Mr. PIERCE said he should, notwithstanding, move to amend the bill, by requiring the pensione to commence from the time of the treaty, (1835,) and if the Senate should negative that proposition, he should regard it as an instruction, in effect, to vary from the rule hereafter in other cases. There were many examples of very great hardship, under this rule, in case of our own citizens, one of which Mr. P. stated was that of a Captain, who perfonned important services at Baltimore, and was twice shot down. Particular circumstances had prevente 1 him from making out his proof til 1837. He was now poor and disabled, and the committee by the rule in question were compelled to allow him a pension only subsequent to 1837. Mr. P. therefore moved that the pension to these Cherokees be paid only after the time of the reaty, (1535.)

Mr. LINN insisted on the argument used by Mr. GRUNDY in favor of the bill, and added that he thought the case of the Cherokees a most meritorious one, inasmuch as, though they were aliens to our people, and with the recollection of supposed injuries, they had fought the battles of our people, they fought for us, notwithstanding their prejudices against us as a people. Mr. BUCHANAN signified his concurrence in the views of the Senator from New Hampshire, Mr. PIERCE.] He thought it right that the pensions should go back to the time of the treaty, but not beyond, unless the Senate meant to abandon the rule on this point, to which they had heretofore adhered. And would not these Indians have as much as they could squander if they received at one time a five years' pension?

Mr. LUMPKIN asked the Senator from Pennsylvania to yield the floor for a moment; and Mr. B. having done so, Mr. L. read from the treaty a provision that the pensions should commence "from the time of the disability."

Mr. BUCHANAN said it would require a very strong argu ment to go against the explicit language of the treaty. The bill, as it was, was ordered to a third reading.

DISTRICT BANKS.

The bill to charter certain banks in the District of Columbia was taken up, and the amendments proposed by Mr. ALLEN to the amendments of the committee were discussed at length, and adopted.

The question then coming up to agree to the amendment as amended, it was lost.

Mr. CLAY of Alabama then offered some amendments to the bill as it came from the House; pending which, The Senate adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, June 13, 1840.

After the journal had been read,

Mr. CHAPMAN of Alabama asked leave to offer the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary, to which was referred the case of Lieutenant Hove, be required to report forthwith to this House who are legal witnesses under the existing laws, before courts martial in the navy of the United States; and further to report who shall hereafter be examined as witnesses in trials before such courts.

Mr. MITCHELL objected; whereon

Mr. CHAPMAN moved a suspension of the rules, and demanded the yeas and nays. He was determined to press the matter home now it was begun, and was determined to bring other gentlemen up to the bullring."

[Mr. C. here had reference to the language of Mr. Borts, when that member commenced operations on this unfortunate subject.]

There being but a few members present,

Mr. CHAPMAN moved a call of the House, and on that mo tion demanded the yeas and nays; which were ordered, and being taken, were-yeas 73, nays 55.

So the call was ordered, and the roll called, when 171 members answered to their names.

On motion of Mr. HOPKINS, all further proceedings in the call were then suspended.

The question then recurring on the motion to suspend the rules, for the purpose of submitting the resolution, it was decice by yeas and nays, as follows-yeas 100, nays 61:

YEAS-Messrs. Judson Allen, Hugh J. Anderson, Atherton, Banks, Beatty, Beirne, Biddle, Blackwell, Boyd, Aaron V. Brown, Burke, William O. Butler, Carr, Casey, Chapman, Clifford, Connor, Mark A. Cooper, William R. Cooper, Crabb, Crary, Cross, Dana, John Davis, John W. Davis, Dickerson, Delict, Doan, Doig, Dromgoole, Earl, Eastman, Ely, Fire, Fletcher, Floyd, Galbraith, James Garland, Goggin, Graham, Giffin, Hanimond, Hand. John Hastings, Hawkins, Hi of Virginia, Hill of North Carolina, Hillen, Hook, Hopkins, Jackson, Jameson, Jenifer, Joseph Johnson, Cave Johnson, Nathaniel Jones, John W. Jones, Keim, Kemble, Kille, King, Leet, Lucas, McClellan, McKay. Marchand, Medill, Miller, Montanya, S. W. Morris, Newhard, Nisbet, Parrish, Parmenter, Payner Perkin, Pickens, Prentiss, Ramsey, Rayner, Reynolds. Rett, Rives, Robinson, E. Rogers, Ryall, Samuels, Shaw, Shepard, John Smith, Thomas Smith, Starkweather, Steenrod, Sung, Sumpter, Swearingen, Sweney, Philip F. Thomas, Tumball, Turney, Vanderpeel, Vroom David D. Wagener, Warren, Watterson, Weller, Wick, Jared W. Williams, Henry Williams, L. Williams, and Worthington-100.

NAYS-Messrs Adams, John W. Allen, Andrews, Baker, Barnard, Bell, Bond, Botts, Briggs, Brockway, Calhoun, Wil liam B. Campbell, Carter, Chan, Chittenden, Clark, James Cooper, Cranston, Crockett, Edward Davies, Garret Davis, Edards, Evans, Everett, Fillmore, Gates, Gentry, Giddings, Granger, Graves, Green, William S. Hastings, Hawes, Hunt, James, Charles Johnson, Kempshall, Lincoln, Marvin, Ma son, Naylor, Osborne, Palen, Pope, Proffit, Randall, Randolph, Rariden, Ridgway, Russell, Sergeant, Simonton, Stanly, Stuart, Taliaferro, Waddy Thompson, Tillinghast, Toland, Triplett, Peter J. Wagner, John Whate, Thomas W. Williams, Joseph L. Williams, Christopher H. Williams, and Wise-61.

