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and meant it should be understood. This exp. Il lutions submitted by the chairman of the select

26TI CONG....1st Sess.
Assumption of State Debts--Mr. Strange.

SENATE. ket, and sharing those of the world in the sale of of any moment. It was not the measure of influ and has already afforded so wide a field of debate. his productions? It is the instated paper bubble; it ence which it would have that I discussed, or But the good-humored assaults made upon me on is because we nianuiacture at the nominal prices thought important, as I alluded to it only in a yesterday by the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. of our own inflaied currency, and are compelled summary way. It was the opinions and doctrines | CRITTENDEN,) excited me to a degree that made to sell at the real prices of other nations.” Such, advanced in the argument, the general scope of me unmindful, for the time, of my weakness. in his view, is the cause of our embarrassment and policy advocated by the member, upon which I | Perhaps he brought me somewhat into the state failure in success. Now, sir, what is the remedy || commented, and to which I replied. I could not

of the Prince of Denmark when, witnessing the proposed by the Senator? “ Reduce (says he) misunderstand him in expressing the opinion that extravagances of Laertes over the grave of his our nominal to the real standard of prices through- || the bill would have its influence as a corrective, sister, he exclaimed, out the world, and you cover our country with and I am indifferent what degree of influence is

“ Nay, an thou'lt mouth,

I'll rant as well as thou." blessings and benefits.” We are to take exclu

or may be ascribed to it. sive possession ofour own market, and enter those The Senator laid hold of another isolated para His prophetic visions produced a correspondof the world successfully; and by what process ? graph of my reply at the thirteenth page, and ent delirium in myself, and tempted me to efforts By reducing the cost of our goods “ to the stand

supposes I meant to assert that he and his friends to out-prophesy him. Time must, as in other ard of prices throughout the world; by bringing contended that the bill would reduce the value of cases, disclose whether the four hundred who wages down as low as those who manufacture

property and wages one half. I assured him the foretold success to Ahab at Ramoth-Gilead, or cheapest; for by no other process can we enter the other day, and now do it again, that such is not Micaiah the son of Imlah, who prognosticated markets of the world in successful competition. | my meaning, nor does it seem to me to be the defeat, are the truer prophets. The Senator shows us that England is carrying just or fair construction of the language. The But neither of us, I fear, can boast much of uncon an unsuccessful competition in the manufacture | language is this: “I do not impute this power to

tion from above; and while it is forbidden to us of cutlery with Germany, because of the paper the bill, but it is enough for me that its friends to look even upon the shadows of coming events, money of England. Germany, he alleges, is a do." What power? He allegres the power to we must be content to speculate by the pale light hard-money country, and the costs of production reduce wages and property one khalf. I say the of reason, and to draw from the experience of the or wages is lower, and she therefore manufactures power to reduce wages and property, and to im past analogical deductions for the future. cheaper. prove our relations to foreign trade, without as

When I said to the Senator from Kentucky Now,sir, what is the standard of prices through- || signing any particulars proportion of reduction. (Mr. CRITTENDEN) on yesterday that I differed out the world? It must be a standard which will The Senator draws the proportion from a sypo

from him with less regret than I did with the enable us to sell as low as others; to produce as thetical case stated by me in illustration of the Senator from Pennsylvania, (Mr. BUCHANAN,] ! low as the nation that produces lowest, or we can general proposition under consideration, that said it in no spirit of unkindness; indeed, had I not get the exclusive possession of our own mar reduction of wages would be beneficial to the la done so, I should have misrepresented my own ket, and enter the markets of the world in success borer. This I combated, and in the hypothesis feenings. I am not one of those who cannot do ful competition. We must go down to the wages assumed a case in which wages were supposed justice

e to a political opponent. No one, I am of France, Germany, and other countries that to be reduced one half. Having gone through gure, within this Chamber, listens to that Senator produce lower than our laborers, or those of Eng with this, which appears on the face of it to be, with more pleasure than myself; no one more land. If I can understand language, the paper what it is, hypothetical, and not founded on pro admires the dexterity with which he wields his bubble is to be reduced till this result is reached. || positions intended to be imputed to any one as blade, althoug'i myself may sometimes feel the The Senator says he is for a mixed currency, but used in argument, I return by a new paragraph | keenness of its edge. But I cannot but regret goes for the reduction of it till it brings prices to to the bill, and use the language I have read, not that the same saga city and skill with which he ihis standard. Of what consequence is it, Mr. intending to refer to the hypothesis, or the pro wields it are not displayed in the selection of the President, whether it shall be mixed or unmixed, portion of reduction in it, but to the general pro cause in which to ditaw it. I should be happy to hard money, or hard money and paper, if the re portion under consideration. He therefore gives || fight upon the same si

ide with the Senator from duction is to go on till this effect of coming down a meaning to my remarks never designed or Kentucky, did not sad experience convince me to the standard of prices throughout the world is thought of by me until I heard his construction. that if I ever do so, I must be content to take the produced ? None whatever; and yet so confident He does not read the speech as I understand it, wrong one. is the Senator in the soundness of his policy, that

As usual, the debate upon the report and resohe exhorts the manufacturers to take the correct nation is the same I gave the other day, is ive into their own hands, and to bring this result what the Senator called a disclaimer. It is a dis- committee, the Senator fror o Tennessee, (Mr. about; and yet he complains of me as represent claimer of nothing but his construction of my GRUNDY,] has taken a very

discursive range, ing him as ioo much of a hard-money, man. I || language and meaning. If that is what he meant and the whole field of party'sti fife has been travsupposed in all this the Senator looked really to by a disclaimer, I am content with it, but I wish ersed as suited the tasies of the various speakhard money;

but whether he did or not is of little to be rightly understood. If you take the para ers. Upon its first introduction, the report was consequence, as the effect on labor and business || graphs alone which the Senator read, it may be met by the most extraordinary i usilade ever witwill be the same. I was led to this conclusion, understood as he represents; but that is not the nessed in this Chamber, and the vigor of the alfor I thought he would not wish to be understood inference as it appears to me from the whole text. tack plainly indicated the heart-c herished value as viewing one currency as most useful to the But the Senator went further, and read from of the objects against which the report and resomanufacturers and another to the country. If there be confusion in the matter I am not answer

my speech the next sentence, which is: “What lutions were leveled. And yet in de resolutions response will the farmers, mechanics, and manu contain four simple propositions, w

which the reable for that, for I replied to such opinions as were facturers make to such a flagitious proposition?" || port sustains by able and unanswerable arguadvanced. It appeared to me that the evil com

bsitions are: and, seizing upon the word “flagitious,” used in ments. The first three of these prope plained of was the expansion of the currency, and no sense offensively, not having the remotest per "1. Resolved, that the assumption, directly

or indirectly, the remedy proposed a reduction to this standard

eh have been, sonal application to him, but applied to the gen

by the General Government, of the debts whiid

I objects or of prices throughout the world. I know the Sen

or may be, contracted by the States for loca eral proposition to reduce wages, &c., and not ator has spoken much of his friendship for la

