« ΠροηγούμενηΣυνέχεια »
26TH CONG....1st SESS.
Claim of Sylvester Phelps— Mr. Leet.
HO. OF REPS.
country, let there also be recorded on the same operations presented by the War Department, thority for asserting that the order of battle was page deeds of more enduring fame, not, indeed, on says that he shall watch the movements of the changed at the request of Colonel Johnson. ihe part of the officers and soldiers, for they fought enemy narrowly, “but in the event of their landing Mr. CRARY referred to Armstrong's Notices like men, but on the part of the general, who, at Lower Sandusky, that post cannot be saved." The of the War of 1812, wherein was a letter asserting without intrenching his night encampment, with enemy did land, but not to fulfill this prophecy. || the fact, under Colonel Johnson's own signature. out the ordinary precaution against surprise, The post was saved, but not by General Harri This battle put an end to the war in Upper Canexposed these gallant spirits to sacrifice and son.' He had withdrawn the body of his army ada. In the following spring General Harrison slaughter.
to Seneca, nine miles distant. Under command of || tendered his resignation as major general in the The gentleman from Indiana has given to Gen the gallant Colonel Croghan, a detachment of one || Army. It was immediately accepted, and the vaeral Harrison the credit of first suggesting the hundred and sixty men resolved to defend the post cancy_filled with the name of Major General Anarmament of the lakes in the war of 1812. If I or die in the attempt. Sir, need I tell the result? || drew Jackson. I have seen it stated, Mr. Speaker, am correctly informed, that honor belongs to an It is written on the brightest page of our history. I in a late publication of the friends of General other. It was first suggested by General Arm Mr. Speaker, I will not allude to the determin- || Harrison, that this resignation was brought about strong to Governor Eustis, then Secretary of || ation of General Harrison to destroy his stores by the War Department from a spirit of malice War. The letter bore date the 2d of January, at Seneca, and retreat to Upper Sandusky, leaving and envy. This is a libel upon an able but much1812, and says:
the whole lake coast defenseless. Nor will I al abused public servant. The then Secretary of “ Resting as the line of Canadian defense does in its lude to his order to Major Croghan to abandon War entertained noill-will toward the commander whole extent on navigable lakes and rivers, no time should the fort and repair to headquarters. These I ll of the Northwestern army. He probably con. be lost in getting a naval ascendency on both; for, cateris paribus, the belligerent who is the first to obtain these
pass over; and 'I pass over, also, the general's sidered him an inefficient general, and was glad advantages will (miracles excepted) win the game."
official report, wherein it appears that he left this to supply his place with the name of him whose Again, the same letter says:
intrepid body of men to meet all the assaults of || achievements as a warrior and civilian have filled
near iwo thousand of the enemy, and left them, the measure of his country's glory. “For western defense employ western men accustomed to the ritle and stratagems of Indian wartare. To their
too, with but “one six-pounder, seven rounds of I am aware, sir, that my remarks militate against customary arms add a pistol and a saber, and to insure ce cannon cartridges, and forty rounds of small-arms." hundreds of certificates that have been produced lerity of movement mount them on horseback. Give them In April the post could not be saved; on the to prove General Harrison an able commander. a competent leader and a good position within a striking distance of Indian villages or British settlements. Why
last days of July he ordered it to be abandoned These certificates are entitled to consideration. not at Detroit, where you have a strong fortress and a de
and burnt; but, on hearing the cannonading, he But it is to be recollected that the great majority tachment of artillerists? Recollect, however, that this po
made the discovery that any attempt to storm it of them were given by officers over whom the sition, far from being good, would be positively bad unless could be resisted with effect. He therefore re General had authority. They are the evidence of your naval means have ascendency on Lake Erie.”
mained in his camp at Seneca, without making a witnesses under duress, and are to be received at In “ Armstrong's Notices of the War of 1812,” solitary movement, until he was informed that least with caution before the high tribunal of the at page 177, is a note on the subject of the arma the enemy were retreating. He then went to public. It is not common for generals of distincment of the lakes, in the following words: ward the post as fast as the dragoons could carry iion--the heroes of battle-fields—to go about the “No efficient measures were taken by the Government him, but " not an enemy was to be seen.
camp to obtain certificates of good conduct. At to obtain a command of the Jakes until October, 1812. A General then relurned to Seneca, and wrote the Austerlitz and Jena and Marengo, Napoleon Jetter written about this time by General Armstrong to Mr. Gallatin was probably the means of recalling the attention
Secretary of War that he had before informed needed no such indorsement of his fame; nor did of the Cabinet to this important subject. In this letter the him “ that the post of Lower Sandusky could not Nelson at Copenhagen, at Aboukir, and at Trageneral stated the following facts : " That he was informed be defended against heavy cannon.” He had in falgar. It was reserved for General Harrison to by Captain Chauncey thai, as early as the month of July, Captain Woolsey had requested twenty six-pounders, of
formed him that the post could not be saved at establish the precedent of obtaining certificates which there were more than one hundred in the navy-yard
any rate; and while the battle was raging, speak- from subaltern officers to prove himself a warrior unemployed; that the intention of Woolsey was to arm ing of Croghan, he said, “ The blood be on his own and a hero. such vessels of comperce as could be found on the lake head; I wash my hands of it.”
Mr. Speaker, I have done with General Har. and at Sackett's Harbor, with the aid of which he would In August the exertions of the War Depart- || rison. He is now the Whig candidate for the be able to get a complete command of the water.'”