So, there not being two thirds, the rules were not suspended. On motion of Mr. JONES of Virginia, the rules were then suspended, and the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole (Mr. EVANS in the chair) on the

ARMY APPROPRIATION BILL.

The question pending was the meadment of Mr. JONES, appropriating $300,000 for the supression of Indian hostilities in Florida.

Mr. GRAVES, being entitled to the floor, spoke at some length in opposition to the policy of the Administration in relation to the war, but was inclined to think he should vote for the appropriation, and hold the Administration responsible for the use of it.

Mr. DOWNING of Florida obtained the floor and spoke ull the hour of recess, without concluding, in a criticism of the manner in which the Florida war had been conducted. EVENING SESSION.

After the recess,

The consideration of the Arniy Appropriation bill was resumed in Committee of the Whole, Mr. EVANS in the chair.

The question pending was on the amendment of Mr. JONES, appropriating $300,00, for the suppression of Indian hostilities in Florida.

Mr. DOWNING of Florida resumed his remarks, and entered into a full discussion of the manner in which that war has been conducted. He contended that on the system hitherto pursued, the war would never be ended, as the Indiaus, in their fastnesses, would defy the finest troops that could be brought against them. He maintained that if, after a battle had been fought, the Indians had been followed up,the campaign would have terminated successfully long ago. It appeared to him, however, that an Indian battle was like the small pox, for one trial was always enough. In the course of his reinarks, Mr. D. exonerated the War Department from all blame, in relation to the blood hounds. He said it was solely a Territorial measure, with which Government had nothing to do. And so incensed were the people of Florida against the murderous savages, that he verily believed if the Prince of Darkness himself should offer his services as an ally, they would accept him.

Mr. D. censured the President for not calling for adequate means to prosecute the war, and contended that, with a proper number of men, the war might be brought to a close in a single campaign. He complained that no more than $300 000 was asked for by the Government, as by such scanty means the war might be continued, but could never be brought to a close. The people of Florida were tired of the carrying on of the war. They wished to see it closed. He spoke of the cruelties which had been practised upon the people of Florida by the regular army.

Mr. MONROE followed, and with much warmth vindicated the conduct of the brave officers who had served in that war, and particularly General Scott, from the attack of Mr. Down He contended that they had done all that it was possible for men to do under similar circumstances, and that proper allowance had not been made for the many obstacles with which they had to contend.

ING.

Mr. UNDERWOOD then took the floor, and gave his views as to the plan which ought to be pursued in order to bring the war to a successful termination. He was in favor of establishing a chain of log huts throughout the whole territory, at suitable distances, and connecting with each other. He went on to show that this system might be carried out at much less expense than would be imagined, and that the concurrent testimony of all who were capable of judging was in favor of such a plan. He alluded to several instances where ten or twenty men, sheltered in one of these huts, had successfully defended themselves against many hundreds of the enemy.

Mr. U. then went into a defence of General Jessup against the attack made upon him by Mr. BIDDLE, in relation to the manner in which he had conducted the war. That officer, Mr. U. said, had received more wounds, and shed more blood, in de. tence of his country, than any man engaged in the last war, against the Indians and the British. He spoke of the many battles in which he had bled; you could not now shake him by the hand, unless by taking hold of a shattered limb. He spoke of the manner in which he had superseded General Scott in the management of the Florida war. and said it was not by his own seeking; and was not sent there until after Scott had been recalled as unworthy of command.

Mr. STANLY next took the floor, and on his motion,
The committee rose, and
The House adjourned.

IN SENATE,

TUESDAY, July 14, 1840.

The PRESIDENT pro. tem. laid before the Senate a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, covering a report of the superintendent of standard weights and measures; which was ordered to be printed.

Mr. MERRICK presented a memorial of a committee ap. pointed by the Board of Aldermen and Board of Common Council of the city of Washington, remonstrating against the passage of a bill pending before the Senate "to amend and continue in force the act to incorporate the inhabitants of the city of Washington;" which was read and ordered to be printed. Mr NORVELL said he would take the liberty of noticing one mistake-indeed he might say gross error-in the memorial. The bill reported by the select committee was complete in itself, and contained all the powers which it was contemplated to grant, and made no reference to any other law, except for the purpose of repealing them. There were other errors in the memorial, both of fact and principle, which he would not at present nouce, from a desire to avoid a debate at this stage of the proceeding.

On motion of Mr. WILLIAMS, the Committee on Naval Af fairs was discharged from the consideration of the petitions of Thomas Goin, of Timothy Winn, of Polly Clough, and of John Judge.

Mr. W. also, from the same committee, made adverse reports on the bill to rezulate the pay of masters of the navy.

Mr. WRIGHT, rom the Committee on Finance, reported a bill for the relief of the Mobile and New Orleans railroad companies, including that of West Feliciana, (a particular bill for which was therefore indefinitely postponed) Also, the Grand Gulf Railroad and Banking Company. The bill was read and ordered to a second reading.

DEFENCES OF THE COUNTRY. Mr. PIERCE, in behalf of the Committee on Military Affairs, asked to be discharged from the further consideration of "the memorial of Gen. Edmund P. Gaines. proposing a system of national defence, and praying its adoption by Congress." And also from the memorial of the military convention, holden at Norwich, Vermont, praying for the revision and alteration of the system of military detences of the United States."