State purposes, would be unjust, both to the s to the hypothesis or anything contained in it,

the people. borers; but it is his practical views of policy, his inquires of the Senate if he might not pronounce 2. Resolved, That such assumption would b

e highly in means to be employed to secure prosperity, that this statement a flagitious representation of his

expedient, and dangerous to the union of the l examined. Tdid not consider the part of his

« 3. Resolved, That such assumption would

be wholly remarks. I wish him now to state whether in

unauthorized by, and in violation of the Cons

Fitution of speech from which he has read, and considers the employing that language he meant to reflect on the United States, and utterly repugnant to all the objecu foundation of unjust remarks elsewhere, as an im me personally? (Mr. D. paused a moment, and and purposes for which the Federal Union was for portant or material portion of his reasoning. Such the Senator not making an answer, he added,) if Neither of these propositions had any

one the is the doctrine contained in the printed speech. It he did, then I hurl back the imputation with the temerity openly to question, and with

all the is before the world, and let them judge of it and scorn and contempt language so unmerited and fearlessness ascribed by the Senator froren Kensee whether I have brought the member nearer unprovoked deserves, and suspend further re tucky (Mr. CRITTENDEN) to American Ser nators, to being a friend of hard money than he brings marks till I hear the member.

in the discharge of official duty; and just , as I himself.

trust, no one liere has been bold enough to dispute But the Senator pointed out two paragraphsin my reply which he says do him injustice. "If so,


the truth of either of them.

But it is said their assertion in this forn, and it was not my purpose. On the first page, he al

at this time, is irregular, unnecessary, and SPEECH OF HON. R. STRANGE,

impolleges that, in a general summary which I make,

itic. Irregular, because no legislative act (not of his exclusive views, as the paragraph


proposed, either by the report or the resolutions. shows,) I impute to him an opinion that the sub

This is an extraordinary objection to come In Senate, February 27, 1840,

from Treasury will have a greater influence over banks On the assumption by the Federal Government of the debts

a party who passed the resolution condemnatory and banking, and reluce the currency beyond

of General Jackson through this body by acwhat he ever thought or has contended it would

of the States, and in reply to Messrs. Clay and Crit

clamation. It is true that resolution was su Lisedo, notwithstanding I expressly state, in another place, when I speak of him alone, that he declares

Mr. STRANGE said:

quently expunged, but the ground of its expone

tion was not that it contemplated no legislati Mr. PRESIDENT: I may say with honest lago, action. But is it true that our duty here is

live himself the friend of well-regulated banks and a mixed currency. On this point I shall only say but with much more sincerity than he did,

fined to the mere passage of laws? Does the sto ferit is the last on which I could have anticipated

“I do repent me, that I put it to you."

age of the vessel of State depend exclusively upcomplaint, after all the reasoning of the Senator I do most sincerely regret the rashness which on the passage of laws? And if not, is Congress to prove the expediency of reducing the currency, has imposed upon myself a task to which my to leave that steerage to other hands, and to take because of the evils of banking. But the effect of state of health is so inadequatc--the undertaking no thought of the direction in which the vessel is the bill is matter that never entered my mind as to address the Senate upon a subject which opens 1 tonding? If, from the lookout point which it foc

lates and to



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cupies, it beholds rocks and shoals, and whirl It cannot be the mere declaration that the States revenues arising therefrom, for the before-inentioned purpools, and quick sands lying before her, is no owe so much money that can injure their credit, poses, would be equully unjust, inexpedient, and unconwarning voice to be lifted up? Can there be a because that was before a matter of public notodoubt that this is one of the most important duties riety. The debts of Governments, and especially And here the gentlemen on the other side make which our constituents expect us to perform; that free Governments, can never be a secret to any

their stand and fight against the resolution, and we should make diligeni use of all the talents one who desires to know the truth. They are

insist that it is both constitutional, just, and exwhich God has given us, and of the advantages contracted in the face of day, and are evidenced by || pedient to distribute the proceeds of the publio of our position to search out political truth, keep records continually spread open in the broad light || lands among the States. On all these points I take it steadily in view, and proclaim it to our fellow

of the sun.
What, then, is the discrediting mat-

issue. citizens? Does not the whole usage of the nation ter? It is the declaration that this Government 1. I say it is unconstitutional. Why? I asprove it to be so? In my opinion, sir, were we will not assume to pay them. But if it was

sume it as a political axiom, disputed by no one, io neglect this, we should nieglect the most im known and believed before that this Government

that this Government has no power to raise money portant half of our duty. The report and reso would not assume to pay them; if the conviction for any other purposes than those set forth in lutions, ihen, are not irregular, unless, as it is fur was firm and unwavering, would a declaration to

the Constitution which gave that Government exther contended, they are unnecessary. that effect operate in any way upon my mind?

istence. I assume further, what I presume no They are denounced as unnecessary because || Surely not. Suppose this Government were to

one will question, that distribution among the the assumption of the State debts by the General declare that it would not assume to pay the debt

States is not one of those purposes. Does it not Government has never been contemplated by any of Great Britain; would that affect the credit of follow, as an inevitable conclusion of right reason, one. Who that has looked upon the signs of the Great Britain ? No; and no one imagines that

that whatever might be the constitutional power times can feel this security? Are not the newspa it would. Why? Because the wildest visionary

of Congress over a fund on hand, which it was pers of a certain class full of suggestions upon this that ever lived never for a moment imagined that

evident could never be absorbed in the proper outsubject, and have not the circulars of bankers been the Government of the United States would as lay of the Government, it would be a manifest put forth indicating its propriety and even neces sume the British debt. If, then, the public mind

breach of all constitutional trust to make such a sity? But the Senator from Kentucky, who ad on both sides of the Atlantic were equally clear of distribution, when the effect would be to create a dressed us some days ago, (Mr. Clay,] demands, || the impression that the General Government

necessity for raising further sums by taxation to with an appearance of scorn, if we are to pay any would assume the debts of the States as that it | supply the place of those so diverted by distribuattention to newspaper suggestions or bank cir would assume the debts of Great Britain, could

tion? culars. I answer, unhesitatingly, yes. He asks the credit of the States be any more affected by

