26TH CONG....1ST SESS.

I know. In all his intercourse with foreign nations, I have seen him careful and vigilant in guarding the national character, interest, and honor. In administering our internal affairs, the best energies of his mind have been constantly directed to the prosperity of our whole country; That he should be entirely free from error could not be expected, but that he intends all his measures for the general welfare, I confidently believe and affirm.

The Senator commenced his remarks by saying, in application to myself, that this was all a Quixotic proceeding. This comparison and remark has been so often used by everybody that it has lost all its point, and its repetition has ceased to be the evidence of talent or genius. He says I have come into the Senate with two commissions. That is true, so far as relates to my declining to accept the first commission, and obtaining a second, upon a second election. But, what is there in this to disturb the Senator from New York? It cost him neither labor nor trouble; that fell upon myself and friends. I had constitutional scruples as to the propriety of my taking a seat under the first election; I resigned, and was reelected. Even if I were mistaken, such respect was due, 1 think, to my own views, as to have precluded a reference to it here; and such has been the course of every member of the Senate (although I know some of them entertain an opinion different from mine)|| until the Senator from New York took his seat

among us. Those who scruple at nothing may reproach those who entertain scruples; those who feel them seldom will. I will state my views a little more at large upon this subject. I place but little value on a commission, except so far as it is evidence of what had preceded it, that is, the favorable opinion of my countrymen--that I highly prize. I will tell that honorable Senator how obtained my first commission; the second was only a matter of course. It was not by solicitation; no expression of a desire to be elected had escaped me. No, sir, I did not traverse the State and make speeches denouncing my old friend; I formed no new political alliances; it was not the effect of a new-born zeal displayed in behalf of my ancient political enemies. I am here upon the free, unsought suffrages of my old political friends and associates. I will neither deny nor disguise the high gratification I experienced on my late visit to Tennessee, where I only remained a few days. When the old gray headed men who had stood by me for upward of thirty years approached me with joy glistening in their eyes, and, taking me by both hands, congratulated me upon my restoration to this honorable body; and when the young met me, in like manner, and alked of their father's friendship and mine: oh! air, in this there was a luxury of feeling which I would not exchange for all the huzzas and plaudits which a renegade ever received from ten thousand tongues of his old enemies, now conrerted into friends.

The Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. BUCHANAN] and myself the other day expressed an opinion against an exclusive metallic currency. How were we treated by the Senator from New York? But I will first remind him that I have been a long time in public life, and in the estimation of my friends, must have "rendered the State some service," or I should not have been continued until this period; and I submit to all candid and reflecting men whether the language used by the Senator from New York can find a justification. What is that language? He says he has no doubt that at present we entertain the opinions which we express. "But a few lashes from the coachman (meaning the President) will put us in the traces. I would inquire whether this is a quotation from Shakspeare, as the Senator the other day said of the expression, "Ingratitude more strong than traitor's arms," when applied to the President of the United States. I presume this is no quotation from Shakspeare. That great judge of human nature never put into the mouths of his lowest characters such language in application to the chief magistrate of a free people and the representatives of sovereign States. But were it a quotation, can he who uses a dagger excuse himself by the pretext that he has borrowed it from another. Whether the Senator from New York speaks from experience as to the application of the presidential lash I know not. For anything I know he

Appointment of Chaplains-Mr. Crabb.

may have been so severely lashed as to make
him break entirely loose from the coach. In that
case the danger is that he may be so maddened
with rage as to injure himself. I recollect an oc-
currence which took place in Virginia some five
or six years ago. I was traveling in the mail
coach; we had stopped in a village late at night
and set out very early in the morning, and were
to travel about twenty miles to another village to
breakfast. We traveled on very quietly and safely
until we reached the half-way house, where an ex-
change of coachmen and horses took place. So
soon as we set out from there one of the lead horses
became very restive and fractious; the coachman
applied the lash with great severity; the horse
became more furious, and at last broke loose from
the coach, taking with him a part of what are now
called "lead bars," but which, when you and I
were young, Mr. President, and more conversant
with such things than we are now, were called
"swingle-trees; the coach was a very fine one,||
and remained uninjured. We sent back to the
half-way house, procured another horse, and
moved on very safely to the breakfast stand. But
before we reached that place what do you think
we saw? The horse that had broken loose from
the coach had broken his neck and was lying
dead by the wayside. I lectured the coachman
for exposing the lives of passengers by running
such a refractory and unmanageable horse in his
coach. He excused himself by declaring that he
was an old stage-horse, and worked as quietly
and safely for several years as any horse that
ever wore harness; that it was only within a few
weeks past that he had become restive and unruly;
that the change was altogether unaccountable; but
one thing was certain, he would do no more mis-
chief.

