been tried-all have failed. The Independent Treasury, then, is the only safe, just, and constitutional measure which the President could recommend. Mr. L. then went into an analysis of the bill, and commented on its different provisions, showing that it fully accorded with the position he assumed above. The bill prohibited the loaning or using of the public money. It was the loaning and using of the public moneys that created all the ruin of which the Opposition now complain.

Mr. L. also adverted to a variety of other matters in connection with this bill, which remarks will be hereafter given in full, as early as convenient.

Mr. BROCKWAY had just entered upon an argument in opposition to the bill,

When the usual hour having arrived, the House took a recess until 4 o'clock.

EVENING SESSION..
The House resumed its session at 4 o'clock.

Mr. BROCKWAY denounced the bill as calcálated to blight the prosperity of the whole country. He was confident it would blast and wither the interests of the New England States. It would bring ruin upon the manufacturer, and reduce the laboring man to starvation. In fact it was impossible to foresee the extent of the disastrous consequences which must result from the adoption of the measure. Mr. B. then examined the bill in detail, and contended, among other matters, that under its operation every deputy postmaster would be a Sub-Treasurer, etc. and contended that the bank deposite system was the safest one, etc.

Mr. EASTMAN said: Mr. Chairman, there is

probably not a member of this committee, whose views were not fully known upon the bill now under consideration, previous to his election. In many instances the opinions entertained in regard to the measure, were made the touchstone by which the political faith of gentlemen was tested; and upon those opinions depended their election or rejection by the people. For one, I should have been perfectly willing to have given my vote in favor of the bill, without the least discussion from either side of the House; but, inasmuch as it has been, and from present appearances, is to be, very fully discussed, I desire to state some of the reasons which have operated to form my opinion in regard to it.

That the good faith of the Government must be kept in meeting promptly and satisfactorily all pecuniary demands upon it, cannot be questioned by any one. Our civil officers who are scattered throughout the whole extent of the Union, in all the several States, must be paid for their services. Our army and our navy must be honorably and honestly supported; and all who contract with this Government, and do service for it, in whatever capacity, must be compensated. If this be not the case, of what value is our Government? Sir, it would not stand a day. It would virtually be dissolved. It would resolve itself into its original elements and the security of the whole people over their persons and property would at once be lost.

For the convenience both of the Government and its creditors, it must be obvious that the funds with which payments are to be made, must be in different sections of the Union. In all our States, the judges and officers of the United States Courts, the jury men that attend those courts, and many of the witnesses also, are to be paid by the Government. For these services, satisfaction must be made where they are rendered. Portions of our army are accommodated, by being paid at one point, and other portions at another. So also with ur navy. So with our list of pensioners; with our mail contractors; with those employed upon our public works, and with all, indeed, that do business for the Government.

And, sir, not only is it necessary that the Government should meet, with promptitude and certainty, all demands upon it, but it is right that those demands should be paid in a currency that shall be entirely satisfactory to the creditor. It should be done in a currency that is not only not depreciated, but in one that is incapable of being depreciated.

Now, sir, let us examine this bill, and see how far its provisions are calculated to keep inviolate the public faith, and preserve untarnished the national honor. For, however much gentlemen may differ as to the provisions of the bill, and the effect which it will have, should it become a law, none will deny that one of the very first, if not, indeed, the foremost object of every administration, should be the honest and prompt fulfilment of all its con

tracts.

What, then, are the objects of the bill? Simply these. They are for the collection of the money that may, from time to time, be due to the Government-for its safekeeping before it shall be paid out after its collection-for its transfer from one point to another, where it may be required to pay the public creditors, and for the payment of those creditors as their demands may fall due upon the Government.