Mr. P. said the inquiry had been repeatedly made, "What are the views of the committee upon this subject?" and before the question was taken upon the motica just submited, he woul! briefly respond to that interrogatory, presuming, however, to speak for no member but himself.

The present session, it was well known, had, for several reasons, not been a season propitious for the discussion and adoption of any improvements in the plan of our national defences. This had been sufficiently manifested by the character of the debate that took place some days since upon one branch of the

general question--the reorganization and discipline of the mit ua. But, although the committee had not deemed it expedient at this me to present a report, it had been deferred from no want of a deep conviction of its importance. He would rejoice if the public mind could be effectually directed to the subject; and he hoped that he might at least be able to call the attention of Senators to the memorials, which (although parts of each would doubtless be regarded as extravagant) contained, never theless, practical views and suggestions well worthy of conside ration in connection with the very important measures of which they respectively treated--measures, he would take occa sion to remark, that had been discussed with great ability in the report of a board of officers, communicated to the Senate by the President, in April last. He hoped the subject would be taken up at an early day in the next session, and be so deliberately and definitively acted upon, as to give to our mode and means of defence, efficiency, uni formity, and the advantage of a settled system. We could now do it with the light of enlarged experience, and the benent of many experiments made at the expense of others. In this age of progress, and in this land of invention, and almost boundless resources, we were not the people to stand still. We had not stood still. But while individual and private enterprise had kept pace, in all the various pursuits of life, with the best im provements of the day, it must be admitted, considering our po sition upon the globe-the immense extent of our maritime frontier--the mode in which we must be assailed, if ever successfully assailed, by a foreign foe-the easy access to our most commanding harbors--the vast importance and exposed con dition of our great commercial cities, especially since the suc cessful application of steam power to ocean navigation-that we had been singularly regardless of the advances and im provements which, in other countries, especially in France and England, had, within the last few years, materially changed, and were now rapidly changing the character of defensive and offensive operations, both on the land and the sea. We should not shut our eyes to these things. We should not remain unmindful of changes in the art and practice of war, exceeded in importance only by those which followed the discovery of gunpowder in the fourteenth century.

There were some things about the military defences of this country, which might be cidered as settled, in relation to which there could be little if any difference of opinion. For instance-he regarded it as certain, that no large standing army was ever to be maintained here in time of peace, while our free institu tions remain unshaken. In this we differed entirely from those nations with whom, from our position and political relations, we were in the greatest danger of being drawn into collision. I was equally certain, in his judgment, that stationary fortifica tions, in the best condition, with abundance of materiel, and well manned, would prove wholly inadequate to the defence even of our large commercial cities. It must be regarded as not less clear, that no foreign power could ever embark in the Quixotic enterprise of conquering this country, unless its Constitution should be first trainpied in the dust by its own children. Such a project could never be soberly contemplated, he might safely assert, while we were a united people. During the Revolutionin the weakness of our infancy-the invaders could scarcely command more territory than they were able immediately to occupy. The possession of any particular place, however important in itself, would be of little consequence, as bearing upon the ultimate result of a conflict. We had no great metropolis like Paris, which, in possession of one power or another, could control the country. And from the nature of our institutions, and the extent of our territory, we never could have. The leading purposes of an enemy, there fore, would be, by the celerity and boldness of his movements on our coast, to keep up a constant alarm: to harass and cut off our commerce; to destroy our naval depots and public works; and if possible, to lay our great commercial cities under contribution or in ashes It was against prompt movements and vigo rous exertions for objects like these, for which we should prepare and provide. Our fortresses were not to invested and made the objects of long, regular seige; they were not, for reasons to which he had before adverted, of sufficient consequence in this country, whatever might be the case in others, possessing limited territory and different situation. In the nature of things this would not take place, and it need not be contemplated in their construction. France and England had, and always must maintain,large and well appointed standing armies: they were the the indispensable appendages of regal power and dominion, with out which no monarch in Europe could retain his crown a single year. They had not only them, but they had now the means of planting them upon our shores; nay, of quartering them in the heart of our cities, before we could set in order our insufficient, and now deserted fortresses, or call into the field any affective force organized as our militia at present was; indeed in some of the States there was no organization whatever; it was wholly disbanded, and men whose thoughts were never elevated above the contemplation of loss and gain, were out in the newspapers, with their calculations to show exactly how many dollars and cents would be saved annually by the "disbandment" of this safe and sure auxiliary in our defence.

Sir, said Mr. P. can any thing be more deplorably character isuc of the prevailing spirit and passion of the age?