I think I now see, by what is said by that Sena-
tor why it is that the present Chief Magistrate
has ceased to be as great a favorite in New York
as he was formerly. Views are ascribed to him
which he never entertained. His opinions are
proved upon him by expressions which the Sena-
tor attributes to certain people in the city of New
York, whom he calls Loco-focos; and this is the
kind of logic by which he establishes his facts.
The Loco-focos had resolved that all banks
should be put down; they afterwards voted for
Mr. Van Buren, therefore the conclusions drawn
by the Senator is that the President is in fa-
vor of putting down all banks. Or the Senator
supposes that this might have been in consequence
of some private assurance given by the President.
That such assurance was given is only conjecture;
there is no evidence of it; whereas we have the
opinions of the President explicitly declared in
his public and official acts.

The Senator concluded his remarks with a shout for the hero of Tippecanoe. This we shall constantly hear until late in the coming autumn; but when November comes-that gloomy month, when Englishmen cut their throats, and Whigs lose all their anticipated triumphs-then it will be a short tale, easily told, then all their joy will be changed into disappointment and grief; nor will any poet be needed to celebrate the deeds of their hero. By a small change of names, it has already been done by one of the best British poets: "Charge! Crittenden, charge! on! Tallmadge, on!' Were the last words of Harrison."

Yes, sir, thus will end the political life of the hero, recently adopted as the leader of the Opposition; physically, I hope he will live long to enjoy the emoluments of the respectable and profitable office he now fills, and to occupy that splendid mansion (not a log cabin) which he now inhabits. This will suit him better than the toils and troubles of a high political station, and, for the country, it will be far better.

I have finished the remarks I intended to make. Not on my own accoont, but for my country, I should regret exceedingly to see any other disposition made of these resolutions than their adoption. I do not mean that I should regret a modification in any form, provided the subject and objects be retained; that is all about which I feel any solicitude. I thank the Senate for the patient and continued attention with which I have been heard in defense of the report and the resolutions which, by order of the special committee, I presented to the consideration of this honorable body.

HO. OF REPS.

APPOINTMENT OF CHAPLAINS.
REMARKS OF HON. G. W. CRABB,
OF ALABAMA,

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
December 27, 1839.

On the motion to reconsider the vote of the House concur-
ring in the resolutions of the Senate proposing the ap-
pointment of Chaplains.

Mr. CRABB said that he could not have anticipated, when he made the motion to reconsider the resolution from the Senate proposing the appointment of Chaplains for that body and the House that it would give rise to so much discussion. He had made the motion to reconsider, not because he was opposed to the appointment of Chaplains; on the contrary, he fully approved the object of the resolution from the Senate, but he had done so at the request of his colleague, [Mr. Lewis,] who had himself submitted the same motion for the accommodation of the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. COOPER,] but, not having voted in the majority, was pronounced by the Chair incapable to submit such a motion in the present case. But, although he could not have forseen the consequences of his motion, and although it was the result, as far as he himself entertained any feeling on the subject, of that courtesy which he hoped ever to be inclined to extend to any gentleman on that floor, he could not say, with other gentlemen, that he regretted the motion had been made. No, sir, (said Mr. C.,) there is much reason to be pleased that the question has come up. The resolution had passed silently through the House, and could be looked upon by the country as a mere compliance with precedent and form; there was nothing of substance in its adoption. But now it had, by the course pursued by him, given rise to a most interesting discussion-one that does high honor to both the hearts and heads of the participants in the debate; and therefore, instead of being deterred, had he foreseen what had transpired, it would have furnished him an additional motive for submitting his motion. If there was a majority in the House, or indeed, he would say, if there was a single individual, opposed to the adoption of the resolution, he for one, desired to see an opportunity afforded for a plain manifestation of that opposition; if, on the other hand, there was, as he believed there was, a majority favorable to the resolution, that majority would record its judgment in a manner satisfactory to itself and obvious to the country. His motion, therefore, had had the effect of dispelling the mere form of the matter, and of giving solidity and substance to it, and, in addition to that, of drawing forth the opinions of honorable gentlemen in a most interesting and pleasurable discussion.