To carry out these objects, the bill provides that four officers shall be appointed, to be denominated receivers general, who shall have offices located at Boston, New York, Charleston and St. Louis; the offices at Boston and New York to be kept in the new custom-houses of those cities; the office at Charleston to be kept in the custom-house of that city, if suitable rooms can be procured-otherwise, a building to be erected; and at St. Louis, a building is to be procured or erected. In all of the offices, sufficient vaults and fire safes are to be used, that the money may be as secure from felons and fire as the wisdom of man can make it, Besides these four gentlemen, two others, who are now officers of the Government, (the Treasurer of the Mint at Philadelphia, and the Treasurer of the

.

Branch Mint at New Orleans,) are to perform the duties of receivers general at those respective places, in addition to their present duties.

Let us now see how these four officers are to be appointed. They are to be nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate. They are to be selected from the whole people of this Union, for their weight of character, their standing in society, their thorough and efficient business habits, and, in a word, for their qualifications for such responsible stations. Will it be said here, sir, as has been declared by the gentleman from Connecticut, that mere political partisans will be selected, that qualifications will not be taken into the account, but that he who has worked the hardest and pulled the truest, will receive the nomination to the Senate? Sir, let me tell gentlemen that were I the President of these United States, I would recommend no man to an office of this importance, who had not worked hard and pulled true in the Democratic ranks. Yes, sir; pulled true through the whole of his political life, or else should give such evidences of a true conversion to the Democratic faith, as would leave no fears of his backsliding; and, sir, when I say this, I should have no apprehensions that any one who was not honest, not perfectly upright, not fully qualified for the station, would be recommended by the President. Is it to be supposed that among the hundreds of thousands of Democrats who are scattered throughout the whole extent of this Republic, there cannot be found four, whose honesty, integrity, and capability are sufficiently elevated to make them fit nominees for the station? No one would undertake to entertain a doubt upon the subject. Sir, I have not that horror of party men which some gentlemen profess to have. I see nothing unbecoming the independence of men for those who entertain the same political principles, to concert as to the best measures to carry out those principles. I see no. thing improper in their comparing views, and agreeing upon the plans of operation. I can discover nothing censurable in adhering to these plans, and supporting those men for public stations, who will sustain those principles; and, sir, I should view it to be a duty which the President owed, not only to himself, but to his political friends, that he should nominate his own support. ers to fill these offices. Besides, sir, what object could a President of these United States have in appointing to such a station a bad and unqualified man? Sir, let a President of this great people be ever so ambitious and corrupt, he would never venture to nominate to the Senate one whom he did not himself fully believe to be both honest and capable; for his own prudence, his love for his own reputation, if nothing else, would deter him from pursuing such a course. And, sir, when we bave in the chair of state a man of wisdom and integrity, as I trust and fully believe we now have, we can have no apprehension that one unsuitable, in any particular, would receive a nomination.

But, sir, let it be borne in mind that these officers are not to be appointed by the President. They are to be nominated by him, and, before they can be commissioned, have to pass through the ordeal of the Senate, and be confirmed there. In that body, second to none perhaps in the world, the whole character of the nominees, and their fitness for the stations, can be fully and freely discussed. Nor is it believed that any one, who is incompetent or unfit for the place, would receive a confirmation. In making the selections, then, we have not only the knowledge, experience, and skill of the President, but a full review by the Senate, before a ratification of the nominations.

Let us now examine the guards which this bill throws around the conduct and course of these officers. By the seventh section, it is provided, that they "shall respectively give bonds to the United States, in such form, and for such amounts as shall be directed by the Secretary of the Treasury, by and with the advice and consent of the President, ith the a with sureties to the satisfaction of the Solicitor of the Treasury; and shall, from time to time, renew, strengthen, and increase their official bonds, as the Secretary of the Treasury, with consent of the President, may direct." Not only, then, do they have to be confirmed by the Senate, after their selec

tion by the President, but they have to pass through another trial, that of procuring sureties to their large and heavy official bonds, which are required to be signed by men whose responsibility shall be unquestioned. Now, sir, is it to be supposed that they will be able to obtain such satisfactory sureties, unless their honesty and integrity is beyond all suspicion and reproach? What man of responsibility would sign such bonds, unless he believed his principal to possess a character for business and uprightness that could not in any way be impugned? No one, sir; no one.