If he was right on these points, we were not in a condition to warrant the folding of our artns in security. We were at peace, but we might be involved in war, we knew not how soon. This we did know, that the only sure way to keep it far off, was 10 provide for its approach.

rather than substantial

He was not disposed to give color to any unnecessary alarm, but he felt bound to say that the indications of a speedy and pa cifiic termination of the difficulties growing out of the North eastern boundary question, which seemed to have strongly im pressed other minds, had wholly failed to impart any fresh con fidence to his. He feared that they would prove to be specious He could not help feeling strongly up; on this subject of national defences, because he had witnessed the deep lethargy in which the spirit of the nation, easily roused to every thing else, had seemed to slumber here. With in the last five years war clouds had lowered most portentously pon our horizon, and on one or two occasions seemed ready to burst, and scatter far and wide the calamities of that dreadful Scourge. What was the eflect upon the Government and the country, when, upon a question of money, we were upon the eve of a war with one of the most powerful and gallart nations upon the face of the earth. willingness to apply our money in preparation for the contest No. He would be ashamed to state, there in his place, the tea want of any thing like adequate means of defence. In Col

Did we manifest a

g

H

He warned the people against another such crisis. Sooner or later it would come, and perhaps unattended by that good fortune which had borne us thus far on in peace. At all events, "I was the most fatal temerity to depend upon it, and neglect the necessary preparation. What should be done? Where lies the most obvious, the most unquestionable and cheapest means of defence to the country? These were questions to which the memorialists undertook respectively to respond. He did not of course propose at this time particularly to examine the report of the board of officers to which he had before adverted hat would take the liberty to remark that the positions assumed were much more questionable than the ability with which they were discussed and defended. There was at least one point of agreement between the memorialists, and one in which he thought both were right. It was as to the entire insufficiency of lad or stationary defences to protect our harbors, and secure the approaches to them. That this had been fully illustrated more than one instance, even when wind and sails had been relied upon, he might safely assert, without intending to discuss the relative power of floating and stationary batteries. How much less the security now, with the general and free applica tion of the propelling power of steam, it required no particular science nor military knowledge to judge. He referred particularly to the passing of the castle of Crohenburgh, and the successful attack of Lord Nelson upon Copenhagen in 1801, to the attack upon Gibraltar by the French and Spanish in 1782, and the assault upon Vera Cruz, and the reduction of the strong castle of San Juan de Ulloa a year ago last November, all of which had been cited on both sides in the controversy between staonary and floating defences. Gentlemen would be more safe in reading the official and authentic accounts, and drawing their own conclusions, than in trusting to the statements of the supporters of one system or the other. Mr. P. said he would by no means dispense with the stationary fortifications upon which we had so much relied; in many positions they were indispensa ble, but, in his judgment, the system, with us, had already been carried too far in respect to the number of works, and in some instances, as to the vast expense incurred upon indivi. dual works. Our country was too broad-tco immense in its sweep to rely upon such works. No man would be so visionary as to indulge the chimerical scheme of making a seacoast of more than 3,000 miles impervious to attack. There were not only a great number of harbors and roadsteads along the coast that could not be thus defended, but almost innumerable indentations, affording safe anchorage, from which a superior naval force might land any number of troops, notwithstanding the entire completion of the most extensive plan of stationary fortifications that was ever yet dreamed of. They could not be Empelled to land under the guns of a battery, or to place them. elves within its range. Unless they should be met succcess. ully upon their chosen element, they would take their own me and pretty much their own place, to disembark. The conwould then be in the open field between our armies and heirs-generally between the steadiness and thorough discipline f their veteran, but mercenary regiments upon a foreign soil; nd the valor and desperate energy of ours, fighting, it might be, within sight of their own homes.

That we were now sadly deficient in the means of defence, as a fact admitted by all. In that condition we ought not to main. We should provide our harbors, that hoid out the eatest temptation to an invading foe, in addition to the sta nary fortifications, with the best floating defences known to e world. We should make, as soon as it can be done consis ntly with other demands upon the revenue, our navy equal at ast to one-sixth of that of great Britain. We should never go conquest. We had, in territory, and climate, and resources, that any people should desire, and the armament alluded to believed to be as large a proportion as England would ever able to spare from other points, and detaich to our seas,

Consistently with the demands upon the revenue! He would not say that. He held that, with the wealth and great resources of the country, we should make our revenue equal to this demand. Want of funds should hereafter be regarded as no good excuse for neglecting defences universally admitted to be indispensable for the honor and safety of our country. If the current revenue was not sufficient for these and other objects of like magnitude and necessity, let articles of luxury and or nament, such as wines and silks, which are annually imported and consumed in the country, be taxed to raise the incans. The navy of Great Britain consisted at present of five hundred and fifteen ships and twenty-three steamers, and mounted more than twenty-two thousand guns; Farnce two hundred and thirty ships; America fifty-two in all, and thirty-eight effective, mounting only three thousand guns. Now the least with which we should be satisfied in our naval armament, was an increase at the lowest of fifty per cent. In the mean time, we should provide for an organization of the militia, to be efficient and uniform throughout the United States.

Thus prepared, with our large cities in a suitable state of defence, and with six hundred thousand disciplined citizen soldiers, so enrolled and organized as to admit of being promptly mustered and called into the field, we should be ready for that which, under such circumstances, would hardly be pressed upon us.

He would not be understood as admitting for a moment, that we would not, even unprepared as we now were, expel in a little time any invader that should venture to set foot upon our soil. He entertained not a doubt of it, because the same spirit that in 1793 prompted the celebrated decree of the French Convention, which proclaimed that

"From the present moment, till that when all the enemies shall have been driven from the territory of the Republic, all Frenchmen shall be in permanent readiness for the service of the armies; the young men shall march to the contest: the married men forge arms and transport the provisions; the women shall make tents and clothes, and wait in the hospitals; the children shall make lint of old linen; the old men shall cause themselves to be carried to the public squares to excite the courage of the warriors, and preach hatred against the enemies of the Republic; the battalions, which shall be organized in every district, shall be ranged under a banner with this inscrip. tion: The French nation risen against tyrants.'"