He deemed it due to himself to say that when he submitted the motion he did not know the precise object of the honorable gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. COOPER,] for whose accommodation he had acted. He knew not but that gentleman desired to submit some salutary modification of the Senate's resolution. It might have been that he desired to provide against compensation to the Chaplains to be elected, thereby to conform the aspirations of candidates for those offices more nearly to the true spirit of that religion they profess to teach, which should ever be dispensed in the manner of its glorious Founder, "without money and without price." This, he perceived from the emotions around him, was thought by gentlemen to be impracticable; but he begged to differ in opinion, as he surely did, from gentlemen on this point. He had known it done elsewhere, and believed there were in the city of Washington pious ministers enough who would willingly take the labor on themselves without pay or the hope of pecuniary reward from the Government.

This course he would favor if he saw any disposition to sustain him in it; but if the object could not be effected in that way he was nevertheless in favor of the appointment of Chaplains to that body. The course he had suggested would doubtless obviate several objections urged to the resolution. One was the constitutional objection of the gentleman from Georgia, that this House possessed no power to appropriate money to compensate for such services as are performed by

Chaplains. He ventured to assert, also, that if his Treasury bill was before them, had voted for its
suggestion were acted on, it would remove one of passage. Had he (Mr. T.) been similarly situ-
the objections of his friend from Louisiana, [Mr.ated, he would have felt it his duty to regard the
GARLAND.] In that event there would be no
expressions of public sentiment, and have acted
party aspirants seeking for the office of Chaplain || differently.
for the sake of the salary, but they would have
clergymen officiating there in that holy office un-
der the impulses alone of a pure spirit of Christi-
anity.

Mr. C. said that it was true the present time was a very appropriate period of the year for every one to retrospect his life, and to make confession of the evil deeds done in the body; and, did he deem the present place a proper one for such an exposure, he doubted not he should have as great a weight of sin to confess and ask pardon for as any other member on that floor. But, believing that that was not a fit occasion for such a purpose, he should postpone it to a more convenient place, if not, like all other sinners, to "a

more convenient season.

The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. WISE] had spoken of the good effects of prayer in that Hall at the commencement of cach daily round of business. He (Mr. C.) corroborated that gentleman's experience, and added his own testimony to support the assertion. The House, it was said, had grown no better of late years, and therefore it was inferred that Chaplains were of no service. The consequence attempted to be deduced is not a legitimate inference from the premises. The House may have grown worse, year after year, and day after day, but not in consequence of its having a Chaplain, but rather, it might seem, in spite of its chaplain, and of all that his best appeals to Heaven could effect.

Sir, it cannot be that this House will subvert at this day the ancient and well-founded custom of electing for itself a Chaplain. It is not to be believed that there is even a large portion of the members in favor of such an abrogation of the good example of all our predecessors; for, although it is, perhaps, too true as to most of the Representatives here that they are sinners, which it is acknowledged is the case with the one now speaking, yet it is equally true, in the language of the honorable gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. WISE,] as applied to himself, that though we feel that we are vile sinners, yet we deny that we are not Christians.

In conclusion, (said Mr. C.,) as all the advantages of my motion have been enjoyed, except alone the vote thereon, and as it is not at all probable there is a majority of the House favorable to a reconsideration, and as he was not himself in favor of the reconsideration, he would at that time ask the permission of the House to withdraw it, unless some gentleman desired to record his vote against the resolution from the Senate.

INDEPENDENT TREASURY.

DEBATE IN THE SENATE,
TUESDAY, February 25, 1840.

Mr. TALLMADGE presented certain resolutions of the Legislature of the State of New York adverse to the Independent Treasury bill, &c.