But the security stops not here. The twelfth section of the bill substantially provides, that the Secretary of the Treasury shall have power to cause an examination to be made at any time into the books, accounts, and all matters and things connected with these officers. And not only has the Secretary of the Treasury this general power, as given by the twelfth section, but the thirteenth section expressly provides, that it shall be the duty of each naval officer and surveyor, of each register of a land office, of the director and superintendent of each mint, that they may act as checks upon their several depositories, at the close of each quarter of the year, and as much more frequently as they shall be directed by the Secretary of Trea. sury to do so, to examine the books, accounts, returns, and money on hand of their several depositories, and to make a full, accurate, and faithful return to the Treasury Department of their condition.

And here, sir, it might be supposed, by those who believe in the common honesty of man, that the bill might stop-that men who are honored with the confidence of the President-who receive not only his approval, but whose characters and qualifications pass through the close review and strict scrutiny of the Senate; who, after being commissioned, are compelled to call upon their friends to stake their all as guarantees for their fidelity, and who are subjected to a general and special supervision of all their acts, might be trusted, without going further. But such is not the case. In addition to all the previous precautions and guards, the 17th section requires that these officers shall keep an accurate entry of each sum received, of the kind of money in which it is received, and of each payment or transfer, and of the kind of currency in which it is made. And, sir, as if "to make assurance doubly sure," it further provides, "That if any one of the said officers, or of those connected with the Post Office Department, shall convert to his own use, in any way whatever, or shall use, by way of investment in any kind of property or merchandise, or shall loan, with or without interes', any portion of the public moneys entrusted to him for safekeeping, disbursement, transfer, or for any other purpose, every such act shall be deemed and adjudged to be an embezzlement of so much of the said moneys as shall be thus taken, converted, invested, used, or loaned, which is hereby declared to be felony; and any officer or agent of the United States, and all persons advising or participating in such act, being convicted thereof before any court of the United States of competent jurisdiction, shall be sentenced to imprisonment for a term of not less than six months nor more than five years, and to a fine equal to the amount embezzled."

With these four officers thus appointed, and around whom so many guards and checks are thrown, together with the Treasurers of the Mints at Philadelphia and New Orleans, who are to give similar bonds and be subject to similar scrutiny and penal provisions, are the moneys of the United States to be deposited, instead of the United States and other Banks as heretofore. With them the several collectors and all officers of the Government of every character and description who recive money for the Government and reside in the several districts where these offices are situated, are required to deposite with the receiver general of their respective locations, at least as often as once a week, and as much more frequently as they shall be directed, all moneys which they may collect.

Upon these officers, with the funds in hand, the Secretary of the Treasury can draw his drafts, and every class and grade of the public creditors receive

their pay at such points as they may be best accommodated.

With regard to the provisions of this bill, a great mistake has pervaded the public mind. To whom this is to be attributed is, perhaps, not for me to say. I cannot forbear remarking, however, that in many sections of the country the Opposition press, either from ignorance or from some other cause not so excusable, have endeavored to create the impression that the public funds were to be scattered in a manner wholly unprecedented, among an almost innumerable number of officers, unsafe and irresponsible. Even every deputy postmaster has been heralded forth as a Sub-Trea

surer.

But, sir, I believe I have shown that this bill creates four new offices, and four only, who are denominated receivers general. I have shown, too, that with these officers, and the two treasurers of the mints at Philadelphia and New Orleans, are to be deposited, forth with, all the moneys of the Govenment collected in their respective locations. This, with the exception of receipts by deputy postmasters, will embrace almost the entire amount of the collections of the Government.