The spirit which rendered that people invincible, and crowned their arms with such a succession of splendid victories over the veteran troops of the allied powers, as astounded the civilized world, would animate our countrymen from one extremity of the Union to the other; but let every man consider what dreadful sacrifices must precede the final result, if war come upon us in our present defenceless state. While our citizens were taking their places under the folds of the banner which the Republic would throw over them--a slow process at best for want of organization-our, gallant little army, to which the country looked with pride and confidence, would be sacrificed; the blood of our most valuable citizens would perhaps stain the pavements of their own streets; and more property be destroyed in one commercial city, than would now detray the entire expense of perfect protection and security. This, Mr. P. said, was what might happen; and was that against which moderate patriotism and ordinary prudence should provide. He indulged the hope that when this storm of politics should have passed away, the Senate would take the subject up in the spirit and with the enlarged views of statesmen, acting for the common interest of their common country.

Mr. PRESTON remarked that he thought our system of for tifications had been commenced on too gigantic a scale. They ought to have been completed at less expense than had been already laid out upon them. And those which were completed were so large that it was difficult to man them.

Our whole inland frontier ought to be regarded as not needing fortifications. We were there, every where, in the attitude to invade, and not to be invaded; for we could there, in any case inflict tenfold more on an enemy than they could on us And there was another consideration which ought to have more weight than had been heretofore given it in relation to our defences, and it was this: we were not a conquering nation, and were not to be conquered. The country was absolutely and intrinsically incapa. ble of being conquered. The whole question, therefore, in relation to our defences, was a question of annoyances; and on that principle, and on that alone, the whole system of our detences ought to be projected and arranged. We should have merely points d'appui, to retreat to and refit.

Mr. P. proceeded to remark that an entire revolution was now going on, in regard both to inland and maritime defence, by the agency of steam. Railroads would enable large masses of troops to be thrown suddenly on any point of the country that might be assailed. A still greater revolution was going on upon the sea; so that forts, he thought, would be soon rendered unnecessary, and the struggle must be maintained in the open sea. The great difficuity would be the want of men in our navy; and he thought it would be our policy always to have as many ships as could be manned. We ought to have a power to redress all wrongs, wherever given, promptly on the spot, in all parts of the world,

Mr. P. urged this subject further, with much earnestness, and declared the present state of our defences to be deplorably deficient, beyond the knowledge and the belief of most of the members of Congress.

Mr. CALHOUN said all these subjects must come up in their order at the next session, and he should therefore not enlarge upon them now. He thought our present system of fortifica

tions had been so far extended as to make us cautious in our future expenditures, and he hoped that spirit would govern in our appropriations the present session. Our system of fortifications and other defences would of course require to be changed; there must be great changes both in the art and the armament of war, and the attention of Congress ought to be directed especially to the navy in both its branches-that propelled by steam as well as that by wind. This arm of our national defence should receive the most kindly attentions of Government, and could not be neglected with impunity.

The committee were now discharged from the further consi. deration of the memorial.

RETROCESSION OF ALEXANDRIA AND GEORGE-
TOWN.

Mr. WALKER submitted a resolution instructing the Committee for the District of Columbia to inquire into the expediency of retroceding all those portions of the District of Columbia not within the limits of the city of Washington to the respective States to which they formerly belonged.

The resolution, by consent, was at once considered.

Mr. CLAY of Alabama said he would rather instruct the committee to bring in a bill at once authorizing the retrocession, with the consent of Alexandria and Georgetown, and the States respectively.

Mr. MERRICK said it would be recollected that Georgetown had formerly petitioned Congress to be restored to Maryland. Alexandria had not done so, but had recently expressed a una. nimous wish to be restored to Virginia. Mr. M. was sure that Maryland would be gla! to receive Georgetown. But he thought it altogether too late in the session to introduce a mea. sure of this kind, which evidently could not be carried through. At the proper time Mr. M. would be glad to act upon it.

Mr. PRESTON argued that, even if the measure could not be consummated at this time, it was expedient to bring the subject under consideration, and he was therefore in favor of the resolution.

Mr. MERRICK said he was in favor of the retrocession, and he should not further object to a resolution of inquiry.

Mr. CLAY of Alabama said (bere were but two points to be ascertained in this matter; one, the consent of the people to be retroceded, and the other, the consent of the States to receive them. He thought, therefore, that a provisionary bill might readily be passed at this session, which would require no further action of Congress.

Mr. LUMPKIN, as a member of the Committee for the District of Columbia, concurred in granting a retrocession. But if a bill for that purpose was how to be framed, he proposed that it should be done by a select committee.

Mr. WALLER said that the Committee for the District were better acquainted with this subject than a select committee could be, and he wished the inquiry to be made by those best able to make it. He argued in favor of the retrocession, that it would lighten the duties, and shorten the sessions of Congress; and he believed it would be for the good of all the parties concerned.

Mr. MERRICK said he was anxious that the retrocession should take place, and it it should not be carried at this session, he should move upon it early in the next.

Mr. ALLEN spoke in favor of the bill, even if it should not now be passed, as it would more effectually call the attention of the parties to the subject, and of the people of the country. The resolution was agreed to without dissent.

On motion of Mr. WRIGHT, it was resolved that the Senate on this day, and for the remainder of the session, take a recess from half past two to half past four o'clock.

BANKS OF THE DISTRICT.

The bill granting charters to the late banks of the District was taken up, and after various amendments had been adopted, was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading-ayes 20, nocs 12.