That his colleague was the only representative of his State for so long a period was not his (Mr. T.'s) fault. The political friends of his colleague had prevented an election at the last session of the Legislature. At the present it was known that a majority in both branches were opposed to the sub-Treasury bill, and of course it was known that they would send a Senator here who would represent their sentiments and those of the people of the State on this subject. He regretted that under these circumstances the bill should have been hurried through this body before the State of New York had an opportunity of being heard. He saw by the newspapers how it had been hurried through on the last evening; and when the Senator from Maryland, at a late hour in the afternoon, requested the Senate to adjourn, the usual courtesy on such occasions was denied him. He thought that such a refusal, under such circumstances, was unprecedented in the annals of the Senate.

Mr. BENTON said the Senator was mistaken; there had been similar refusals, and under much less excusable circumstances. During the bank panic, when the Opposition had the majority in that Chamber, they attempted to break him down by physical exhaustion, and to prevent it he was compelled to resort to the use of expedients; and this was done in a sultry day in June.

Mr. TALLMADGE. This occurred before his time, and was probably during the exciting debates on the removal of the deposits; but he repeated, that under the circumstances he regretted that the bill was passed so precipitately. His colleague was chairman of the committee who had the bill in charge, and had he requested some delay on the bill it would have been granted, and he would not have been thought chargeable with a seeming want of courtesy. His colleague was aware of his election, and should he not have waited for his arrival here, so that his Legislature and State should have had an opportunity of being heard on the bill? Though these resolutions might not have been passed at that period, it was perfectly well known they would pass, and this, it might have been expected, would have had some influence on his colleague's course, and if he had not waited for his (Mr. T.'s) arrival he might at least have waited for the expression of the sentiment of the Legislature of his State, especially as his colleague professes to be of that school of politicians who recognize the right of instruction. These resolutions explain the objections to the sub-Treasury; they oppose it because its effect will be to produce two currencies in the country, one appreciated and the other depreciated. The better currency of gold and silver coin will be for the officers of the Government, and the baser, of the depreciated bank paper, will be for the people. Add to this the doctrines recently put forth by those in the confidence of the Executive-that it is the policy of this Administration to bring down the wages of labor in this country to a level with that received by the paupers of Europe-and it will be seen there is just cause of alarm to the friends of our free institutions.

Mr. WRIGHT said he should not have felt called upon to participate in this debate at all, had not the remarks of his colleague, in relation to the passage of the Independent Treasury bill in this

SENATE.

propriety of his conduct upon that and all other occasions when he acted here. Those who were then Senators, and were present, saw and heard, and could judge. Upon their judgments he was willing to rest the matter. To them, and to them only, was he amenable for his course; and he would now tell his colleague, as he had told him upon a former occasion, that he would not discuss on this floor with him or any other man the propriety of his acts within these walls, touching any matter transacted here when the complainant was not a member of the Senate. This, he hoped, would end this matter between him and his colleague here. If the gentleman chose to discuss this or any other topic touching his course and conduct elsewhere, he was at liberty to do so. The choice of the time, place, and manner were open to him. Elsewhere he might have rights in the matter, and he presumed he would know how to exercise them wisely; but here he could have

none.

As, however, his course upon the occasions alluded to have been characterized as " precipitate and wanting in courtesy," it was due to himself, and to those who constituted the Senate at that time, that he should detail somewhat minutely the facts in relation to the action of the body upon the Independent Treasury bill during the present session, that his constituents and the country might know with how much propriety this charge had been preferred. For this purpose he would ask the indulgence of the Senate for a few mo

ments.

The Senate met and was organized on the 2d day of December last. Through the kindness of the honorable Senator who then occupied the President's chair, and the indulgence of the Senate, he had been honored with the same place upon the standing committees of the body which he had occupied for several previous sessions, bestowed upon him, as the then presiding officer could testify, without solicitation from himself. This necessarily placed before the committee of which he was a member the reference of that part of the annual message of the President which related to the finances of the country, and consequently which related to the Independent Treas ury bill. Thus situated, if it had been his object to escape the influence of the powerful talents of his colleague in opposition to the measure, the charge should have been that he was dilatory, and not "precipitate;" for it was not until the 6th day of January, more than a month after the meeting of the Senate, that the bill was reported from the committee. On the following day, the 7th of January, the Legislature of his State was to assemble, and he could not fail to know that among their first acts would be the election of a Senator.

By the direction of the committee, it became his duty to report the bill; and by the same direction, he gave notice that its consideration would be moved on that day week. The day arrived, the 13th of January, and passed, and on the 14th the bill was called up. Some discussion was had in reference to a postponement for two weeks to give time for absent Senators to arrive, and for vacancies to be filled, and reference was made to the vacancy existing from his own State. He informed the Senate that his action, thus far, had been under the order of the committee; that having discharged their order, he now cheerfully submitted the whole matter to the disposition of the Senate; that it would give him pleasure to have a colleague here before the bill should be finally acted upon, and that he should now be in the daily expectation of the news of an election and of the arrival of the person appointed to take his seat in that body; that he did not consider it proper for him to urge any course upon the Senate; nor should he, any further than to give his individual vote upon the question of postponePreliminarily, however, he was bound to con- ment. This course on his part called forth, at the fess, though he did not pretend to be very well time, expressions of approbation from a distinschooled in questions of courtesy, it did appear to guished Senator of the Opposition, [Mr. CLAY, his mind as somewhat singular that he should be of Kentucky,] not now in his seat. The bill was arraigned for want of courtesy as a Senator by under the consideration of the Senate daily, from one who was not, at the time the transaction comthe 14th to the 17th of January, when the quesplained of occurred, either present or a member tion upon its engrossment was taken. This was of the body. The Senate, as then constituted, Friday of the week, and after the question was was the tribunal to which he was properly, as he declared, he, in violation of the wishes and feelwas willingly, responsible for the propriety or im-ings of a large portion of his friends, moved that

himself; but as they had been so made it was ne-
cessary that he should make a more minute state-
ment of the facts, and of his own course in rela-
tion to the action of the Senate upon that measure,
than he had done upon a former occasion, when
called out from the same quarter.

Mr. T. went at much length into an examination of the policy of the Administration, and the course of the Executive in relation to the subTreasury bill. When it was first broached in the President's message, in 1837, it was the whole subject of the message, and in the success of this single measure was involved the success of all the measures of his Administration. He brought for-body been made personal in their application to ward no other proposition, and it was soon made known that those who could not support this subTreasury bill could not support his reelection. He (Mr. T.) was in a peculiar and trying situation. It was the first question of moment with which he had differed with the President and the supporters of his Administration. The issue was made, and the people of New York decided against the policy of the Administration. This was not deemed conclusive, and they had again, in 1838, and yet again in 1839, pronounced their condemnation of it. They had thus passed three several times on the policy of the Executive, and, after all these decisions, his colleague, [Mr. WRIGHT,] who was the sole representative of that State on the floor of the Senate, when the Independent

26TH CONG....1ST SESS.

events previous to the passage of the bill. Having stated that it was half after five o'clock when he moved the adjournment,

Mr. TAPPAN said the Senator was mistaken in the hour; it was about a quarter past three o'clock.

Several SENATORS said that was about the time. Mr. TALLMADGE appealed to the Senate whether he had not, in all his intercourse with members, treated them with the courtesy which gentlemen owed to each other and to the station they occupied. He was not in the habit of using harsh words there or elsewhere. He had no complaint to make of his colleague on this score. He would say that, as far as parliamentary and individual courtesy were concerned, no man carried it further than his colleague. It was his uniform manner, and he cheerfully awarded this to him. But (said Mr. T.) my colleague has misapprehended me if he understood me as saying that he belonged to a school which avowed the doctrine of instruction while I belonged to a different school. I said no such thing. But when we see Senators who are professedly great admirers of the right of instruction quibbling for want of a technical word, our confidence in the doctrine was a good deal shaken. He did not say his colleague would do this, but there had been instances of it in the Senate. If I received instructions I would at once carry out the wishes of my State, or give her an opportunity of filling my place with another who would represent her truly.

Assumption of State Debts-Mr. Davis.

Mr. TALLMADGE approved of the sentiments of the Chair, and would endeavor to observe his injunctions. All he had said was to repel the rude attack of the Senator from Ohio. Mr. T. then went into a history of his difference with the President on the sub-Treasury bill. He said his course in relation to that bill was taken by the advice and sanction of the highest political authority in his State; but since that time these very men who urged him to the course had denounced him as a deserter.

Mr. TAPPAN. The Senator from New York charges me with "interfering between him and his colleague," with "invading his State," with meddling with New York politics. The Senator rose in his place and uttered a long and rambling speech, in which he censured his colleague, and in no very moderate terms charged the majority of this Senate with having passed the Independent Treasury bill precipitately, and with the dishonest purpose of preventing him from recording his vote against it. Was I to sit here, sir, a silent listener to his foul slanders of the majority of this body, with which I had acted? Are we bound to submit to all manner of contumely and reproach? No, sir, no; the Senator shall exercise no such privilege here without the rebuke he merits. I interfered not between him and his colleague; I invaded not his State; I meddled not with New York politics; but I informed the Senator that there were other States in this Union than New York, and other Senators here whose rights were to be regarded, besides him whom his file-leader pronounced fresh from the people.

SENATE.

one of the people? Does the mere fact of his holding a seat in this body raise a man above the level of the people? Sir, he may have a seat on this floor, and yet be in character and standing, among his fellow-men, even below the average of the people of his own State. This has been an oft-repeated charge, that the Democratic party have established one currency for the Government and another for the people; that while we pay ourselves in gold and silver, the great mass of the community are compelled to use a depreciated currency. He would admit that the fact exists of two currencies, one the constitutional currency, the other the currency of private companies; but whose fault is it? Did the Government or the Democratic party establish the State banks? The banks of all the States, except Ohio, south of New York, have refused to redeem their paper, and they are now fighting against resumption, and endeavoring to supersede the constitutional currency with their irredeemable trash. And we find the Senator from New York, [Mr. TALLMADGE,] and the party of which the Senator has become a member, associated with these banks, and giving them their countenance and support in their effort to suppress the circulation of the legal currency of the country. With a disregard of all truth and decency, the Administration are charged with causing this state of things. But I thank the Senator for his taunt, and I hope it will be remembered and profited by. The banks even in this District, where we have exclusive jurisdiction, refuse to redeem their notes, and he (Mr. T.) hoped, when the subject came up for consid eration, as it would shortly, that Senators would, so far as their legislation is concerned, relieve themselves from the odium of being instrumental in establishing "one currency for the Government and another for the people;" that they would sanction but one currency for the Government and the people, and that a good and substantial one. I have no more to say, sir; my object has been to repel an unjust and unprovoked

But the Senator complains that I apply "odious epithets to him." I have applied no epithet; I have supposed what might have been the cause of his finding himself in so "very peculiar and trying a situation" as he confessed he had been in for some time past. I did not say that his conduct and character were paralleled by the conduct and character of Benedict Arnold. It is the Senator's own conscience which adopts this parallel; it is he that makes the hypothetical case his own. The Senator says he is always courteous in de-attack; to let the Senator know that if he inbate. What are his ideas of courtesy? He has made several speeches here since he took his seat; and what were they? The most low and vulgar abuse of all his old friends and associates, a tirade of newspaper slang and pot-house vituperation, with frequent and most complacent reference to "his speech"-a speech when and where delivered I neither know nor wish to know; but I can tell the Senator this: I never heard of" his speech" before, and if it is as vulgar and abusive as the speeches he delivers here he would do well to let

He was sorry that the Senator from Ohio had thought it his duty to intermeddle in this family affair; and he would leave it to the Senate whether it was done with parliamentary or individual courtesy. The term traitor had been applied to him by political slang-whangers, but he did not expect to hear it from one who had sufficient respectability of character to obtain a seat on this floor. Traitor to what? To principle? No; a traitor to party. And for a difference in political Bentiment, am I to be branded as a traitor, to be compared to Arnold? The Senator talks of what he knows nothing about, and reminds me of a certain British lord's puppy, who did not get his eyes open until he was about to be drowned. But the Senator is the very personification of Loco Focoism. He professes to be one of the Simon Pures of that school. He also professes another principle, which is a very natural one for a Loco Foco. I have seen it stated in the newspapers, that when the news of the Southampton insurrection reached Ohio, the Senator expressed his willingness to furnish powder and ball to the negroes. This feeling was only carrying out the destructive doctrines of Loco Focoism. He rep-it pass into oblivion without awakening a recolresents me as saying that New York is the whole Union, and that all legislation must stop until she is fully represented. I said no such thing, and pronounce it a misrepresentation, unintentional no doubt. It is likely if that Senator had his way, one Senator would be thought sufficient for New York, provided he be always right. He would not follow the example of the Senator from Ohio, and invade her territory; there is one there already who is used to repel invaders, and he will take care of the gentleman. He calls me a traitor. If I am a traitor, then are the people of New York, whose representative I am, traitors. Let him come within her borders and say this to her sons, and they will treat him with the scorn and contempt he deserves.