I wish now, sir, to examine the arrangements of the Post Office Department, as they will be under the provisions of this bill, and compare them with the former practice, that we may see how its funds are to be managed, and with how much truth these allegations are made against this Department. There are, I believe, some thirteen thousand depu. ty postmasters in the United States at the present time. Of these about eleven thousand will pay over immediately, as they now do, on each quarter day, the amount in their hands, to the contractors on the routes where the post offices are established-the contractors having an order to that effect. The others, being the larger offices, and situated in the neighborhood of the receivers general, are to deposite with them; the moneys to be kept in a separate account from the other money of the Government, and to be used by the Postmaster General where they shall be needed. So that, by the operations of this bill, the money is to be taken from the hands of the deputy postmasters, immediately upon its collection. If one dollar is appropriated by them to their own use, we have seen that, by the provisions of the 17th section, they thereby subject themselves to fine and imprisonment. Now, sir, how has it been under former arrangements? Almost the entire amount was deposited in banks, scattered throughout the country, and the balance paid by drafts in favor of contractors. The Metropolis Bank, situated in this city, collected of the other banks the sums deposited with them, and paid many of the contractors here. Under such an arrangement, deputy postmasters, situated in remote places, in many instances retained the funds in their hands for weeks. The gentleman from Connecticut states that many of these became defaulters. This I do not deny. But, sir, I contend that the provisions of this bill will be effectual to prevent such delinquencies for the future. The banks, too, could retain them, enjoying the benefits not only of the deposites, but of paying out their own bills to contractors; the Government, in the mean time, having no a fequate security therefor. With how much truth, then, can it be alleged that deputy postmasters, by the provisions of this bill, are to have any more control over the moneys that pass through their hands than heretofore, when, in fact, they do not have so much, and are guarded by much more strict provisions of law?

Let us now look, for a moment, to the situation of the public moneys when deposi ed in the United States Bank. During the time of the deposite of the moneys of the Government in that institution, all the revenues of the country, whether collected upon imports of goods, or from the sales of the public lands, or from whatever source, were deposited there. These moneys, amounting to hundreds of millions, during the series of years that they were deposited in that institution, were taken by the Bank, and discounted upon to its customers and of ficers. It is believed that, in many instances, those collected at New York, which amounted to a grea portion of the whole, were shipped to England, "

form there a fund by which the Bank could deal in exchanges from country to country. In fact, the moneys and whole treasure of the nation were under the entire control of the Bank, and were used by it as suited the pleasure of its officers. It is true that the drafts of the Government in favor of its creditors were paid by the Bank; and it is also true that these drafts were paid in the notes of the Bank.

And now, sir, let me ask, will not the money of this Government be as safe under the provisions of this bill as when deposited in the United States Bank? Will it not be as secure from felons without or felons within? Will it not be as well protected by the bolts and bars and vaults in the buildings provided for the receivers general, as in a bank? And may it not, with the strongest confidence, be asserted, that men appointed as these officers are required to be, and surrounded by checks, by bonds, by penal laws, who have not only the reputation and interests of those who have reposed confidence in them at stake, but their own personal honor, honesty, and even liberty, involved, will be as honest and as trustworthy as a corporation without soul, and with no object in view but the distribution of dividends and the accumulation of a surplus? The receiver general has the honor of his Government at stake-the bank the interests of its stockholders. The receiver general has every inducement that a man can have to be faithful and honest-the bank has but one only, that of interest. The receiver general is a man, with all the feelings of a man, with hopes and fears, and all the sensibilities of a responsible being-the bank is a body politic and corporate, a mere machine, with individual responsibility resting upon no one. But, says the gentleman from Connecticut, Swartwout abscended. True, sir; he deserted the Democratic party, joined the Conservatives, and ran away with the money. Tis to prevent a repetition of similar occurrences that this bill is needed. Had such a law as this bill proposes to enact been in force, that money would never have been lost to this people.

Bat, sir, let us go a little more into particulars, and see the situation of the funds of the Government, while in the hands of the United States Bank. I will not discuss the exclusive privileges which the Bank enjoyed, and the immense dividends which it made during the continuation of its charter. It is sufficient for my purpose to examine into the scurity of the public moneys while under its control.

The capital of that institution, it will be recollected, was thirty-five millions; seven millions belonged to the United States, and the remaining twentyeight millions to the stockholders, $,405,500 of which was publicly owned by foreigners. It had twentyfive directors, five of whom were appointed by the President of the United States, and the remainder were chosen by the stockholders. It will be very easy to conceive that this Bank could be entirely controlled by a foreign Government; for notwithstanding the charter provides that no person not a citizen of the United States shall be a director, and that no foreign stockholder should have a vote in the choice of directors, yet how easy would it be for the foreign stockholders to transfer their stock for the time being to citizens of the United States, and have directors chosen to suit themselves? And, sir, in case of a war with a foreign power, where would the funds of our own Government be? What control could five Government directors have over twenty others? Who can answer that the Bank would not suspend specie payment, and the nation at once become bankrupt? Who can tell what would become, not only of the Government deposi es, but of the Government stock, even? said that no citizens of this country could be found who would lend themselves to such devices? Sir, I should hope there could not be; but when we reflect upon some of scenes that occurred during the last war of this country with England, when we remember that the Legislature of one of the States of this Union could so far forget itself, and the duties it owed to this Government, as to pass a resolution, that it was unbecoming a moral and religious people to rejoice at our victories, as was done by

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the Federal Legislature of Massachusetts in June, 1813, it is not too much to believe that, in times of high excitement, men might be found who would lend themselves to almost any or every thing, to accomplish their ends.

But, sir, let us proceed a little further. In December, 1834, a committee of the Senate of the United States, previous'y appointed to investigate the affairs and conduct of the Bank, made a report. To some of the facts contained in that report, I desire to call the attention of gentlemen; and I desire that they will bear in mind that this report, and the facts therein stated, are based upon an actual examination of the books and papers of the Bank.

It will be recollected that during the session of Congress which commenced in December, 1831, and continued till the 16th of July, 1832, the Bana applied to Congress for a new charter. It will be recollected, also, that Congress yielded to the application, and passed a bill rechartering the Bank during that session, and that General Jackson vetoed it. It will also be remembered, that in the summer and fall of 1832, the elections for members of the next Congress were held, and also that the Presidential election took place in the autumn of the same year. Now, sir, what was the course of the Bank during that campaign? Why, sir, in the last six months of that year, it expended sixteen thousand four hundred and ninety-nine dollars and ninety-four cents, for (as the committee called it) "extraordinary printing." And what was this extraordinary printing? Sir, let me read some of the details to gentlemen:

"Jesper Harding, for printing review of the veto, and expenses incident thereto, and 200 handbills ordered by Col. J$821 78 $624 11 speech, and

answers

message

message

Edward Olmstead, bank documents 4,000 Ewing's speech, Webster's other documents, relating to the Bank $328 88 Edward Olmstead, printing review $418 25 Wm. Fry, printing two editions of questions and $304 84 22,300 copies of Webster's speech on the veto $892 00 40,800 copies of Webster's speech on the velo $816 00" "John Metcalfe of Kentucky, for printing 1,400 extra copies of Protector, containing sundry bank document and articles in favor of Bank, and analysis of veto message $295 00" "D. N. Hewlings, for printing Webster's speech "R. Coneynham, for printing Mr. Webster's sprech $200 00" "Thomas Clarke, for printing Webster's speech, and other articles on veto message, and distributing them $1,512 75 Sergeant Hall, printing Webster's speech, and other articles in Schuylkill County Advocate, $100 00" "Nathan Hale, printing 40,000 capies of Webster's speech at Worcester Convention, 12,500 copies Webster's speech on Bank veto, and stitching, boxes, freight by packet and stages, packing, and sending away $2,422 65"

elc.

יי00 250

"R. Bannan, for printing extracts of Webster's speech, and other articles in English and German, on the veto message, and distribution $200 00 Conrad Zentler, for publishing in German extracts of Webster's speech, and other publications, and distributing them $566 40"

Sir, I could proceed, but I will not detain the committee in enumerating the remaining items. Those who have a curiosity and are not already familiar with the transactions, can look them over at their leisure. They can examine not only the several items and see to whom the amounts were paid, but they can notice the prices also. They will find that in one case twenty-one cents were paid for each single copy of a newspaper.