The bill, as ordered to be engrossed, is in the following words: AN ACT to continue the corporate existence of certain banks in the District of Columbia.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the provisions, restrictions, and enactments of the act of Congress of the twenty-fifth of May, eighteen hundred and thirty-eight, entitled "An act to extend the charter of the Union Bank of Georgetown, in the District of Columbia," be, and the same are hereby,extended to the Farmers' and Mechanics' Bank of Georgetown, the Bank of the Metropolis, the Bank of Washington, the Patriotic Bank of Washington, the Bank of the Potomac, and the Farmers' Bank of Alexandria: Provided, That wherever, in the original act, the first of July, eighteen hundred and thirtyeight occurs, it shall be so construed as to mean the fourth of July, eighteen hundred and forty-one; and wherever the first of July, eighteen hundred and forty two occurs, it shall be construed to mean the fourth of July, eighteen hundred and fortyfour Provided, further, That in the said banks, or any or either of them, shall, from and after the passage of this act, proceed, continue, or commence to pay in specie, on demand, all their notes and other liabilities, except such deposites as may have been heretofore made in funds not equivalent to specie, then the said banks, or such of them as shall so proceed, continue, or commence to pay spece, on demand, for all their notes and liabilities, except as aforesaid, and none other of the said banks, shall be entitled to all the rights and privileges conferred by their late charters until the the fourth day of July, eighteen hundred and forty-one, unless Congress shall at any time otherwise direct: And provided further, 'That if any of the said banks shall fall to resume specie payments, and to continue the same at the time of the passage of this act, and such bank may, in case it shall so resume at any time within the period of sixty days from and after its passage, avail itself of all the privileges, from and after the time of such resumptiou, which are granted by the act to those which resume immediately; but no banking privileges shall be exercised by any institution in a state of suspension of specie payments; but if such bank or banks shall, at any time after the passage of this act, suspend specie payments, or refuse to pay any of their notes or obligations in specie, then such neglect, failure, suspension, or refusal, shall operate as a forfeiture of their respective charters, except for the purpose of winding up their affairs, under the provisions and restrictions contained in this act: And provided further, That in all cases where the the sald, or either of them, shall hereafter refuse payment of any of their notes or obligations, there shall be a summary remedy therefor before any justice or judge having jurisdiction of the case on five days' notice, wherein there shall be supersedeas, stay of execution, injunction, or certiorari allowed, nor any appeal, except upoù affidavit of merits by the president, cashier, or directors.

SEC 2 And be it further enacted, That neither of the said banks shail, from and after the passage of this act, issue or pay out other than for those existing deposites of the description mentioned in, aud excepted by, the first section of this act, any bill, note, post-note, or other paper intended to circulate as money issued by any other bank, banker, banking association, incorperation. institucion, or individual, unless such bill, note, post-note, or other paper, or promise to pay, is payable and paid in specie, on demand, at some fixed and certain place to be distinctly and plainly named upon the face of the paper.

SEO. 3. And be it further enacted, That each and every stockholder in such bank shall, from and after the taking effect of this act, also be, and they are hereby made, severally liable in their individual capacity, each to the full amount of his stock in such bank, for all the debts and obligations thereafter contracted by or on behalf of such bank, and which may have been contracted during the time he was such stockholder, and such liability shall continue after he may have ceased to be such

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thought that the proposition came from himself to increase the number to sixteen hundred, as he did not believe that one thousand would be sufficient, and thus make four battalions instead of three.

He (Mr. M.) saw the Secretary, and mentioned it to him; that officer concurred in the opinion that an increase of this cores would be advisable, but he did not ask for them, as he believed that Congress would not willingly grant an increased number, and feared that the number already asked for would be refused. Mr THOMPSON said: Therefore I stand justified to the fullest extent as to what I did say. If the purpose of the gentleman [Mr. KEMBLE] was to prove that he was not the member alluded to, he has succeeded; if to exculpate the Secretary of War from the charge of not asking as large a force as he deemed expedient, he has failed.

Mr. KEMBLE stated that, as a member of the Military Com. mittee, he had concurred in the increase proposed, not from any intimation on the part of the Secretary, but because he believed it to be far more economical to employ regular troops than mounted militia-the only description of force to which the Department could recur-the first cost of which, besides the waste, was, by the reports to this House of the last session, at least six for one, besides the loss of horses and waste of military stores, and the embarrassment caused in the movements of the army.

The dread of the Florida war was so great that recruits could not be found to fill the ranks of the army. This bill proposed certain bounties on enlistments for the war, but further than that no additional expense would be incurred, inasmuch as the officers would be temporarily drawn from the army.

Mr. K. would take advantage of the occasion to anaweran inquity of the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts-whether, if this bill passed, any further appropriation than what was asked for by the Committee of Ways and Means would be required to carry it into effect? He understood that such was not the intention of the Government; but should the bill not pass, a further appropriation would probably be te quired to meet the additional cost of a volunteer force of mounted militia.

Mr. K. would say a few words in relation to the armed occupation bill, which it had been his duty to report from the committee-that this bill was no novelty in the Listory of the country; tha it was based on principles sanctioned throughout our whole history, and more particularly adopted in the settlement of Kentucky and Tennessee; with this difference, that we should supply the settlers with provisions and ammunition for a certain specified time, but incurring no other expense; and if by these means we could render the settlers as efficient in occupying the country, and thus wresting it from the Indians, as troops uld do, it did appear to him, that the plan recommended itself by its economy as well as its efficacy.