Mr. HENDERSON rose to a point of order. He would inquire of the Chair whether he comsidered the course of remarks now indulged in as being within the rules of order.

The CHAIR stated that he had avoided any interference, because he trusted to the Senate to preserve its own dignity and the order of the body. He relied on the sense of honor and decorum of the Senators to treat each other with that respect and courtesy which is alike due to each other as gentlemen and the station they occupied. Since the Senator from Mississippi, however, had raised the point of order, he would say that he considered the remarks of the Senator from New York as transcending the limits of parliamentary courtesy. He regretted to be compelled to say this, but it was a duty imposed upon him by the position he held as the Presiding Officer of the body, and when he knew his duty he could discharge it.

lection of it, which can do him no honor. "Court-
eous in debate!" I submit to no such courtesy.
In my life, sir, I have never heard any man speak
in public who was more abusive, more calumni-
ous, more careless in his assertions; he must be-
come courteous himself before he claims to be
treated with courtesy by others. The Senator
calls himself a Democratic Whig, and says I am
a Loco Foco. I am indifferent what he calls me;
my enemies cannot change my name; near fifty
years I have belonged to a party devoted to the
support of sound Democratic principles. We
were called Democrats by way of reproach. What
was intended as a stigma we adhered to as an
honor; we cherish the name; it designates prin-
ciples. We do not change our name annually as
the serpent changes his skin. I am a Democrat,
simply and purely; not, thank God, a Democratic
Whig nor a Whig Democrat.

But the Senator has referred to a stale slander
that he has picked up in some newspaper or other.
I will not descend to answer a charge made on
such authority. I would scarcely notice any
charge on the authority of the Senator himself,
much less the stories which he picks up out of
Whig newspapers. No, sir, when a charge is
brought against me it must have an indorser, and
a good and substantial indorser, and then I will
answer it.

The Senator has asserted that the policy of the Administration tends to the establishment of "one currency for the Government and another for the people." One currency for the Government and another for the people! Who are the people? Are you, Mr. President, and is he, not

dulges himself in such attacks on me and my friends, he must expect to be answered plainly and promptly. I go no further; for, from my soul, I pity the man who, to court the favor of new associates, finds it necessary to abuse and vilify his old ones.

On motion of Mr. WRIGHT, the resolutions were ordered to be printed, and laid on the table.

ASSUMPTION OF STATE DEBTS.
SPEECH OF HON. JOHN DAVIS,
OF MASSACHUSETTS,
IN SENATE, March 3, 1840,

In reply to Mr. BUCHANAN, on the resolutions of the select
committee on the assumption by the Federal Government
of the debts of the States.

Mr. DAVIS. Mr. President, the morning fol lowing the remarks made by the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. BUCHANAN] upon my printed speech in reply to a speech of his, I asked per mission of the Senate to restate my observations in reply, as I had reason to believe some of them have been misapprehended, and to add some further remarks, as I had then had an opportunity to run over the speeches, and should endeavor thus to place the whole matter on a footing that could not be misapprehended.

The Senate being then anxious to proceed in the unfinished business of the day, signified its wish that I should embrace another opportunity, and I now seize the earliest moment which has presented itself to discharge that duty. This, I am aware, is a subject that ought not to occupy time in this place, and my apology is that I did not introduce it, and claim only the right of vindicating myself against the extraordinary statements of the member from Pennsylvania.

In order to a full understanding of the relation which events connected with this subject have with each other, I shall recall to mind the occur rences as they happened.

A few days before I replied to the member from Pennsylvania I made some remarks upon several topics of interest which seemed to connect themselves with the discussion, and the Senator from

J