But I understood the Senator from Kentucky, if our action is to be at all atiected by them. the declaration that she will not assume their | [Mr. Clay,] who addressed us the other day, io Again I auswer, yes. The day has gone by when debts than would be the credit of Great Britain consider a portion of these lands as a specific the press is nothing, or money kings are to be by a similar declaration? Surely not. The ar trust, to be applied to certain purposes distinctly despised. The latter great personages plant their l gument, then, that the credit of the States will be pointed out in the deeds of cession. feet upon the necks of those who control empires. affected by the declaration that the General Gov The following is the language used in the cesHow long has it been since the stamp of a bank ernment will not assume their debts must be sion made by the State of Virginia, on the Ist day er's foot, and his declaration that if a certain war founded upon the supposition that such an ex

of March, 1784, to wit: was declared he would not be seen again for many | pectation exists somewhere. Now, as it is ad “ That all the lands within the territory so ceded to the months upon 'change, had an important bearing mitted on the other side that no one ought to have

United States, and not reserved or appropriated to any of

the before-mentioned purposes, or disposed of in bounties upon the measures of one of the first Powers in the folly to contend for such assumption, it fol.

to the officers and soldiers of the American Army, shall be Europe? This happened on the other side of the lows that such an expectation is erroneous. And considered as a common fund for the use and benefit of Atlantic; but are we without similar experience is it right and just io suffer any one to remain sueh of the United States as have become, or shall become, on this? Is it for us, yet panting after a struggle under it? If no one entertains this expectation,

members of the Confederation or Federal alliance of said with one of these mammoth powers, to affect to

States, Virginia inclusive, according to the usual respectthe declaration that it is erroneous is at least harm

ive proportions in the general charge and expenditure, and despise them? Is it for us, who have lately wit less; and if any one does entertain it it is but just shall be faithfully and bona file disposed of for that purnessed bulletins and proclamations and letters issu to apprise them of their error:

pose, and for no other use or purpose whatsoever.” ing from the marble palace, agitating the vast po But the secret that such an impression does ex The language used in the deeds of other States litical mass in our country, as the ocean is stirred ist somewhere, and the true origin of that impres- || is substantially the same. It is very obvious that up by the breath of the storm, to talk about being sion, are disclosed further by a metaphor resorted distribution is not one of the objects of the trust, regardless of bankers' circulars? And when we to by the opponents of these resolutions to show or it would have been set forth. The object, after hear the murmur of the coming tornado, are we their impolicy. They speak of this Government certain reservations, is one, and that is to be a to wait until it strikes us before we prepare our being the father, and the States the children. common fund for the use and benefit of all the selves to meet it in safety? When we see the From this figure the principle of consolidation is States, according to the usual respective proporopiates preparing for the people, and the chains distinctly seen peeping out, and its fallacy ought tions in the general charge and expenditure.” It being forged which are to bind ihem in endless sla

to be at once exposed. Does the son beget the is well known that, at this time, our Federal Convery, is it our duty to wait until the drugs have father, or the father the son? Is the procreator stitution had not been adopted, and that each

been administered and the chains fastened, not or the offspring anterior in existence? There State contributed by taxing and collecting from le only upon their limbs, but around their hearts; till can be but one answer to these questions. Now, her own citizens so much to the general charge

they are bound to the earth, manacled and fet as the States made the General Government, and as Congress declared to be her quota. The object tered, before we warn them of their danger? No not the General Government the State govern of the trust declared in relation to the public lands, one contemplates assuming the State debis by the

ments, and as the State governments existed for was then manifest—that a proportion equal to rop. General Government! Did not the Senator from years before the General Government, the Gen what each State contributed to the general charge neet! Kentucky, who addressed us the other day, (Mr. eral Government cannot be the father of the State and expenditure, of the proceeds of the public Clay, pour forth notes of lamentation over the

governments. But waiving the correctness of the lands, was to be applied toward her quota of such hapless condition of the States, pressed down with

figure for the present, for the sake of argument charge and expenditure, and diminish to that exd'Ol? One might have almost fancied them the let it be conceded that the relationship does exist tent her necessity for self-taxation. The words plaintive exclamations of the poetic King of Israel as supposed. Assuming this, the argument on use and benefit" exclude the idea of an actual

over the untimely fate of his son Absalom. Did the other side is that it is impolitic and unkind surrender to the States; but imply an application To he not speak of the intimate relationship existing for a father to proclaim the indebtedness of his by a trustee to the particular use declared. And 0216 between the States and the General Governmeni.

children, and declare in advance that he will not as if to exclude any possibility of mistake, the was fu Were not the States commended to our sympa assume their debts. But in this argument two deed goes on to declare that it shall be faithfully danythy,and spoken of as bone of our bone and flesh

important facts are overlooked in the case of the and bona fide, (appropriate words as applicable with of our flesh; that if one suffers, all partake of the particular family spoken of, namely, in the first to a servant or trustee,) disposed of for that puror fror suffering, &c.? And why was all this? From the place that the indebtedness of the children is pose, and no other use or purpose whatsoever. can Ser fullness of the heart the mouth speaketh. Why known to every one before the father speaks, and | Nothing can be more specific and exclusive of djusti, speak to us of the woes of the States, and the sym in the next place that the father cannot speak to every other use and purpose than contribution to gito é pathy due to them, if we were not expected to his children without all the world hearing him. the general charge and expenditure. bring relief? Do men spend their breath in detail