ment were crowned with success. Our squadron || Presidency, and his'friends expect to succeed by On these facts General Armstrong remarked that "the object was of the highest importance;
obtained command of the lakes, and, soon after, || inspiring in his behalf a military enthusiasm that besides giving us the advantage of an exclusive
General Harrison crossed over to make an attack throughout the country. They are doomed to and uninterrupted use of the lakes for public pur
on Malden. When he arrived Proctor had fled, || disappointment. They may raise the pæan shout
and was not overtaken until he reached the in glorification of their hero, but it will meet with poses, it would effectually separate Upper from Thames of Lake St. Clair. This happened on the Lower Canada, cut asunder the enemy's line of || 5th of October, when a battle was fought that
no response from the hearts of the millions. communication, and prevent Brock and Provost
closed the war in Upper Canada. Of late, the from succoring each other.” friends of General Harrison have claimed great
CLAIM OF SYLVESTER PHELPS. Now, sir, no letter is found from General Har
honor for him on this occasion, but he does not rison on this subject until the month of December deserve it. The glory of the victory was awarded
REMARKS OF HON. I. LEET, following. On the 12th of that month he wrote at the time to Colonel Richard M. Johnson, and
OF PENNSYLVANIA, to the War Department advising the employment it belongs to him. His regiment of mounted men IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, of naval means, or, rather, saying “if the Gov
made the charge upon the British lines and broke ernment would employ naval means all these ob them to pieces. They also crossed the swamp;
March 20, 1840. jects could be accomplished in the short space of and fought against the Indians, without any aid The bill for the relief of Sylvester Phelps and the heirs of iwo months in the spring.” But this advice, if from the rest of the army. The charge was sug:
Charles Landon being under consideration in Committee of such it could be called, was substantially revoked gested by Colonel Johnson; and all that General
the Whole, (Mr. Davee in the chair,) a motion was made in his letter of the 17th of March. At this time Harrison did was to give the order. I am aware
by Mr. Petrikin to strike out the enacting clause. that the official report gives us to understand that Mr.LEET said he desired to make a remark “ If there is positive certainty of our getting the command of Lake Erie, and having a regular force of ihree thousand
the plan of attack came from“a moment's reflec or two in reply to his friend and honorable colfive bundred, or even three thousand, well disciplined men,
league, (Mr. PETRIKIN.] He would not incline the proposed plan of setting out frorn Cleveland and landing
“While 1,” says the General," was engaged in to do so did he not suppose his colleague labored on the northern shore, below Malden, would, perhaps, be forming the infaniry I had directed Colonel John under a misapprehension in regard to the controlthe one by which that place aud its dependencies could be most easily reduced.”
son's regiment, which was still in front, 'lo be ling and leading facts upon which the claim of the
formed in two lines opposite to the enemy, and persons named in the bill was predicated. The After stating his ignorance of “the preparations
upon the advance of the infantry to take ground report, it is true, has been read at the Clerk's that were making to obtain the naval superiority to the left, and, forming upon that flank, to en desk; but since that, and pending the remarks of upon Lake Erie," and the utter impossibility of deavor to turn the right of the Indians. A mo the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. GIDDINGS,] I have transporting a large and undisciplined army, the ment's reflection, however, convinced me that from read (said Mr. L.) the report, and now have it general proceeds:
the thickuess of the woods, and swampiness of | before me. Mr. Chairman, I am free to say that “ Although the expense and difficulty of transporting the the ground, they would be unable to do anything I am one of those who are desirous and feel it a provisions, artillery, and stores for an army round the head of the lake, would be very considerable, the lake being
on horseback, and there was no time to dismount | duty to scrutinize all these private claims that possessed by our ships, and the heavy baggage eaken in them and place their horses in security. I, there come before Congress. It is right we should do boats along its margin, the troops would find no difficulty fore, determined to refuse my left to the Indians, 80; no man will gainsay it. But I am utterly unin the land route.»
and to break the British lines at once by a charge || willing that my solicitude to protect the Govern. Here, sir, are the views of a man who has been of the mounted infantry. The measure was not ment should prevent me from doing ample and praised for being the first to suggest the armament sanctioned by anything that I had seen or heard full justice to individual claimants who demonof the lakes. Fortunately for the country, these of, but I was fully convinced that it would suc strate before us that their demands are fair. If views did not prevail. Time had lessened the in ceed.'
this claim be a just one, as I believe it is, I hold fuence of the general of the north western army, This is the statement of General Harrison. we are bound by every principle that should gor. and his suggestions were discarded. A new order Would any one imagine from it that the change ern men or associations of men to pay it. It is was issued by the War Department for prosecu in the order of battle was suggested by another? magnanimous in a great and powerful nation to ting the campaign on the plan given in March, Yet such is the fact. Colonel Johnson says, I see that justice is done to private claimants. Itis, which was, "to get command of the lakes." requested General Harrison to permit me to however, objected against this bill that the claim But, sir, the plan of operations came near being
He did charge, and at such speed that is a stale one; the property, for the destruction defvated by a cautiousness amounting to timidity, the British had not time to deliver their third fire of which by the soldiery of the United States, I had almost said to cowardice. On the 21st of || before they were totally routed.
as is alleged, indemnity is sought, having been April, the general, after approving of the plan of Mr. COOPER inquired of Mr. Crary his au destroyed as far back as 1815. Is this a valid
26th Cong..., 1st SESS.
Order of Business-Mr. Petrikin.
HO. OF REPS.
objection? Shall it prevail? Ought it to prevail? || which we have so often heard iterated and reiter this House at least one half of the session of yesI unhesitatingly say, no. Why, sir, it is well ated by that gentleman and the party with which terday and to-day, and yet, in the very face of known to members of Congress, it is known to he acts in this House that we have ceased to be this fact, complains that he is gagged, and not every man in the country, that it is an exceed frightened. The gentleman particularly com permitted to speak. I should like to know from ingly arduous and tedious process to get a bill | plained that I had been frequently instrumental in him, if he calls this being gagged, what would be granting relief to individuals through both Houses making him take his seat, by calling him to order, the consequence if his gag was removed? I supof Congress. Many causes, which we cannot and says "if he expects to speak hereafter he must pose he would occupy the whole time of the control, combine always to make the tediousness | ask my leave." I would have been much grati House, and then complain that it was not suffiof the progress of a private bill in Congress heart fied if my calls to order had been successful in in ciently long to satisfy his loquacious disposition. sickening and discouraging to the persons to be || ducing him to cease violating the rules of this So much for the first lawyer, and his windy war benefited thereby, and their only consolation is House and all the laws made to govern parlia of words. that tardy justice will sometime or other come. mentary bodies; but I regret that I am compelled Now, sir, I will briefly notice the second lawIf bills that ought to pass do not become laws for to say that although my efforts have been backed yer, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Bara series of years, as is the case, I believe, in many | by the decision of the Speaker, and that decision || NARD) on my left, who endeavors, by a lengthy instances, it is not the fault of the claimants. sustained by the majority of the House, I have statement of what he calls facts, to get around the Where a claim has been regularly followed up been so far unsuccessful in my efforts. That gentle- || laws made for the government of this House. I from Congress to Congress, I cannot agree that man rarely addresses the House in order, and often am no lawyer, but I have some little knowledge the mere lapse of time shall constitute any reason perseveres in his speech in defiance of the requests of how exceptions are taken to opinions delivered against its ultimate liquidation. I do not con and commands of the Speaker and the decision of by law judges, and must beg leave to object to the ceive that the Government is bound by any law the House. Yet, in the face of all this, we hear reception of the gentleman's statement, although of limitations, either written or unwritien. 'The | him rise in his place and complain that he is it took himself and two other learned lawyers so only proper inquiry is, is the demand a just one? || gagged and deprived of his rights as a Represent long to concoct it. I appeal to every lawyer in I know of one claim that has been before Congress ulive and a citizen. I appeal to every candid man this House, if ever they saw a string of facts upwards of thirty years. It seems to me to be who now hears me, and to the records of the pro embodied in a bill of exceptions to the opinion of just, and I frankly confess that it never occurred ceedings of this House, in verification of the truth a judge, delivered on a simple point of law, par, to me that the circumstance of the great lapse of of what I assert.