Again, sir, how was it in 1834? In this year also a new Congress was to be elected. The charter of the Bank was to expire in March, 1836, and unless this Congress could be chosen favorable to the institution, unless the people could be sufficiently enlightened to elect Bank men, the die was cast and the charter must expire. This was indeed a desperate effort, and how unscrupulously the

means of the Bank were used, let the facts stated in this report answer. In six months of that year, during the long session of Congress, the Bank spent twenty-four thousand two hundred and fiftytwo dollars and fifty-one cents. And what was it for? Sir, it was for speeches and documents favorable to the Bank and Bank party. The account is a long one or I would read it all. It was for the speeches of Mr. Webster, Mr. Clay, Mr. Adams, M. Southard, Mr. Binney, and other distinguished gentlemen of the Opposition party. Seventy five thousand copies of Mr. Webster's speeches were taken at one time, besides many thousands at other times; fifty thousand of Mr. Adams's at one time; twenty-five thousand of Mr. Clay's at another, and fifty thousand of Mr. Binney's at another. And, sir, during these six months, the Bank took, of these speeches and docaments, if I have added them correctly, no less than 649,500. Sir, how many voters were there in the whole Union at that time? If we suppose the whole population to be thirteen millions, and one in every five of that number to be a voter, we shall have two millions, six hundred thousand voters--and, sir, about one speech to every four vo ters of the whole United States. Will gentlemen undertake to justify such a course? Will they say that it is all a "fair business transaction?" and that the Bank,in purchasing political speeches sufficient to supply every family in the Republic, is confining itself within its proper sphere?

In looking over this account for "extraordinary printing" for these six months in 1834, when nearly twenty-five thousand dollars are expended in so short a time, for 649,500 Bank speeches, it will perhaps be a matter of no little surprise to some, to find that nothing, no, sir, not even a farthing, is charged for distributing them. In the six months of 1832, above alluded to, several items of charge, amounting to some hundreds of dollars, are to be found for distribution; and the question very naturally arises, why, in the six months of 1832, these charges should be made, while in 1834, not a dollar should be expended for that purpose? Sir, I will undertake to solve the matter. The reason which I shall give, may be an erroneous one, but, nevertheless, it is that which has suggested itself to me. During the six months alluded to in 1832, Congress was not in session. It was the latter half of the year; but in the six months of 1834, when these 649,500 speeches were bought by the Bank, Congress was in session, and many, if not all, of these very speeches were then made. Sir, were they scattered abroad throughout the country, under the franks of gentlemen then members of Congress? Was the Bank of the United States then furnishing funds to purchase the speeches of its political friends, and were those friends distributing those speeches by virtue of the franking privilege which they enjoyed? Were the Bank and the Opposition acting in concert-scheming together, planning together? Were they bound by the same ties, united by the same interes's, and engaged in the same league against Gen. Jackson and the Administration party? Sir, I will not undertake to answer the questions; I will leave it for these who have a more familiar and intimate acquaintance with that institution and its management than I have.

But, sir, this is not all. I have before stated that the United States wned one-fifth of the capital stock of this Bank; of course one-fifth of all the expenditures of the institution were borne by the Government; and, consequently, of the $24,252 51 expended for "extraordinary printing," in six months only of 1834, one-fifth, or $4,850 50, was the money of the people of these States. By this "extraordinary" management of the Bank, not only do we find it entering the arena of politics, and waging war against the Administration, but actually compelling the Government, by the control which it had over its means, to contribute, in the short space of six months, the sum of $4,850 50 to purchase the speeches of political partisans, with which to carry on operations against the Government itself-yes, sir, compelled to furnish the very weapons with which it was to receive the stabs of its enemies.

Sir, gentlemen may wish to know the aggregate