The question then arises whether such a father, Thus mauers stood anterior to the adoption of zis íura ing their grievances, and appealing to the pity of knowing that his children were largely indebted, the Federal Constitution. But I understood the

those from whom they expect nothing? A poli- | and that designing persons were endeavoring to Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Clay) to say that ticiun as old and experienced and skillful as the persuade them that it was the duty of the father after that, the execution of the trust became imSenator from Kentucky speaks not without an and the interest of the whole family that he should possible, and the trust fund consequently resulted object; and to me the inference is clear, that, like assume their debts, while he himself firmly be to the original grantors; that the States no longer leaven, his words are cast into the mass to create lieved that such a step would be ruinous to all, contributed, by self-taxation, their proportions a ferment in the public mind until it throws out and unjust to many branches of it, he ought not to the general charge and expenditure, but the some food for the cravings of the States, or rather to warn his children against listening to pernicious || levy of taxes was made by the General Governof the British bankers. The objection, then, that counsels—counsels tending to render them indo ment through imposts upon the country at large, these resolutions were unnecessary, is as ground lent and extravagant and distinctly to apprise and the measure of application and the subjects less as the one that they are irregular.

them that, according to his views of justice, ex of application were thereby annihilated. It is true And this is further conclusively proved by the pediency, and the family relationship, such a that, in practice, after the adoption of the Federal third objection brought against them, to wit, that I thing was totally inadmissible. So much for the Constitution the States were no more called on to they ure impolitic. How impolitic? Because, first three resolutions.

contribute their proportions of the public charge forsooth, they will injure the credit of the States. 664. Piesolved, That lo sct apart the public lands, or the and expenditure, but this was a mere practical


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operation. Potentially, both the objects and revenue, showing that an abstraction of the pro arm to the public view the glorious Democratic measure of the application of the proceeds of the ceeds of the public lands must render an increase banner in its unadorned simplicity, with its plain, public lands were preserved in the Constitution. of the tariff inevitable. But is it not equally ap- pithy, intelligible mottoes. The theory of govIn the first article, second section, and third clause parent that if, as he and I both think, we have no ernment, which should be the plainest thing on of the Federal Constitution, it is declared: right to lay a tariff for any other purpose than earth, has been by artifice converted into a puzzle

" Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned revenue, a distribution of money in the Treasury, | fool, and its simple purposes mystified and deamong the several States which may be included within which would have the effect of rendering a reduc- feated. The happiness of man, through jis tendthis Union, according to their respeciive numbers," &c.

tion of the tariff impracticable, would be liable to encies to render him virtuous, is its sole office, The whole revenue, then, if thought expedient, the same objections Both would have the effect if it has any worth the trouble and expense that might be raised by direct taxation, (and would of causing taxation to supply money which had it costs. Its systems are various, but they may probably be the most equitable mode,) and if so been distributed. I thus arrive at the conclusion bt reduced to two classes: that which addresses raised, clearly the proceeds of the public funds that a distribution of the proceeds of the public | the reason of man and withholds from him tempought, according to the terms of cession, to be lands as far transcends the constitutional trust tations to be vicious, and that which seeks to applied in aid of the States, in their respective pro- | powers of Congress as the assumption of the State control him by his selfish passions, his hopes, portions, to lighten the burden of direct taxation debts, a measure from the advocacy of which, as his fears, his desire of gain. Very few Govern. upon each. 'I'hen both the object of application before stated, everybody shrinks.

ments have been based upon the former princiand the measure of proportion would stand out 2. Nor is the injustice of such distribution less ples-the mass have adopted the latter. Perhaps in bold relief. Reasons of policy and convenience

apparent. The truth is, the only thing which the earliest and rudest form of government in have induced the States to prefer taxation by im recommends it to the favor of any one is its injus- || which reason was overlooked, was that in which posts to direct taxation, but in neither form do they | tice. What possible inducement could twenty priestcraft usurped the control of everything, and desire to be taxed beyond the public necessities; || six gentlemen have to contribute a sum, to be im a god or gods, supposed to be speaking through and to no further extent in either form has power | mediately divided out among them in the same the mouths of men, dictated alike to individuals been conferred on Congress to impose taxes, and proportions in which they had contributed? None. || and nations. The most rigid exactions were in neither form has Congress the right to impose | Still less would they be in favor of such a meas made of the masses of mankind, and the most further taxes while a fund remains on hand appli ure if they were required to pay some one for | grinding oppressions imposed upon them, that cable to the publicexpenditures. The public lands, collecting and distributing the money. But if the the favored few might enjoy wealih and ease and then, must be used to lighten the burden of taxa distribution were to be in some different ratio honor and renown. The treasures of the coffer tion in whatever form taxation is levied. Whether from that in which the contribution had been and of the heart were alike wrung from their pos. the fact be strictly so or not, taxation by imposts made, then would it be inevitable that some of sessors, that the dominion of their oppressors is submitted to because it is supposed to approxi the parties must withdraw more than they con might be absolute and unquestioned. Exactions mate the same proportion in contribution by the tributed, and consequently, others less. This were sometimes carried so far as to demand the respective Slates with direct taxation. The trust, might commend the arrangement to the favor of fruit of the body to appease imaginary deities for therefore, upon which the public lands were held those who were to be gainers by the operation; || imaginary sins, and the products of the toil of stands in its full force and unchanged in its nature and if it were uncertain

which of the parties were millions were surrendered that a few might lux. and objects. This is conclusively shown by the to be the gainers, the gambling spirit to which uriate in exhaustless abundance and uninterrupted striking facts that although the Federal Consti

every man is more or less subject, would proba ease. This has been happily styled by the celetution went into operation in March, 1789, and || bly commend it to the favor of all. But, yet the brated John Taylor, whom I so much delight to North Carolina made her cession in December of injustice of the scheme is apparent to every one;

admire and quoie, the age of Jupiter, he among that year, nine months after, and Georgia made and if the distributor were authorized to obtain the heathen gods who was most imperious and hers in 1802, about thirteen years after the Fed- | imperceptibly from the pockets of the twenty-six | extensive in his sway. But his tyranny became eral Constitution went into operation, both these || gentlemen sums of money, according to the cost 80 oppressive that mankind could no longer enStates preserved substantially the language used of what each might eat, drink, and wear, and dure it, and bold spirits penetrated his temples, in the Virginia deed of cession which it is now then to divide the money per capita, would not the and discovered and exposed the frauds of his contended could then have no operative meaning, || inequality of the plan shock a very blunt sense

priests. and thereby declared trusts which it was obvious of justice?

Next came the age of Mars, and heroes, clad at the time they were declared could never be 3. As to the inexpediency of the distribution in steel, controlled mankind. He is among the executed. This is altogether too absurd to be l objected to by the resolution, what can any man most noble of the heathen gods, and has about supposed; and it must necessarily follow that it say, after the luminous and forcible portraiture || him a generosity of character which disdains to was well understood that the adoption of the made of its effects a few days ago by the Senator trample on the weak and defenseless, and scatFederal Constitution produced no change in the from South Carolina? It is a vast subject, and I cers with liberality what he gathers by his power. operation of these grants. This is further con will not overtask myself and the patience of the Still he appealed not to the reason of mankind, firmed by the second clause of the third section Senate by going into it. I leave it as left by the but controlled them, through their fears, with the of the fourth article of the Constitution, which Senator from South Carolina. I will not attempt | rustling banner and the bristling steel. declares that to gild a sunbeam.

After him came Mercury, establishing domin. " The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make And here, sir, the subject would seem naturally | ion by addressing himself, through fraud and all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory to close; but the memory of man runneth not to artifice, to the cupidity of mankind, or humbling or other property belonging to the United States."

the contrary of the practice on this floor of mak them into submission by reducing them to povNow, what territory was there belonging to the ing every question of any magnitude to bear upon erty. Finally, combinations were formed among United States, other than the lands ceded by the the strife of party raging in this land. Be it so; all these powers, and the science of government States? And there is no evidence that any other and if gentlemen will force them upon us, I, for became complex and mysterious. It was supterritory, which could be called property of the one, am not for shrinking from such contests. I, | posed that there was no other way of correcting United States, was in contemplation. So far from for one, have such confidence in my political prin- the evils, or rather to render them tolerable, init, purchases of territory, since made, have been ciples as to be willing to see them sifted and ex cident to these principles of government, than to seriously questioned as breaches of the Consti amined at all times and in all places-ay, and to resort to checks and balances, and to make the tution. It follows, then, that these public lands | believe, too, that they can bear some misrepre vices and passions of one man restrain the vices were deemed the property of the United States by sentation without endangering greatly their per- || and passions of another. When government the framers of the Constitution, and not that the peluity.

became a mystery it was supposed that it admit. trust had resulted for the want of power to execute

« Truth crushed to earth shall rise again :

ted but of three simple forms, namely, monarchy, it. It appears, then, that Congress holds this fund

The eternal years of God are hers;

aristocracy, and democracy, and that all governunder the same crusts that it does other properly

But Error, wounded, writhes with pain,

ments consisted of one or more of these elements, of the United States; and the question recurs

And dies among his worshipers."

controlled by one another, or a combination of whether, if Congress cannot constitutionally raise So may error ever perish, and, among other two or three, of the heathen deities before menmoney for distribution among the States, she can errors, those of Harrisonian Federalism.

tioned. do so indirectly, by applying the money which The great difficulty of the cause to which I be Such was the state of things in the Old World, she holds for the purposes of the Government to long, in our party strifes, is the preservation of but our sagacious forefathers saw the error of distribution among the States, and thereby create our own banner. Our adversaries are ever striv

principles on which those Governments were a necessity for raising other money for those pur ing to throw matters into confusion, and taking based, and the battles of our Revolution were poses to which the fund distributed ought to have advantage of the tumult to rob us of our banner, fought that the whole heathen Pantheon might be been applied. Every fair mind furnishes a ready and to thirust theirs into our unwilling grasp. Our dethroned with ils cumbrous and expensive maauswer lo this question.

names are seized upon and appropriated to them- || chinery, and that Governments might be estabAnd is it noi equally obvious, that while the selves, and others fixed upon us by which our lished in the New World formed upon moral prinGovernment continues in operation, such must be forefathers never baptized us. Thus occasion- ciples; that man might be restored to his native the effect of every distribution, unless we can sup- ally are our own brethren and kindred, men of the dignity, a self-governing being, disinthralled from pose the improbable (and certainly not now exist same political family, and sharing with us in the the dominion of passions, and yielding to the sway ing) case of the General Government holding common inleritance of sound faith, made for a of reason and conscience-a reason and conscience funded debt or stocks yielding an annual interest time to fight against us, and mischief is perpe on whose tablets are written, by the finger of God sufficient to defray its current expenses? The en trated difficult to repair; for it is not every man himself, precious and noble truths which can never lightened and able Senator from South Carolina, who knows the true prince by “instinct,” like be erased, but are refreshed by revelation from [Mr. Calhoun,] in his argument on the expe the fat knight of facetious memory.

day to day. They believed that man retains much diency of this measure, has put the case of ihe I do not know a better service that a man can of the original image of his Maker; that somepresent state of the Treasury and the prospective || do to his country than to hold forth with a strong || thing of His purity is enshrined in the breast of

26TI CONG....1st SESS.

Assumption of State Debts-Mr. Strange,


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pa true, but still proving-from time immemorial het hele Senator from Kentucky (Mr. CRITTEN


woman; that mercy, that most interesting of His inevitable consequence. A man is fitted by a us perform our constitutional duty of furnishing attributes, beams forth from her eye in rays of len gradual increase or reduction of his means to bear the nation standards of weights and measures, derness or genuly distills in drops of sympathy. the maximum or minimum with calmness, while and of the value of property, and, freed from all That in the bosom of man His sterner attribute of sudden reverses either way bring in their train || distracting influences from ourselves, the States justice has a deep abiding place. Such were the the loss of content, and with it, happiness. In will be as certain to abide by all these as that principles upon which our beautiful system of either case the passion of avarice is stirred to flowers succeed the showers of spring. You government were based. Corruption was ex- ||. madness. This is the real curse under which we have no right to say to the States that they shall cluded by avoiding accumulations of power; jus are at present laboring. This is the agony through || keep their accounts in dollars and cents; that tice secured by establishing a perfect equality of which we are passing, of which I spoke yester they shall measure cloth with a yard-stick, or rights among men; and happiness placed within | day. A picture drawn by the hand of an ancient their corn by the bushel, or weigh their bacon the reach of all, by opening a fair field for virtue, master is not inapplicable to our times. Sallust, by the pound; but it is your duty to furnish and talent, and industry to reap their harvest; in one of his epistles to Cæsar, thus expresses them with standards by which value, weights, while vice and ignorance and stupidity and inhimself:

and measures may be tested. You should perdolence were left to that curse to which a righteous In process of time, the ascendency of wealth hecame form this duty, and having performed it, ask for Providence has seen fit to expose them.

complete. Its excellence was universally acknowledged, no more power in relation to these subjects. But thodevil came, as he has ever done to each and power and honors followed in its train. From the same

You have all that is needful for liberty, and more era, the decline of virtue may be dated. Poverty was now earthly paradise, disguised as an angel of light, held as ignominions. Innocence of heart and simplicity

can only be desired by tyranny: The banking or in some unobtrusive form, little calculated to of inanners were interpreted into a satire on the times. institutions, debts, and internal improvements of excite the alarm of those whose destruction he Thus the youth, taught io look up to riches as the sovereign the States will soon be brought within wholemeditates. Connate with our Constitution were

good, became apt pupils in the school of luxury. Avarice
and pride supplied their precepts. Rapacity and profusion

some limits if you will only let them alone. A those who held to the old belief that honest, diswent hand in hand. Careless of their own fortunes, and

bad currency is a curse to the community in which interested reason was an unsafe governor, and that eager to possess those of others, shame and remorse, mod it exists, and the State Legislature will soon be Jupiter, Mars, and Mercury-one, or all three esty and moderation, every principle, gave way. forced by a community which feels the smart to must be restored; hence an established religion,

rushed into a profligacy that heeded no restraint, either di-
vine or human."

apply the proper correctives; and States having standing armies, vast navies, exclusive privileges

no resources but those derived from direct taxaand mono polies, and whole hosts of eleemosynary

And why, we are tauntingly asked on the other dependents upon the labor of others, all had their side, did we not prevent these evils? In turn, I will

tion to pay debts and carry on works of internal advocates. In all this we perceive what constitute ask another question. Has not the Democratic

improvements will become very chary in conthe warring elements of party in our land. But

party been striving against them—inefficiently, it | tracting the one and quite prudent in conducting constant association, even in strife, will assimilate men to each other, and one may gather moralcon

We read a parable in Scripture of a certain hustagion from another whom he hates; and thus have

bandman, who sowed good seed in his field; but || DEN) tauntingly reminds us that the present Adthese parties been constantly varying in the inwhile he slept an enemy came and sowed tares


on coming into power, found the natensity of their principles, so as even sometimes among his wheat. Would it not have been an

tion in a high state of prosperity, but the Senator to renderit doubiful which was which. The reaggravation of the wrong had that enemy taunted

well knows it was a deceptive prosperity; it was sult has been that Jupiter, and Mars, and Merhim to his face, by asking him why he suffered

that state of pleasant delirium which some poisons cury, have all been imperceptibly regaining in tares to grow among his wheat? We are the

produce. The raging madness had not then dispart their lost empire, and although disavowed descendants of those (politically, I mean,) who

closed itself; lethargic prostration had not superin our constitutions, have exerted substantialcon

sowed the good seed of Democratic principles in trol in our public affairs. Of these, as might have

The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CRITTENour constitutions, and yonder are the descendbeen expected from his nature, Mercury has been ants of those who sowed the tares of Federalism | DEN) presents, in glowing colors, the oft-drawn

picture of the prosperity for which we are indebted by far the most successful. He has not only given || among it; and now they ask us why we have not ione to our Government, but has enthroned himprevented their growth. They point exultingly | canals, railroads, villages, and fast-multiplying

io the credit system. Our numerous steamboats, self in the hearts of our people, until, instead of increasing in virtue and disinterestedness and

themselves cajoled or forced us into, and laugh | States, are all attributed to this credit system. In patriotism, an eager haste to be rich has become at us for not having avoided them, although, like

this argument the Senator, I think, falls into two our distinguishing national characteristic. Hence struggling men, in attempting that which we

fallacies; one, in attributing too much to the credit every individual is pursuing riches as the chief would, we have been forced to do that which we

system; and another, in assuming that the friends good, and money, money, money,currency, currency, would not. The State bank deposit system, they

of the Administration are warring upon it. I will currency, is the continual cry in the country, in know well, we were pressed into by them in our

not say that the credit system has no share in the the city, in private conversation, and in the deefforts to escape from the more dangerous system | they are mainly to be ascribed to the great na,

production of these great results, but I do say that bates of this Chamber. To all this the Govern

of the United States Bank. It was to us a halfments have been contributing by example, and the way house, as they have endeavored since to

tional advantages which Heaven has vouchsafed stimulus of their measures, tariff, internal immake it for themselves, between a United States

our country; to that elastic spring which exists Bank and a total disconnection of the Govern

among the inhabitants of all new countries, but provements by the General Government, lending revenues for banking purposes, and other kindred ment from banking affairs.

chiefly to our glorious free constitutions, founded operations.

But they ask us further why we do not correct

on moral principles, to which men have flocked The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CRITTENthese evils, now that we are fully aware of their

in crowds from other lands. To the credit sysDEN) has represented the friends of the Adminis existence. Mark again the insulting cruelty of tem, 1, for one, am no enemy; but I am for leavtration as differing among themselves as to which this inquiry. They bind a man's hands behind

ing it to the States, to be fashioned according to of these causes have produced these effects. He his back, and cast him into the water, and ask

their fancy, and I am well satisfied that they will will pardon me for saying there is no such differhim to swim. Have we not been endeavoring to

not much abuse it. I am for withdrawing, at ence among them; they all concur in believing remedy these evils, and have we not encountered

once and forever, our awkward intermeddling with from them continual resistance? Yet the evils ad

it. With us it is like bladders in the hands of every one of them the offspring of the same parent, and to have acted harmoniously in the accom

mit of no immediate remedy. The poison of ava- | boys; at one time we blow it up to its highest plishment of his designs. Some may suppose one

rice has seized on the heart of the nation, and that tension, and at another explode it with a great of these causes more efficient than the rest; others is a malady which admits of no radical cure during noise. Let us cease from this foolish and frivmay have supposed another; but all agree that the present generation. Of him in whose bosom

olous, not to say dangerous employment. And the whole responsibility is to be shared among

in addition to this, let us cease by our vicious exthe serpent avarice has fixed its envenomed tooth, them; and in what exact proportions it is not

may with truth be said, as lago said of Othello: amples to perpetuate the false notions prevalent in

the country, that show and wealth and pomp are thought very material to inquire.

“Not poppy, nor mandragora,
Nor all the drowsy sirups of the world

the only elements of happiness, and that virtue But what, after all, is the great evil they have

Can ever med'cine thee to that sweet sleep and talents are worthless, except so far as they produced ? Is it any actual diminution of the

Which thou ow'dst yesterday.”

contribute to these. Let us, on the contrary, preresources of the country? This, perhaps, they Yet, in talking of remedies, they always indi- || sent abiding examples of economy and republican have effected to a great extent; but that is little or cate to us such as consist with their mistaken simplicity: nothing compared to the real evils. These are notions of the disease, and are for administering These, Mr. President, are my remedies, and I transferring by stratagem and fraud, from A to those which must inevitably aggravate its symp do not think it would be saying much for them B, the hard earnings of the latter, not by a regu

Still there is something we can do, some merely to declare that they are far preferable to lar and slow process, but by the quick and un thing we have done, and something, I trust in the one to which the Senator from Kentucky seen movements of a mountebank; defeating that God, we will yet do, if not to heal the disease, at [Mr. CRITTENDEN) looks with such ecstatic detendency to equilibrium at which our institutions least to prevent its spread. We may stand like votion. I do not think this the proper place for aim; leaving ihe one party overwhelmed with Moses between the living and the dead, and pre- || discussing the merits of presidential candidates ; amazement and distress at a poverty which has vent its extending to those who are yet healthy. || but are we to sit here from day to day and hear rushed upon him like an armed man; the other And if we cannot hinder its extending itself the President of the United States denounced on panting with that feverish thirst for wealth which through the whole living mass we may prevent the other side of this Chamber as utterly unfit for sudden success begets—the deepest curse of him its transmission to posterity. This can only be the station he fills, and other men "applauded to who feels it-resembling in kind and intensity done by successfully resisting the mad schemes the very echo," as endowed with every quality that of the fabled Tantalus; or wallowing in an of those who are continually administering fresh which can fit a man to govern, and admit by our ostentatious luxury at war with our republican poison in the form of high tariff, United States || silence the truth of all that is alleged? Ag an institutions; provoking impotent envy in some; Bank, connecting the Government with banks, American statesman-as a lover of my country, in others, less wealthy, ruinous efforts to vie in distributing revenue among the States, assuming I feel that it is wrong, and that it is my solemn splendor. Individual and aggregate misery is the State debts, &c. This is all we need do. Let Il duty to put in a counter plea.


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The Gheber looks to the East for his god, but event, he managed so dexterously as to have him as a matter of course, no one of opposing politics the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. CRITTENDEN) self rebuked as an officious intermeddler with mat is there. What is the consequence? There is looks to the West, and, as might be expected, ters that did not concern him.

no fellowship between the ins and the outs. The his eye encounters a setting and not a rising lu But as the great physician, who is to “purge mass of the people finding themselves excluded, minary. Not a giant rising in his strength, and the general weal,” what may we conjecture will together with the leading men of the Democratic rejoicing to run his course, but a being worn out be his probable practice? Homeopathic, so far party, cannot fail to perceive that a common desand exhausted, unfitted for action, and suited only as administering the same drugs which have a | tiny has visited both, and they are naturally drawn for repose. And what is still more unfortunate, tendency to produce the disease will make him into association with those who have been exeven this setting luminary is surrounded by no so, but altogether wanting in the prudence of that cluded like them, and not with those who have halo of glory, but like the moon described by, practice so far as the amount of the doses is con; been reveling in pleasures in which they have not Moore in his song, weeping “ behind a cloud, cerned. As a black-cockade Federalist of the old been invited to participate. (I will not say, for the maiden's shame," be stamp, he will, of course, oppose everything ap But lest I may be casting pearls--I will not say cause that might be supposed to have a sinister | proved by the Democratic party, and will deal before swine-lest I may be casting away good allusion, but) for shame that while a portion of largely in Federal nostrums, and must of course counsel upon those by whom it will not be justly his countrymen are lauding him to the skies as a be very popular with the northern and western valued, I will close my didactic strain. sage, a hero, and a statesman, he is compelled to Democracy. As a juvenile member of an aboli A few words in conclusion, to the people of my remember the old proverb, " Praise undeserved tion society, he will, in his old age, be particularly own State. The presidential strife is not the only is censure in disguise.” Reposing on his own acceptable to southern slaveholders, and more one going on at present. One is now raging in estate, (not in a log cabin, as some have pretend- || especially as he has avowed in advance his ap North Carolina in which my colleague and myed, but in a splendid mansion, as I am told,) per- probation of the benevolent design of converting self have a deep interest. At the last session of fectly unconscious of any merit, his friends insist the public domain into negroes, that an American Congress, we presented on this floor resolutions upon dragging him forth to dissolve, by his pres sun may not shine upon a single slave. As an containing the opinions of the Legislature of that ence, the fancitul conceptions of his great qualities advocate of a tariff, which was not to be relaxed State, of popular sentiment upon certain great which they have conjured up in the public mind. "until grass should grow in the streets of Norfolk leading questions. We then declined assuming There was a time when some of the leaders of the and Charleston,” he will doubtless prove a great for the Legislature a responsibility which, acparty who are now seeking to make political cap- || favorite with the southern people in general, and cording to our understanding of the Democratic ital out of military fame declared that the election especially the nullifiers. But not to be tedious, doctrine of instruction, (a doctrine which we reof a military chieftain to the presidency of the I will urge his political excellencies no further ceived with implicit faith,), properly, rested upon United States was the greatest curse that could than merely to add that, as the advocate for sell it. We took issue with the Legislature, as we fall upon the nation. Why have they now se ing free white men, who cannot pay costs, out of had a right to do on its expressed opinion of poplected a military chieftain for their political lead- 1 jail as bond-servants, he is likely to be a Magnus ular sentiment; and to enable all parties to have er? Is it because they believe what has been said Apollo-Esculapius, if you please all over the the issue tried, and at the same time to put ourof him, that “ he is not general enough to hurt country with the “huge paws," as the laboring selves and our political principles fairly before him?” Why, then, present him in the glare of men of the nation have been contemptuously the people of North Carolina, we avowed our demilitary glory? Is it to dazzle the people, as called by that party whose hopes of success rest termination to resign our commissions into the moths are said to be by the brightness of a can upon a false estimate of their worth and good | hands of the next Legislature, whatever political dle?

party might prove to be in the ascendant. That But more in sorrow than in reproach, do I de I have too much confidence in the people of these we may not be supposed to have forgotten the clare his military renown to be like the tinsel glit- | United States to fear an elevation to the presi- || pledge, or to repent having made it, I now solter of dresses at a theater, got up for show, and dency of such a inan as this. They cannot pre- || emnly renew it. I hold my seat in this body but for the occasion, which will not bear the light fer him to the present talented incumbent, who as a irust from the people of my State. As their of day, or the scrutiny of examination. Alas! has wisely studied and eloquently described the wish that I should hold it has been questioned, where shall we look for the evidences of the sa

disease preying on the health of the country, and to them I refer for the solution of the doubt. All gacity and heroism of William Henry Harrison? who will give it none of the dangerous prescrip I ask is, that they will have the goodness, in their Are they to be sought for in that page of history tione it would be doomed to take from the hand next legislative elections, to keep this question which records the battle of Tippecanoe? Are they of his rival. Like every wise physician, he has distinctly before them, and cast their votes acto be found in his surprise and agitation when Joe much confidence in the vis medicalrix naturæ, the cordingly; and to their decision, whatever it may Davis carried the white banner-not very high, || medical power of nature, doubting at the same be, I will bow with filial submission. It is not it is true, nor yet as a flag of truce, but by neces time whether diseases are often cured by men likely that I shall often again trouble the Senate sity-and fought under it, or rather over it, with

“ who pour drugs of which they know little into until that decision is made; and in conclusion of desperate valor, snatching in death a victory which

stomachs of which they know nothing." He be what may be the last address I shall ever make to had been thrust into the hands of the enemy by | lieves that nature needs but little assistance; and it, I ask pardon of the Senate for having so long the want of skill (to use no harsher term) of his

that, if not disconcerted by officious intermeddling, and so unprofitably occupied its time. chief? Are they to be found in the story of his her works are commonly performed safely and consigning to the slaughter the chivalrous Cro- | efficaciously. Attempts may be made, and doubt On the day after the remarks of Mr. STRANGE, ghan, with his handful of men, while the general less will be made, to deceive the people into the Mr.TalLMADGE, of New York, addressed the Senhimself, within sound of the well-direcied and belief that there is no material difference in the


and, in the course of his speech, was pleased effective fire of Fort Stephenson, stood with some thousands of stout Americans at his back, wring

political opinions of the two rivals. The people to consider the observations of Mr. STRANGE upon

will easily detect that fraud, for an unerring in the Federal practice of feasting a sarcastic alluing his hands, and crying out “his blood be upon dex is furnished in the fact that the ardent and sion to the entertainments given to the President his own head?”

leading advocates of the one have ever been the during his summer tour through his native State Are they registered in the page which tells of ceaseless opponents and traducers of the other. -indulging at the same time in some very coarse the battle of the Thames, where he reluctantly It is not the first time I have heard the shout remarks upon the President, which were underpursued a retreating foe, while bolder spirits, or triumph from the Federal camp on the eve of stood by Mr. Strange to charge the President among whom you, sir, stand nobly conspicuous, a battle. I thank God I have seldom heard it with ingratitude to his native State, and of having pressed forward, and gathered wounds and lau after it was over. Did not the Federalists shout | played the traitor toward it. rels, dripping with the same blood? Are they to lustily in advance their lungs would suffer for Mr. STRANGE in reply said: I should not be found in the tragic story of the river Raisin?

want of exercise. I scarcely know whether to have again so soon troubled ihe Senate, Mr. PresiAre they found his resigning his command in

attribute this premature boasting on their part dent, had not the Senator from New York (Mr. May, 1814, amid the very heat of war, upon the to that blind confidence and enthusiasm so natu Tallmadge) done me the honor to notice some acknowledged ground that detraction had breathed ral to an assailant, or to political cunning, in of my remarks made on yesterday, perverting upon his name, and he not choosing to court an which they are so well versed, calculating there them to a far different sense from that in which inquiry into the truth of the imputations? Are | by to confirm the timid of their own party, to in- | they were used by me. He was pleased to supthey furnished by the deliberate rejection of his duce the same class of ours to unite with them, pose that I had some sarcastic allusion to the enname, when his country was bestowing the meed and to decide in their favor the legions of the wa iertainments given to the President during his of approbation upon some of her sons who had || vering. To this latter opinion I rather incline; tour, last summer, through the State of New York. earned it by deeds of valor? If these are his jew- || but having so often failed'in obtaining by it suc These entertainments were altogether different els they are as worthless as the black diamond lo cess, I would advise them to lay it aside, and from the Federal feasts to which I alluded. The the lapidary. Deeds like these shine like dark || adopt some other expedient.

latter seem to be given for no object but to prolightning. They will resound through the earth And now, having undertaken to advise my Fed- duce effect, and act upon elections; the former, like silent thunder.

eral friends, I would warn them against another were the mere rendition of courtesy and the outBut the military fame of this new messiah, who practice which, I verily believe, has often contrib pouring of good feeling toward a distinguished is" to bring peace upon the earth,” is a mere uted to their defeat. I mean their custom of fellow-citizen, upon his return after a long absence make-weight. It is as a skillful diplomatist, a giving great political feasts with the hope of mak from his native State. They were due to the man, profound politician, that he is to commend him

ing a strong impression, and convincing men of but still more to the Chief Magistrate of the naself to the hearts of the people, and win from them the justice of their cause by tickling their palates tion; and I deeply regret that the political rancor the oaken chaplet on which so many look with a and addling their brains. The practice springs of the Federalists should have caused these pube longing eye. As to his diplomacy, 'I have heard out of their great radical mistake that man is more lic demonstrations of good feeling to be confined of but one opportunity atřorded him for its dis- ll of an animal than an intellectual being. But upon to one political party. Of what ingratitude to his play, and then I have learned that high authority ll their own basis they miscalculate. It is never Slate, on the part of Mr. Van Buren, the Senator pronounced him, in advance, utterly unft for the the mass of voters who are invited to these feasts; speaks, I am at a loss to understand. Does he station to which he was assigned, and that, in the Il it is the élite of the party, the fuvored few, and, mean to complain that he has administered the

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