Mr. MCKAY alluded to the charge, ma le n yesterday against some of the Government officers in Florida, and contended that such a mode of attack was extremely unfair, as there was no opportunity for the persons accused to explain, or vindicate themselves in any manner whatever.

He contended that the Administration party in the House had in no instance refused to vote for a proper investigation into alleged abuses, when resolutions for the purpose were worded in a proper way. But sometimes such resolutions were so worded, that they could not be voted for by the friends of the Administration. For instance, there was the resolution recently offered by the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Borrs,] in 1elation to the case of Lieutenant Hooe. Instead of that being a simple call for information, a long preamble was affixed to it, in relation to Northern men with Southern principles," and much more such matters, so that, with such a preamble, no friend of the Administration could vote for the resolution, without censuring himself and the party to which he belonged. If gentlemen would simply call for information without any such objectionable appendages, they would never have cause to complain of a want of co operation on his part.

Mr. M. K. then, at some length, took a review of all the cir cumstances connected with the increase of the army, and showed from documentaary evidence, that propositions for the increase of the army, instead of coming from the Administration party, had been made by the Opposition themselves.

The remarks of Mr. MCKAY will be given in full hereafter.

Mr. ADAMS inquired of the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means Mr. JONES] whether the sum of three hundred thousand dollars intended to be appropriated by this amendment was intended to apply to a bill (not yet before the House) authorizing the President to raise sixteen hundred men in addi tion to the present existing standing army?

Mr. JONES of Virginia could scarcely be heard in reply; but he was understood to say that there was a communication on this subject from the Secretary of War, which would give the information desired by the gentleman from Massachusetts. The communication was in the committee room, and could be sent for in few minutes.

Mr. ADAMS wished, he said, to have that question settled before deciding whether he could vote for this appropriation or not. The bill which authorized the President to raise sixteen hundred men contained no appropriation.

Mr. JONES could not see, he said, how an appropriation could be made in this bill for a force not yet raised, and to authorize the raising of which there was, as yet, no law in ex

istence.

Mr. ADAMS said he then understood the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means as stating that he did not un derstand that this sum of $300,000 was to be applicable to the law providing for an additional force of 1,600 men; that was to say, that if that law should pass, (containing, as Mr. A. had stated, no appropriation,) it must be provided either by the bill now before the committee, or there inust be another appropriation made.

Mr. JONES understood this to be an appropriation of $300,000 to carry out existing laws of the land; and that whether the additional force contemplated in another bill were raised or not, this sum would be required for the particular service to which it was designed to be applied

Mr. A. referred to, and read passages from the act of July, 1836, etc.

[Here the document above alluded to, from the Quartermas ter's Department, in relation to the estimate required for services in Florida, was read.]

Mr. ADAMS was not yet satisfied, he said, that this sum of of $300,000 might not be expended in part by the President for this new corps. He did not, however, say that such was the design; but, in the uncertain shape in which the matter now stood, he should feel compelled to vote against it. This he

would not do, if he could consider the appropriation as confined to expenditures which had been incured. The bill to raise the additional force he regarded as an act for the continuation of the Florida war; and if he had not entertained that opinion be fore, he should certainly have formed it after listening to the remarks made yesterday by the Delegate from Florida, [Mr. DOWNING] He (Mr. A.) was not for carrying on that war; he was for bringing it to an end: and he believed the President had it in his power, with one quarter part of this appropriation, to close the war to-morrow, and the President had possessed that power every day and year since the war had first

broken out.

Mr. A. then proceeded to speak of the two reparts which had been made by the majority and minority of the Committee on the Militia; the latter, he said, he had read with pleasure, but not so the former. And he would proceed to give his rea

sons.

The CHAIRMAN having here announced the hour of halfpast two, The House took a recess until 4 o'clock. EVENING SESSION.

After the recess

The consideration of the Army appropriation bill, was resumed in Committee of the Whole, the question being on the amendment appropriating $300,000 for the suppression of Indian hostilities in Florida.

Mr. ADAMS continued his remarks in favor of closing the war forthwith, which he contended the President could do if he chose, with one quarter of the appropri ation asked for. He went at much length into an exami. nation of all the circumstances attending the prosecution of the war, and concluded by urging the adoption of mild instead of forcible and vindictive measures.

Mr. BOTTS then took the floor, and moved that the committee rise.

On this motion tellers were ordered, when no quorum voting, the committee rose, and that fact was reported to the House. Mr. WISE moved to adjourn, which motion was decided in the negative, by yeas and nays as follows-yeas 37. nays 105. A quorum now appearing, the House went again into commit. tee, and Mr. Borts commenced his remarks. He had not proceeded more than five minutes, when it being obvious that a quorum was not present,

Mr. TALIAFERRO moved that the committee rise, which motion prevailed.

Mr. STANLY moved to adjourn, which motion was negatived-yeas 34, naya 52.

Mr. DANA moved a call of the House; which motion was also negatived-yeas 44, nays 46.

The motion to adjourn was then renewed, and rejected as follows: yeas 39, nays 63

Mr. DANA ren wed his motion for a call of the Ilouse, and the yeas and nays being ordered, were, yeas 70, nays 39. So the call was ordered.

Mr. WISE moved to adjourn, and the yeas and nays being or dered were, yeas 10, nays 75. So the House refused to adjourn.