ticularly where the pretended facts only existed time since it ought to have been paid constituted
The gentleman, in his ardor to assert his own in the fertile imaginations of the gentlemen who any sort of objection to the payment of it. But || rights, always forgets that he is violating the drew the bill. I must beg leave to protest against I shall say no more upon this point.
rights of others. Is not every violation of the the lumbering of the Journals with such stuff, or What, Mr. Chairman, are the material facts in rules of order a violation of the rights of other permitting such innovations on the long and esthe present case? They are few, but strong and members? Is not the occupation of the time al tablished practice of this House. satisfactory. It seems that in 1815 the house of || lotted by the rules of this House for the consider I shall now give my attention to my third the persons named in the bill was taken possession || ation of the private claims of persons from every opponent, the Governor, [Mr. Pope,] who atof by United States soldiers, in pursuance of an quarter of this Union, a violation of their rights? tacks us by dealing out * soft sawder" to the order of one of the United States officers, not only And yet the gentleman complains that his rights | Speaker, which might do if the gentleman was without the assent of the owners, but against their are violated. Does the gentleman suppose he can selling wooden clocks to an old woman, but cerexpress wish; that during the occupancy of the justify himself here, or before the country, in oc- tainly can bave little effect with the Speaker, to house by the soldiers, an unusually large fire was
cupying yesterday and to-day in making speeches | induce him to alter his decision in this case. I made, and continued for some time. The heat for mere party purposes? Will the gentleman am satisfied that the gentleman himself was only became so intense as to communicate to the wood, || coolly and calmly ask himself whether he thinks | carried away by his sympathy for and zeal to and the house was burnt down. The fire, it is he will be justified in his course of conduct, when help his pariy friend out of his difficulty, and get true, was not discovered for ten or twelve hours he must know that its effect is to prevent hundreds the Gag out of his mouth, of which he has so after the soldiers had left. Now, sir, so far as of claims from being acted upon, about which there bitterly complained. this bill is concerned, the only and material ques
can be no dispute, and for which the individuals I know the gentleman from Kentucky will, tion for our determination is, did this destruction claiming have been praying Congress every ses when he reflects, see the impropriety of his polita of property occur from any willfulness or negli sion for years to setile?
ical friends interfering with the time set apart for gence on the part of the owners, or was it the Mr. Speaker, the object I had in view, when I the relief of claimants, such as wounded and disconsequence of the doings of the United States moved the question of order, was to preserve the abled soldiers and seamen, or the widows and soldiers? From the facts stated in the report of time allotted for the consideration of private bills, orphans of those who have died or been killed in the committee, and I take them as correct, I think many of which had been examined and reported the service of their country. I know him to be no gentleman will, upon due consideration, doubt | by committees, as presenting claims which were a person of humane and good feelings, and feel as to how and by what means the burning hap- | just beyond dispute. Not only has this been the confident, when he coolly looks at this matter, pened. It was not mere accident; it was not a case at this session, but many of them have been that he will see that his friends are in the wrong, matter with which the owners appear to have had
for years past presented to Congress, but neglected, and that the gentleman from New York has no any connection whatever; but was occasioned by because the time allotted for their consideration reason to complain of tyranny or oppression, but the carelessness, to use the mildest phrase, of the
had been consumed in speech-making, in debate that those, the business of whom he prevents United States soldiers. Under these circumstances
which was worse than useless. We are now, Mr. action upon, have a right to complain of him. I am of opinion the bill ought to pass, and shall | Speaker, in the fourth month of this session, and The gentleman from Kentucky also complains accordingly cast my vote for it.
no one hour has been devoted to the considera that I stop persons on the floor from speaking as tion of private bills. We see upon our tables, day often and as long as they wish. Now, Mr. Speaker,
after day, reports and bills for the relief of indi- || I would not be under the necessity of doing so if ORDER OF BUSINESS.
viduals, many of whom are now suffering, and those gentlemen would conform to the rules and
who have been soliciting Congress for twenty REMARKS OF HON. D. PETRIKIN, I years to pass upon their just claims; but now,
orders of the House; if they would not be obnox.
ious to the charge of being out of order. OF PENNSYLVANIA,
when, for the first time this session, they are The gentleman from Kentucky complains beIn the House of REPRESENTATIVES,
reached, we are prevented from acting on them by cause a majority of this House have used the gag
the gentleman from New York (Mr. FILLMORE] March 6, 1840,
law to prevent useless talking and stop idle destarting a question of no interest to any one; bate; but he forgets to say anything about the In reply to Messrs. BARNARD and FILLMORE, of New York, will not say "it is done for the vilest political pur gag law which his political friend from Kentucky, and Mr. Pope, of Kentucky, on the appeal taken by Mr.
poses, as Mr. Smith, of Connecticui, said of my FILLMORE from the decision of the Cbair, declaring Mr.
in another part of this building, wished to inflict political friends, but I will say for no other purF. out of order in discussing a proposition growing out of
on the country to gag freemen, and prevent their the New Jersey contest.
pose than to enable him to occupy the time of the thinking, speaking, and exercising their constitu
House in making a speech on the New Jersey tional privileges. That gag law would, in the Mr. PETRIKIN said:
contested election-a subject that he and the par estimation of him and his political friends, be Mr. SPEAKER: It may be thought a bold move in lisan lawyers in this body who act with him have right and proper, though it would bind the freea plain, uneducated countryman like myself to rise each made one or two, and some of them three men of the country hand and foot to the car, and in opposition to two learned lawyers and one Gore speeches upon, going over the same story, with force them to gratify the sordid ambition of their ernor. There is indeed a fearful odds against me, out advancing one new idea or eliciting or devel- l political leaders. if I am to judge from the reputation which they | oping a single fact to elucidate or throw new light
I have no doubt but those very perhave acquired among their own partisans; but, sir, | upon the subject in dispute. The gentleman being sons who are now so vehement in their remonsilence would imply assent to their charges and himself snug, warm, and comfortably fixed, and strances and denunciations against gag laws, opinions, and to leave them uncontradicted would well fed with the good things of this world, for tyranny, and oppression, would
be not only much be criminal. When duty dictates I am bound to gets the hunger, cold, and other privations which | gratified if the Kentucky gag law was passed, but obey, and shall therefore ask the indulgence of many of those are now experiencing whose just as loud in praises of it as they now are in dethe House while I attempt to answer what has claims are before the House, and the action on nouncing all restraints upon their lawless and been said by those learned gentlemen.
which is being delayed in consequence of his disorderly course in this House. The first gentleman from New York (Mr. Full
It is too often the case that we forget, or The gentleman from Kentucky objects to the MORE] who addressed the House had worked him do not think of, what we do not feel or see. If use of the previous question in this llouse, and self into a passion, and attempted to drive us from it were otherwise, our actions would often be very || particularly points me out as the most frequent our position by a storm of epithets and hard different from what they are.
mover of it. "Ilow the fact last stuled is, I do not words. He accused the majority of this House Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from New York know. The previous question is essential to get of tyranny, despotism, and oppression—scurecrows [Mr. FILLMORE) has been occupying the floor of || ting any business of the country done, and I con
26th Cong..., 1st Sess.
Independent Treasury-Mr. Buchanan.
sider it an imperative duty (not at all times a speech which I lately delivered in favor of the In- quate restraint upon excessive banking. Nay, pleasant and agreeable one) to move it whenever | dependent Treasury bill has been made the subject more; I plumed myself upon the force that I had I think it can be seconded; and I would inform of criticism and censure in another part of this been the first to suggest the amendment requiring gentlemen that threats, denunciations, sneers, rid Capitol; under what rule of order I confess I can the holders of Treasury drafts to present them for icule, or epithets will not cause me to shrink from not comprehend. In some portions of the coun payment to the depositaries with as little delay as what I consider my duty. I shall in all cases act as try, at public meetings and in the public press, Il possible, for the express purpose of saving the 1 dcem right, regardless of the opinions of others. have been denounced as the enemy of the labor banks from the injury which might be inflicted
I will not follow the gentleman to T'ippecanoe, ing man, and have been charged with a desire to upon them by locking up a large surplus of revnor undertuke to contradict him, as to the matter reduce his wages, and depress his condition to enue in gold and silver in the vaults of the deposwhich appears to be uppermost in the mind of every that of the degraded serfs of European despot- || itaries. And I endeavored to prove, not only by one of the party with which he acts, (if we are to isms. Sentiments have been attributed to me my own arguments, but by the authority of one judge by their introducing it into every debate.) which I never uttered, and which my soul abhors. of the most distinguished financiers that this counI mean their attempts to palm General Harrison I repeat, what I declared in that speech, that if I try has ever produced, that the banks never could on the people for a wise and brave man. It is not could believe for a moment that the Independent || be injured by the adoption of the Independent necessary for me, or any one else, to do so. His- || Treasury bill would prove injurious to the laboring Treasury bill, unless in the event of a large sur. tory and the facts on record disprove all they as man, it should meei my unqualified opposition. || plus revenue, which would not probably soon sert on this subject, and the people are not so I had intended to embrace the first opportunity
I also stated that it would thus become easily duped as they imagine by their system of which presented of doing myself justice upon this their interest, as it already was that of the rest of puffing.
subjeci. Business called me away, and I was the community, to prevent the accumulation of Tam at a loss to know what the gentleman from absent while the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. such a surplus. In referring to the blessings which Kentucky means by the term "slang whang." CRITTENDEN] addressed the Senate on the resolu would flow to the laboring man from the existence If he means granting a request made of me by tions now before it. I understood that he had re- ll of a sound mixed currency, whose basis should himself, I then understand it. I have always ferred to the wages of labor, in no offensive terms be gold and silver, I expressly declared that the found the gentleman kind and courteous in my to me, however; but in such a manner as to have bill
would exercise no great influence in producommunications with him, and I have always en presented the opportunity which I so much de cing this desirable result. deavored to be equally so in return, when I could sired. When the Senator from New York (Mr. Again, in speaking of the effect which this measdo so without a violation of my duty as a Rep- || TallmaDGE) afterward alluded to the same sub ure would produce in reducing the amount of our resentative.
ject, the debate had assumed a personal charac- || imports—a consummation devoutly desired by Thegentleman from Kentucky begs the Speaker || ter, and I was not the man to interfere against || all-what was my argument? That the bill would, to reconsider his decision and reverse it. I can him in such a contest. He had said nothing || in some degree, especially after June, 1842, diminassure the gentleman it is too late for the Speaker which could excite any disposition on my part ish our imports, because we should then have a to grant his request, however earnestly made, if to pursue such a course.
system of cashi duties which would operate as he were even disposed to do so. The House has Had I obtained the floor at any time during the an encouragement to our domestic manufactures. decided the question in part, and put it beyond || last week, my explanation would have been short One of the great objects of my speech was to the reach of the Speaker. I hope this will not be and simple. The means, and the only means, answer the objections which had been urged a fresh source of accusation against the Speaker | by which it was alleged that I had sought to re against the Independent Treasury bill, by provas being "an instrument of tyranny and oppres duce the wages of labor to the standard of the ing that it would not injuriously influence the sion;" an expression used, if I am not mistaken, hard-money despotisms of Europe, was by the business of the country in the manner which had by the gentleman from New York (Mr. Fill introduction of an exclusive metallic currency been predicted by its enemies; and especially that MORE) in his remarks on this question.
into this country. Now, to such a radical change it would produce little or no effect upon the sound I will now briefly notice the question before the in our currency I have ever been opposed. I have and solvent banks of the country. Tihought I had House, and then conclude. I made the objec- || avowed my opposition repeatedly upon this floor
succeeded. It certainly never entered into my tions to the discussion of the question of recon and elsewhere, and never more distinctly than in conception that any person on the face of the sideration during the time allotted for private bills my late speech in favor of the Independent Treas earth could so far have mistaken my meaning as with the view I before stated. I believed the de
ury. My molio has always been to reform, not lo attribute to me arguments in favor of the bill cision of the Speaker was wrong, or I would not lo destroy the banks; and I have endeavored to as directly opposite to those which I urged as have appealed. I never occupy the time of the provewith what success I must leave the public darkness is to light. House with frivolous questions merely for the io judge—that such a radical reform in these in You may judge, then, Mr. President, of my purpose of preventing the business of the coun stitutions as would prevent violent expansions astonishment, when, in the very second parairy being done; nor will I, if in my power to pre and contractions of the currency, and thus enable graph of the speech of the Senator from Massavent it, suffer others to do so. There is a diller them always to redeem their notes in specie, || chusetts, I read the following sentence: ence between the question of order I brought would prove eminently beneficial 10 all classes of
“ The Senator from Mississippi, (Mr. WALKER,] with his before the House and that decided by the Speaker | society, but more especially to the laboring man. usual acknowledged ability, and the distinguished Senator and sustained by the House some days since, on On Saturday evening last a message was sent from Pennsylvania,[Mr. BUCHANAN,) following in his track, the appeal from the decision by a gentleman from
have advanced the propositions that the embarrassments me by a friend, requesting me to examine the
and distress with whicli the country has been grievously New York. In that case there was no special || published speech of ihe Senator from Massachu afflicted for several years past, and which now paralyze all order; nor did it interfere with the business al
setts, (Mr. Davis,) and suggesting that it contained ils energies, are imputable to the pernicious influence of lotted for any particular day. In this case the an erroneous statement of the arguments which I bank paper, that this bill [the Independent Treasury bill] rules of the House particularly and specifically had used in favor of the Independent Treasury
contains the necessary corrective, as it will check importa
tions of foreign goods, suppress what they call the credit sysassign the Friday and Saturday of each week, bill. I examined his speech in the National In
tem, and by restoring a specie currency, reduce the wages of after the morning hour, to the consideration of telligencer, having never read it before, and I con labor and ihe value of property. This is the character given private bills, and that, I allege, cannot be dis fess it struck me with the utmost astonishment.
to the measure by ils friends; and alarming as the doctrines pensed with or set aside except by a motion to found that, throughout, he had attributed to me
are, I am gratified that they are frankly avowed.” adjourn, or by a vote of two thirds of the mem
Now, sir, I openly declare, in the face of the bers present. I also think the Speaker is wrong used; nay, more, that the objections to the bill, | Senate and the world, not only that no such docin entertaining the point of order made by the which I had endeavored to combat, had been im- | trines were ever avowed by me, but that these gentleman from New York [Mr. FillmoRE) dur- puted to me as the very arguments which I urged remarks of the Senator are palpable, I will not ing the pendency of the question on my appeal in its favor.
say intentional, misrepresentations both of the before the House; and I consider a motion to lay I shall proceed to make some remarks upon his letter and spirit of my speech. a question of order on the table is not in order at speech. In performing this duty it is my sole What, sir, lo attribute to me the remark, that any time, but particularly when the Chair has re purpose to justify myself, without feeling the this bill, by applying the necessary corrective to ceived two motions as points of order and two slightest disposition to do him injury.
the pernicious influence of bank paper, "and by appeals from his decision. I do conceive that In my remarks I urged the passage of the In thus restoring a specie currency,” will produce the the gentleman from New York [Mr. FILLMORE] ll dependent Treasury bill, because it would sepa disastrous consequences which he has enumeris the last man in the House that ought to com rate the banks from the Government, and would ated, when a considerable portion of my arguplain of the Speaker, who has treated him with render the money of the people always secure, ment was devoted to prove that the bill would great indulgence and courtesy, and only inter and always ready to promote their prosperity in produce no injurious effect whatever upon the rupted him after repeated calls io order from every peace and to defend them in war. Great as are sound and solvent banks of the country! Nay, quarter. With these remarks I shall leave the the advantages, direct and incidental, which the more, that it would exert but a very trifling insubject to the decision of the House.
country will derive from the passage of this bill, | fluence, indeed, if any, even in restraining within
I knew that it could accomplish little or nothing | safe limits their loans and issues. Now, sir, ic INDEPENDENT TREASURY.
toward reforming our paper currency or restruin may be very ingenious, but it is certainly not
ing the banks within safe limits. This opinion I very fair to put into the mouth of a friend of the SPEECH OF HON. J. BUCHANAN, have declared upon all'occasions, and never more bill, as arguments in its favor, the strongest obOF PENNSYLVANIA,
emphatically than in my late speech. 1 stated jections which have been urged against it by its
that the additional demand for gold and silver enemies. These would be so many admissions IN SENATE, March 3, 1840,
which it might create' would not exceed five mil- ll of its fatal consequences, and they would be the On the speech of Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts, against the lions of dollars per annum, according to the Pres- stronger when converted into arguments in its Independent Treasury bill.
ident's estimate; and that although this might || favor by one of its friends. Against the whole Mr. BUCHANAN said:
compel the banks to keep more specie in their current of my remarks, against my express and Mr. PRESIDENT:I rise to perform a painful but vaults in proportion to their circulation and de reiterated declarations, both upon this and former imperious duty, which I owe to myself. Thc Il posits, yet that it would prove but a very inade- Il occasions, that I was no friend to an exclusive
26TII Cong....lst SESS.
Independent Treasury-Mr. Buchanan.
hard-money currency, but was in favor of well steady employment, and under its influence the It was formerly supposed that the productions of regulated State banks, how could the Senator be country would march steadily on in iis career of meat and flour were so vast in our extended and so far mistaken as to sit down and deliberately prosperity without suffering from the ruinous cx highly-favored land that a monopoly of them write that I had urged, in favor of this bill, that it pansions and contractions and explosions which would be impossible. would restore a specie currency, and thereby re we have endured during the last twenty years. The experience of the last two or three years duce the wages of labor and the value of property? What is most essential to the prosperity of the has proved the contrary. The banks, instead of I leave it for him to answer the question accord mechanic and laboring man? Consiant employ- || giving credit in small sums to honest men, who ing to his own sense of justice toward a brother ment, steady and fair wages, with uniform prices would have used the money wisely in promoting Senator who had never done him harm.
for the necessaries and comforts of life which he their own welfare, and, as a necessary conseBut the Senator does not stop here. Through- || must purchase, and payment for his labor in a quence, that of the community, have loaned it to out his whole speech he imputes to me the use of sound currency.
monopolists, to enable them to raise the price of Buch arguments in favor of the bill as I have Let us in these particulars compare the present the necessaries of life to the consumer. Have stated, and dwells upon them at length; argu condition of the laboring man under the banking we not all learned that $1,000,000 has been adments wbich, if I had ever used, would prove system which now exists with wbat it would be vanced by them to an individual for the purpose conclusively that I was an enemy of the bill which under such reforins as I have indicated. And of enabling him to monopolize the sale of all the I professed to advocate, and that scarcely even in first, in regard to constant employment. What beef consumed in our eastern cities? Do we not disguise. This is the light in which he presents is the effect of the present system of bank expan all know that this effort proved successfulduring me before the world. Toward the conclusion of sions and contractions and revulsions in this par the last year in raising the price of this necessary his speech he caps the climax. He says: ticular? Is it not absolutely certain, has not ex of life to twelve and sixteen cents, and even higher, “To follow out the case I have supposed: the income
perience demonstrated, that under such a system per pound. Now, sir, although the wages of the of every mani, except the exporter, is to be reduced one half constant employment is rendered impossible? It | laboring man were then nominally high, what in the value of wages and property, while all foreign mer is true that during the short period while the bub was his condition? He could not afford to go chandise will cost the same, which will obviously, in effect, double the price, as it will take twice the annount of labor,
ble is expanding and the banks are increasing into the market and purchase beef for his family. or twice the amount of the products of labor, to purchase it.
their loans and their issues, labor of every kind If his wages increased with the increasing expan" I do not ascribe this power to the hiil; but it is enough for
finds employment. Then buildings of all sorts sion of our credit system, aggravated in its effects me that its friends do. What response will the farmers, me are erected, manufactories are established, and || by the immense sales of State bonds in Europe, chanics, manufacturers, and laborers make to such a flugitious the carpenter, and the mason, and other mechan. still the prices of all the necessaries of life rose in proposition ?
ics, are in demand. Public works are prosecuted a greater proportion, and he was not benefited. I And all this the Senator says in a professed reply and afford employment lo an immense number of | might mention, also, the vast monopoly of pork to me. He thus charges me with having ascribed | laborers. The tradesman of every description produced by a combination of individuals extendto the Independent Treasury bill the power of re then finds customers, because the amount of paper | ing from Boston to Cincinnati, which, by means ducing the income of every man in the country in circulation produces a delusive appearance of of bank facilities, succeeded in raising the price "one Wulf in the value of wages and property.” prosperity and promotes a spirit of extravagance. of that necessary of life to an enormous pitch. Had I contended in favor of any such power, well But, sir, under this system, the storm is sure to What, ihen, did the laborer gain, even at the time might the Senator have said it was "a flagitious succeed the sunshine; the explosion is certain to of the greatest expansion? Nothing-literally proposition.” He would almost have been justi- I follow the expansion; and when it comes—and | nothing. The laborers were a suffering class, fied in the use of a term so' harsh and unparlia we are now suffering under it-what is then the even in the midst of all this delusive prosperity. mentary.
condition of the mechanic and the laboring man? Instead of being able to lay by anything for the Self-respect, as well as the respect which I owe Buildings of every kind cease; manufactories are present day of adversity, which was a necessary to the Senate, restrains me from giving such a con closed; public works are suspended, and the la consequence of the system, the laborer was even tradiction to this allegation as it deserves. It would boring classes are thrown out of employment al then scarcely able to maintain himself and his surely not be deemed improper, however, in me together. It is enough to make one's heart bleed || family. His condition has been terrible during if I were to turn to the Senator and apply the to reflect upon their sufferings, particularly in our the past winter. In view of these facts, I said: epithet which he himself has applied to the prop- large cities, during the past winter. In many in "All other circumstances being equal, I agree with thc osition he imputes to me, and were to declare that stances the question with them has not been what Senator from Kentucky that that country is most prospersuch an imputation was a “flagitious” misrepre amount of wages they could earn, but whether ous where labor coinmands the highest wages. I do not, sentation of my remarks. they could procure any employment which would
however, mean by the terms bighest wages' the greatSo far from imagining that the Independent
est nominal amount. During the revolutionary war one save them and their families from starvation. If
day's work commanded $109 of continental paper; but Treasury bill would restore the country to a me our State Legislatures, which alone possess the this would scarecly have purchased a breakfast. "The tallic currency, I believed that it would exercise power, would but regulate our bloated credit sys more proper expression would be to say that that country but a slight influence in restraining the excesses
is most prosperous wliere labor commands the greatest retem wisely, by restraining the banks within safe of the banking system. Other and much more
ward; where one day's labor will procure, not the greatest limits, our country would then be permitted to noininal amount of a depreciated currency, but most of the efficient remedies must be adopted by the several proceed with regular strides, and the laboring necessaries and comforts of life. It, therefore, you should States to restrain these excesses and thus to pre man would suffer none of these evils because he in somnc degree reduce the nominal price paid for labor by vent future suspensions. In my remarks, I stated would receive constant empioyment.
reducing the amount of your bank issues within reasonable
and safe limits and establishing a metallic basis for your distinctly what legislation would, I thought, be In the second place, what is the effect of the
paper circulation, would this injure the laborer? Certainly required to accomplish this purpose. In the first present system upon the wages of labor, and upon not; because the price of all the necessaries and comforts place, l observed that the banks ought to be com The prices of the necessaries and comforts of life?
of life are reduced in the same proportion, and he will be pelled to keep in their vaults a certain fair pro- || ll cannot be denied that that country is the most
able to prirebase more of them for a dollar in a sound
state of the currency than he could have done in the days portion of specie compared with their circulation prosperous where labor commands the greatest of extravagant expansion for a dollar and a quarter. So far and deposits; or, in other words, a certain propor reward; but this not for one year merely, not for from injuring, it will greatly benefit the laboring man. It tion of immediate specie means to meet their im that short period of time when our bloated credit
will insure to him constant employinent and regular prices, mediate responsibilities. Secondly, that the foun
paid in a souud currency, which of all things die ought mosi system is most expanded, but for a succession
to desire; and it will save him from being involved in ruin dation of a specie basis for our paper currency of years; for all time. Permanence in the rate of by a recurrence of those periodical expansions and conshould be laid by prohibiting the circulation of wages is indispensable to the prosperity of the tractions of the currency which have hitherto convulsed bank notes, at the first, under the denomination laboring man. He ought to be able to look for
the country.” of ten, and afterward under that of twenty dollars. ward with confidence to the fulure, to calculate Now, sir, is not my meaning clearly expressed Thimily that the amount of bank dividends should upon being able to rear and educate his fumily by in this paragraph? I contended that it would not be humited. Fourthly, and above all, thal, upon the sweat vt his brow, and to make them respeci- || injure but greatly benefit the laboring man to prethe occurrence of another suspension, the doors of able and useful citizens. In this respect what is vent the violent and ruinous expansions and conthe banks should be closed at once and their affairs the condition of the laboring man under vur pres tractions to which our currency was incident; and placed in the hands of commissioners. A cer ent system? While he suffers more under it than by judicions bank reform to place it on a settled tainty that such must be the inevitable effect of any other member of society, be derives from it
basis. If this were done what would be the conanother suspension would do more to prevent it the fewest advantages. It is a principle of polit- || sequence? That, if the laboring man could not than any other cause. To reform and not to de ical economy confirmed by experience, that while receive as great a nominal amount for his labor stroy was my avowed molio. I know that the the paper currency is expanding, the price of as he did " in the days of extravagantexpansion,' existence of banks and the circulation of bank everything else increases more rapidly than the which must always under our present system be paper, are so identified with the habits of our peo wages of labor. They are the last to rise with of short duration, he would be indemnified, and far ple that they cannot be abolished, even if this the expansion and the first to fall with the con more than indemnified, by the constant employwere desirable.
traction of the currency. The price of a day's | ment, the regular wages, and the uniform and more Such a reform in the banking system as I have or of a month's lubor of any kind, the price of a moderale prices of the necessaries and comforts indicated would benefit every class of society, hat, ot a pair of boots, of a pound of leather, of of life which a more stable currency would pro, but above all others, the man who makes his liv ali articles of furniture, in short, of manual and duce. Can this proposition be coniroverted? I ing by the sweat of his brow. The object at mechanical labor generally, is fixed and known think not. It is too plain for argument. Mark which I aimed by these reforms was not a pure to the whole community. The purchaser com me, sir, I desire to produce this happy result, not metallic currency, but a currency of a mixed char- plains when these fixed prices are enhanced, and by estublishing a pure metallic currency, but" by acter; the paper portion of it always convertible the mechanic or laborer, in order to retain his cus reducing the amount of your bank issues withiú into gold and silver, and subject to as little fluc tomers, cannot and does not raise his price until reasonable and sate limits and establishing a metuation in amount as the regular business of the he is compelled to do it by absolute necessity. tallic basis for your paper circulation." The idea country would admit. Of all reforms, this is what His meat, his flour, his potatoes, clothing for him- plainly expressed is that it is better, much better, the mechanic and the laboring man ought most self and his family, mount up to an extravagant for the laboring mun, as well as for every other to desire. It would produce steady prices, and Il price long before his compensation is increased. class of society, except the speculator, that the
26TH CONG.... 1st SESS.
Assumption of State Debts--Mr. Davis.
business of the country should be placed upon that man who purchased a property but one year been accompanied to the polls by their employer fixed and permanent foundation which would be ago, in the days of the highest expansion, for or his agent to see that the tyrannical mandate laid by establishing such a bank reform as would $2,000, and paid half the purchase money upon should be carried into execution ? The man who render it certain that bank notes should be always it, could at this moment of depression scarcely would act in such a manner, and thus abuse the convertible into gold and silver.
sell it for the remaining $1,000.' This is one of little brief authority which his station has given And yet this plain and simple exposition of my the greatest evils of our present ever-changing || him over his fellow-men, is at heart a despot and views has been seized upon by those who desire system; but such things must recur and recur a tyrant. These things I have never witnessed to make political capital out of their perversion; again forever, unless some efficient remedy shall myself but have often heard, and it has been represented far and wide that it be applied.
I now come to answer the question propounded was my desire to reduce wages down to the prices But the Senator from Massachusetts has ap to me by the Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. received by the miserable serfs and laborers of pealed to the ballot-box in the most solemn man WEBSTER) in regard to the political prospects in European despotisms. I shall most cheerfully ner, as the means of freeing the country from the Pennsylvania; and permit me here to say that leave the public to decide between me and my calamities which he says I have admitted would although I do not complain, I should not have traducers. The Senator from Massachusetts, flow from the passage of the Independent Treas been the first to introduce such topics upon this after having attributed to me the intention of re
I unite with him most freely in this | floor. Unlike some of my friends in the Oppoducing the wages of labor to the hard money appeal.' His fear of the result in his own State sition I have made no predictions here which the standard, through the agency of the Independent is probably the best excuse which he could make result has not verified. I am, therefore, entitled Treasury bill, has added, as an appendix to his for the manner in which he has treated my speech. to some little character as a prophet, which, small speech, a statement made by the Senator from The morning is not merely dawning upon old as it may be, I should be sorry to lose. The Maryland, (Mr. MERRICK,] of the prices of labor Massachusetis, but a beautifuland brilliant aurora smoke which was raised by the late Whig nain these hard-money despotisms; and it is thus is now shedding her light upon it, and giving || tional convention has had time to vanish away, left to be inferred that I am in favor of reducing promise of a bright and glorious day. We have and we can now see objects in their true colors the honest and independent laborer of this glorious at least an equal chance with the friends of the and just proportions. I have endeavored to view and free country to the same degraded condition. Senator of carrying Massachusetts.
the party struggle in my own State in the light The Senator ought to know that there is too much Mr. WEBSTER. As good a chance as we of truth so as not to deceive myself or others; and intelligence among the laboring classes in this have of carrying Pennsylvania?
I have had the best opportunities of acquiring highly favored land to be led astray by such rep Mr. BUCHANAN. Before I take my seat I correct information. I now declare that I firmly resentations.
shall answer this question; but at present I am believe the Keystone State will remain true to her 3. Payment of wages in a sound currency. Un speaking of the Senator's State. I will not ven ancient political faith; and from present appearder the present unrestricted banking system this ture absolutely to predict success to the cause of ances no future event can be more certain than is entirely out of the question. Nothing can ever the Administration in Massachusetts at the next that she will sustain the present Chief Magistrate produce this effect except the absolute prohibi election, although my hopes are high. Year after and his principles by a triumphant majority: tion of the issue and circulation of small notes. year the cause of correct principles has been There is one circumstance which, in my opinion, As long as bank notes exist of denominations so gradually advancing in that ancient and renowned renders the result absolutely certain. It was our low as to render it possible to make them the me Commonwealth, and such a revolution in public || misfortune to have been under Whig rule for a dium of payment for a day's or a week's labor, opinion never goes backward.
period of three years, during the administration 80 long will the laboring man be compelled to ac The Senator appeals to the polls, and expects of Governor Ritner. In what manner did that cept the very worst of these notes for his wages; that the laboring men of the country will come to administration treat the laboring men employed unless it may be at periods of the highest expan the rescue. In this I venture to predict he will upon the public works? No laboring man was bion, when labor is in the very greatest demand, be entirely mistaken. He will find it to be a her permitted to remain in the employment of the notes of doubtful credit will always be forced culean task to persuade the laboring man that the State unless he would pledge himself to support upon him. This was emphatically the case after party with which he is identified is friendly to the reëlection of Governor Ritner. He was dethe explosion of the banks in 1837. He could him and to his interests. What have we hereto- | prived of the means of earning his bread by the then procure nothing for his work but the miser fore witnessed in the Senate? When the pre sweat of his brow unless he would abandon his able shinplaster currency with which the country lemption bill was before this body the Senator right to feel and to think and to act as a free and was inundated. This he would not lay by for a from Maryland (Mr. Merrick) atiempted to de- || independent citizen of the Commonwealth. In rainy day, because he did not know at what mo prive the poor man who had fled from the oppres many instances the superintendents of our railment it might become altogether worthless on his sion of Europe to seek a home in the far West roads and canals marched up to the polls at the head hands. The effect of it was to destroy all habits from enjoying its benefits unless he were a nat of numerous bands of the laborers, to enforce a of economy. Besides, as a class, laborers suffer uralized citizen. His proposed amendment was compliance with the pledges which had thus been more from counterfeit and broken bank notes than sustained by distinguished Whig members in de extorted from them, and to see that they voted any other class of society. In order to afford the bate, but was voted down by the friends of the for Governor Ritner. The election came and laborer the necessary protection against these Administration. Again, sir, what party is it Governor Ritner was defeated at the polls by a evils, he ought always to be paid, and would which, with some honorable and distinguished || handsome majority. Immediately after it was anfrom necessity always be paid, in gold and silver, exceptions, has always opposed these preemp nounced from high official authority that this elecif the issue and circulation of small notes were tion laws? Is not the poor man who goes into tion should be treated as if it had never taken place. entirely prohibited.
the wilderness, settles upon the public lands, | The attempt to carry this mandate into execution Thus, it will be perceived that without the im erects himself a cabin, and expects to maintain || produced what has been most unjustly called the position of wholesome restrictions upon the banks and rear his family by the labor of his hands, en Harrisburg mob. A revolution was threatened, the laboring man can never expect to receive Litled to our protection? To permit him to pur- || but the leaders fled from the fearful responsibility either constant employment, or steady and fair chase his quarter section of land on which he has which they had assumed, at the first moment of wages, paid in a sound currency, or to pay uni settled at the minimum price, in preference to all fancied danger; and what had begun in tragedy, form prices for the necessaries and comforts of others, is but sheer justice to him, and experi- || thus ended in broad farce. life which he is obliged to purchase. Under our ence has proved that it diminishes the receipts of Now, sir, I shall not say one word to the prejupresent system everything is in a state of con the Governmcnt but two or three cents per acre. dice of General Harrison. It is his misfortune in stant fluctuation and change. Prices are high to Which is the party that has ever opposed this Pennsylvania to be identified with the leaders of day, low lo-morrow. Laboris in demand to-day, equitable and just principle, and by the course the party which I have just described. They are - there is no employment to-morrow. There is no which it has pursued would afford the speculator || his chief and most prominent supporters, ane were stability, no uniformity under our present sys an opportunity of enriching himself by purchas- || the most active and influential in procuring his
Of all men laborers are the most interested ing the house and the home of this poor settler nomination; and they are sufficiently heavy to in such a wise regulation of the banking system over his head, and thus depriving him of the fruits | drag down any candidate for the Presidency in by the States as would prevent the violent expan of his honest labor? No, sir, no; the laboring | Pennsylvania to whom they are politically bound. sions and contractions in the currency, and the men of the country know too well which party is || This very fact will lose General Harrison thouconsequent suspensions of specie payments under their true friend to be persuaded to enlist under sands of independent Whig votes in Pennsylvania. which we have been suffering.
the Whig banner by the Senator from Massachu I trust I have now sufficiently answered the inWhy, sir, under our present system we endure
quiry of the Senator from Massachusetts. the evils both of an exclusive hard-money cur The right of suffrage is the most sacred politrency and a bloated paper system without expe ical right which the citizens of a free Government riencing the benefits of either. The one is the
ASSUMPTION OF STATE DEBTS. can enjoy. Like the right of conscience, it ought inevitable consequence of the other. At the pres ever to be regarded as a question between the inent moment we have reached a point of depres dividual man and his Maker, with which no hu- || SPEECH OF HON. JOHN DAVIS, sion in the currency which the Senator from South man power ought to interfere unless by convin
OF MASSACHUSETTS, Carolina (Mr. Calhoun) considers as low or cing the reason. This is the very foundation upon lower than the hard-money standard. Here we which our republican institutions rest. All men
In Senate, March 6, 1840, are without credit, because no man, for the pros are regarded as equal in the sight of the law; and In reply to Mr. BUCHANAN on the assumption by the Govecution of his necessary business, can procure a they ought all therefore to be equally free when
ernment of the debts of the States. loan from the banks. They are now in that state they approach the ballot-box. I ask, has this Mr. DAVIS said: of exhaustion which is the inevitable consequence principle been respected in regard to the laboring Mr. President: The member from Pennsylvaof their former highly excited action. The case man in our extensive manufactories? Have they | nia (Mr. BUCHANAN) is of opinion that I have not which the Senator supposed might exist should never been told that unless they voted according met one of his charges, and is pleased, in the exwe suddenly adopt a hard-money currency, ex to the dictation of their employers they should be ercise of his courtesy, to say I have evaded them, ists already. It is now fact and not fancy. The immediately discharged? Have they never eyen and made a false issue. Nothing can be more