The CLERK then called the roll, after which 124 members answered to their names.

A quorum now being present, all further proceedings in the call were dispensed with.

The House then went again into committee, and Mr. BOTTS resumed and continued his remarks unul half past ten. The committee then tose for want of a quorum.

Mr WISE moved to adjouro; but the motion was negatived: yeas 24, nays 62.

Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi moved a call of the House, which was ordered.

Mr. MONROE moved to adjourn, which motion was negatived by tellers, as follows-ayes 30, noes 62.

The roll was then called, when 103 members answered to their names.

The doors were then closed, and excuses received for the absentees, unul

On motion of Mr. WISE,

At half past eleven o'clock, the House adjourned-yeas 42, nays 40.

IN SENATE, WEDNESDAY, July 15, 1840.

Mr. PIERCE, from the Committee on Pensions, to which was referred the petition of Wilfred Knott, asked to be discharged from the further consideration thereof; which was agreed to. The following resolution, submitted yesterday by Mr. WIL LIAMS, was considered and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Navy be directed to communicate to Congress, as early as may be at the next session, a list or the officers of the navy of the United States, denoting the periods of their admission into the public service, the dates of their present commissions, and the time of their actual service at sea, and at yards, stations, and hospitals, in separate columns, since January 1. 1824.

PENSION BILLS.

The following bills from the House, to wit: Acts for the relief of John England, Catharine Allen, Phebe Dickinson, John Keeler, Elizabeth French, John U. Genther, William A. Cud. deback, Sarah Oakley, Reuben Murray, Jacob Adams, Joseph Bailey, John Latham, James Phelps, Conrad Widiig, Elizabeth Case, administrator and heirs

of

The bill for the relief of Josiah Strong, was laid on the table.

On motion by Mr. HUBBARD, the bill for the relief of Jo. seph M. Hernandez was ordered to be engrossed.

The bills for the relief of the following persons were taken up as in committee of the whole, and were ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, to wit: for the relief of William Rand, Ja. cob Beeker, Mary Suow, Mary Prettyman, Elizabeth Davidson, Margaret Jamison, Erastus Pierson, heirs of Leonard Smith, Philip Hartman, James Francher, William Andrews, Chauncey Rice, Seneca Rider, Sylvester Tif fany, Israel Parsons, Medad Cook, Peter W. Short, Ichabod Beardsley, Peter A. Myers, Daniel W. Going, Wiliam Bowan, Gideon Sheldon, Jared Winslow, Lyman Bristol, and Thomas Bennett, were considered as in committee of the whole, and or. dered to be engrossed for a third reading.

The above bills were subsequently read a third time, and finally passed.

On motion by Mr. HUBBARD, the bill for the relief of Joseph M. Hernandez was read a third time, and passed.

The bill to incorporate the late banks of the District of Co. Inmbia was taken up on its third reading, and after some remarks from Mr. MERKICK, in opposition to the bill, and Mr. CLAY of Alabama in favor of it, it was lost-ayes 16, noes 20, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Anderson, Brown, Buchanan, Clay of Ala. bama, Cuthbert, Fulton, Grundy, King, Nicholas, Roane, Stur geon, Tallmadge, White, Williams, Wright, and Young-16. NAYS-Messrs. Allen. Benton, Calhoun, Clayton, Dixon, Henderson, Hubbard, Knight, Lumpkin, Merrick, Mouton, Pierce, Porter, Preston, Robinson, Ruggles, Smith of Connecticut, Smith of Indiana, Tappan, and Wall-20.

Mr. PRESTON then moved a reconsideration of the vote by which the bill was negatived, and the motion to reconsider was advocated by Messrs. GRUNDY, WRIGHT, CLAY of Ala. bama, and ANDERSON, and opposed by Messrs. MERRICK, SMITII of Indiana, PHELPS, and DIXON.

Mr. BUCHANAN said he wished to make some remarks on this question, but as there was important Executive business, he would, with the consent of the Senate, move to postpone the further consideration of the subject till tomorrow. The Senate then went into Executive session, And afterwards adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
WEDNESDAY, July 15, 1840.

After the journal had been read,

Mr. STANLY, pursuant to notice, aoved to amend the same by inserting therein the reasons offered by him on yesterday morning, for asking leave to be excused from voting on the motion to su-pend the rule for the purpose of receiving the resolution of Mr. CHAPMAN, in relation to the enlistment of colored persons in the army and navy.

After some debate of a colloquial character the, question was taken on the motion to amend, by yeas and nays, and negatived as follows-yeas 23, nays 120.

Mr. CHITTENDEN asked permission to make a report from a select committee, of which he was chairman; but it was objected to, and the House refused to suspend the rules for the purpose.

Mr. POPE asked the cons nt of the House to take up the bill regulating the mileage of members which had been returned from the Senate amended. Objections having been made,

Mr. P. moved to suspend the rules for the purpose of considering said bill, and called for the yeas and nays, which were refused.

The question was then taken by count, and resulted-yeas 43, nays 114.

So the rules were not suspended.

Mr. J. W. JONES asked permission to lay be. fore the House a communication from the Secretary of the Treasury, in relation to the present condition of the finances, for the purpose of having it printed.

Mr. PROFFIT objected, but subsequently withdrew his objection; when

The communication was laid before the House, and, without being read, was ordered to be printed. To which communication the following statement, showing the condition of the Treasury, was appended, viz: