« ΠροηγούμενηΣυνέχεια »
26TH CONG.... 1st SESS.
Assumption of State Debts-Mr. Davis.
unjust, nothing more untrue, as I view the mat- member's speech this morning, and who can halt his only purpose. Am I, under such circumter; and how far it becomes him to make such or doubt as to the meaning? If the sense be not stances, to be rebuked for inferring that his argudeclarations, after declining to point out more dis- that “the paper bubble" is to be reduced till the ments had some connection with the bill? The tinctly his causes of complaint, you and others price of wages and everything else comes to be bill was the topic of discussion; and is it singular, must judge. Sir, I have no cause for evasion or as low as it is in hard-money countries, then it when the speech was chiefly spent on banks, cura false issue; the plain matters of fact are enough has, in my judgment, no intelligible meaning: | rency, and the reduction of prices, that we should for me, and I will take care that the member does There is no qualifying or altering it; and yet infer that the arguments were designed to have not escape from them by an issue varying much, am charged with making him too much of a hard- some pertinent application to the subject; that as I think, from that made in the outset. If his money man. Sir, the Senator is unconscious they were designed to enforce and illustrate the opinions are scrutinized by the public, if they are what language be uses about banks; a tone of policy to be introduced by the measure under found unpalatable, and the tide of public opinion severe reproof and denunciation runs through consideration? If they were not urged for this rolls back upon him, he will not escape from his his speech against our system, which he affirms purpose, for what end were they brought forresponsibility by turning upon me and raising a
in ward ? controversy here about the influence of the sub
of being a hardTreasury in introducing a hard-money currency. money man he says they have hugged the manu- the outset to be limited to a reply to the doctrines Sir, I did not rise to retort the indecorous lan- facturers to death. Whatever else his printed | and opinions of the Senator, and chiefly to those guage of the member. Harsh epithets can add speech contains, the parts which I read when last which related to manufacturing and labor. My nothing to the force of truth, nor can violent lan- up cannot be perused without making the infer- attention was attracted by these, as my speech guage strengthen a feeble or false argument. They ence which I draw from it, and it will benso un- fully proves, and my object was to test their contribute nothing to the dignity of the Senator, | derstood wherever it is read.
soundness, and not weigh or consider the exact are a violation of the rules of this body, and will But, sir, the Senator complains that I have put influences of the bill in carrying out these docbe estimated by the public, as they are, unworthy || words into his mouth. What words have I put || trines and opinions. The power of the bill was of this place.
into his mouth? Where are they, and what are a subordinate matter, and will be so considered Why is this matter brought here at this late | they? Is this a fair representation I have stated by the public. It may answer to talk about here, day? He does not question the identity of the his opinions, his arguments, and his views of but will be of little avail. Attention is and will speech I delivered here and the one in print. This | policy, but, with the exception of one or two in- be directed to the policy; to the reduction of wages he cannot do; but complains, among other things, stances, about which I have heard no complaint, || and property advocated by the Senator. The of attacks made upon him in the public press. I have not pretended to use his words. This is public will be content, as I am, that he should This is the secret of the whole matter. The coun- apparent on the face of my speech, and yet he limit the power of the bill where he pleases, while try condemns his opinions on wages. The labor- repeats that I have put words into his mouth. his, arguments show its tendency is toward the ers are startled at the thought of being brought He thinks I have not only made him too much establishment of his general policy. The doctrines down to “the standard of prices throughout the of a hard-money man, but have imputed to him and principles advanced will go out with it, and world.” This is the topic on which the press an opinion that the bill will have a greater tend- they must be subjected to scrutiny, as they canspeaks, as far as I have met its language, and this ency to restrain the issues of bank paper, and not be shut out of view by a controversy about the Senator has labored to explain by reading to introduce hard money, than he contended for. the probable degree of effect of the bill. The from his speeches; but he does not read the parts He admits that it is to have some influence-how doctrines go to the German standard of prices; of his late speech to which I chiefly replied, and much does not appear. Have I not shown that and at that point they will hold the Senator. But, to which I have drawn his attention, but the pub- || he is in favor of a reduction of prices to the in the opinion of the Senator, I make him a hardlic shall have an opportunity to read it, and judge | standard of prices throughout the world?" Have money man, contrary to my express admission for themselves whether it can have any interpre- || I not shown that he contends for this as a wise that he is for a mixed currency. Not so. He tation but that given to it.
policy, that we may obtain exclusive possession makes himself such, against his own declarations. But the Senator now, for the first time as far as of our markets, and enter successfully with our He takes both grounds, and I give him credit for I have heard, asserts that he did not hear the manufactures and products the markets of the it in my speech; and it is for him, and not for me, whole of my speech. Not hear it when it was world, by selling as low as any country? Have to harmonize the opinions. mostly a comment upon his remarks, and he pres- I not shown that this standard of prices, as it is Th Senator has reiterated an isolated sentence ent and near me ! If he did not hear it all why called, is identical, in all its effects, with the of my speech, and again infers that I have repredid he speak to me at the close as if he had? standard of prices in hard-money countries ? sented him as arguing that wages and property Why did he use complimentary language which Have I not shown that this reduction in prices, will be reduced one half. I have several times I shall not repeat in this place?
both of wages and property, is proposed to be told him distinctly that such was not my meaning, But, sir, what is the issue made now? It has accomplished by reducing the amount of our cur- nor was it the fair construction of the whole text. dwindled down into this: the gravamen, as he rency till prices are brought to this standard? And I argued simply that he was in favor of reduction, expressed it, is, that I have put into his mouth have I not shown all this by the printed speech without intending to say how much. I assured words that he never used in regard to the influ- l of the Senator, as put forth with his approbation? | him that my purpose did not go beyond that. ence which the sub-Treasury may have in intro- || Are not the language and the conclusions irresisti- This was due to him, for he gave a meaning to ducing a specie currency. I have made him also, ble? It will, it must, be so understood by all who the language that was not designed to be conhe thinks, too much of a hard-money man. I do read it.
veyed. With this he is not content, but persists not, in stating his objections, pretend to use his After all this; after a delay of six'weeks, with in his own construction, reasserting it in acriwords, for that is out of my power. In treating out complaint till the doctrine was condemned by monious language. While he does this, he adof this subject he has reviewed his opinions upon the public, and after bringing the Senator to this mits that if he had made such a proposition, it banks, excessive issues of paper, a mixed cur- point; after showing that he is in favor of Ger- might have been justly characterized as flagitious. rency, the reduction of the currency, and the effect man prices, and that he calls Germany emphal-Now, sir, I leave you and all others to determine on wages. Though he states the gravamen to ically a hard-money country, he complains that I whether a reduction of wages and property to be what I have described, yet he has thought it made him too much of a hard-money man, and German prices, with labor at a few pence a day, necessary to dwell on all these matters, and espe- that I make him express the opinion that the sub- || is a descent of one half; whether such a process cially to labor to prove that he is in favor of banks Treasury bill will bring things nearer to this re- reaches hard money, whether it will cover the and a mixed currency, and that he is not forcom- | sult than they contended for, or believed it would. country with blessings and benefits,” or be flaing down to hard money alone, or for reducing | What if it should produce this result? What if gitious. wages to the hard-money standard. But, sir, he it should go beyond his anticipations? What if Sir, the Senator is of opinion that I would hold does not come to the point to which I have called there is a misapprehension by me of his views as him and his friends up as enemies of the laborers. his attention. I asked him more than once to tell to the extent of its influence of what consequence This again is a great mistake. I have spoken of me what he means in his speech, wherein, speak- || is it? It will only carry out his views and policy his opinions, his statements, and his views of ing of the failure in success of our manufactures more strongly than he anticipated; and that pol- policy, not of his motives or feelings. I have and the remedy for that evil, he says, among other || icy, he says, would "cover the country, with traced his arguments out into their consequences, language equally forcible, " Reduce our nominal blessings and benefits." He cannot seriously and left the matter there for approval or condemto the real standard of prices throughout the world, regret this, if it should turn out to be so.
nation; but have neither held the Senator nor his and
you cover the country with blessings and bene- sir, a small matter, and will be so regarded. For friends up as enemies of anybody. fils.” This, he contended, is what the interests he will not deny that he is for a reduction of the If I could be surprised at anything, it would be of the manufacturers require. Yes, sir, to reduce currency, and that such a reduction, in his opin- at the tone assumed in this controversy. The thus the prices of production and wages. I asked ion, will reduce prices, and consequently the Senator talks of my hectoring him, and one would him what this standard of prices throughout the price of labor, for the reasoning of most of his think he considered me the aggressor. Sir, let world was, and whether it was not hard money. speech goes to that point. Nor will he deny that, all who have heard and witnessed what has But to this no answer has been made. He does in his opinion, the bill tends to reduce the cur- passed bear testimony to the unfounded characnot meet the inquiry, but affirms he is for a mixed rency, and will thus carry out these views as far ter of such a suggestion, and to the manner in currency, and not for reducing wages to the hum- as its provisions can carry them. It is, therefore, which the Senator proceeded to correct what at ble pay of the serfs of Europe; but what is the part and parcel of this policy, and has been and most could be no more than a misapprehension. meaning of this part of his speech? Has it none, is so understood everywhere. It is too late to The matter is unprovoked, and of the Senator's or, if it has any, what is it? He is for reducing come with such a complaint, as the Senator own seeking. Any misapprehension would have "the paper bubble,” in other words, bank paper, might have corrected and fixed the limit of influ- been cheerfully set righi, if it had been pointed to this standard; and this is “ to cover the coun- ence he ascribed to the bill, if he had chosen to out in terms of courtesy. But the Senator chose try with blessings and benefits." Sir, take this do it, on the spot, or he might have done it at to make this appeal in the way and manner in language in connection with what I read from the this time, in unobjectionable terms, if that was which it has been done, accompanied by language 26TH CONG.... 1st Sess.
Abolition Petitions-Mr. Bynum.
Ho. or REPS.
which is unparliamentary, ungentlemanly, and the inilicion of some grievance, either personal or and harmony of the country? The gentleman untrue; and let the tribunal to which he has ip- political. Thathe grievances complained of by from Massachusetts [Mr. Adams) says that the pealed decide between us, and determine whether the petitioners are personal, no man has been boid South have clused it, that they keep up the agitaI have met his complaints, and whether there is | enough, yet to coniend; that they are in any way tion. How monstrous! The South the cause of the least ground to sustain his charge of misrep. personally affected by the existence of slavery, it! Who have regularly introduced the subject resentation,
at a distance of hundreds and thousands of miles for the last six years by folios of petitions—the
from them, it will hardly be contended. The South?. No, sir; the idea is ridiculous, no matABOLITION PETITIONS.
grievance complained of, then, so far, is wholly ter from what quarter it comes. The South have
imaginary, and totally unworthy of further con- only begged to be let alone. Let her instituSPEECH OF HON. JESSE A. BYNUM, | them politically, it is equally imaginary and resideration. So far as the policy of slavery affects tions alone and this is all she asks; and this she
never mentions until you attempt here on this OF NORTII CAROLINA,
mote; from which it is evident that no grievance floor to invade her rights of property and the safety IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
from it has existed among and been experienced and security of her persons. This is the agita
from it by the petitioners. The whole complaint tion that the South is guilty of here through her January 25, 1840,
of grievance, therefore, is merely ideal, and does Representatives, except a few who play in the On the resolution of Mr. THOMPSON, of South Carolina, on not exist in fact. The framers of the Constitution hands of the abolitionists for political effect, rethe subject of abolition.
were practical men, and their whole object was to gardless of their sacred allegiance to the South Mr. BYNUM said he had much regretted the form a practical Government, for the redress, not and its vital interests. progress of the present discussion now going on of ideal imaginary grievances, but substantial, ex. Mr. Speaker, I have been amused for the few before the House, and exceedingly lamented the listing wrongs, directly affecting persons and com- days past at the declarations of gentlemen who character it had assured. It had been his object munities. Such, sir, were the objects of those have embarked here in the cause of the abolitionat an early stage of the session to arrest it by illustrious sages who were the architects of that ists, while I have felt humiliated at times, as a move which he had then inade, but for which he || glorious instrument whose subversion is now southern man; and I doubt whether to attribute had been rebuked and read a lecture from a quarter || sought under the flimsy garb of the right to pe- such declarations to arrogance or to their want of that he had least expected. He however felt no dis- || tition, whether for a redress of grievances or not, a better knowledge of southern men and of southposition at this time to recriminate and to wage real or imaginary.
ern character. Gentlemen say just let them take war with those men who wore the profession of To indulge for a moment the idea that the pa- this matter in their hands and they will manage it friendship to the South. The subjeci to him was triots who formed the Constitution contemplated so as to quiet the abolitionists and to secure the of a magnitude too immense to involve in it even a redress of grievances, so remote and imaginary peace of the country; we at the South do not una personal consideration, and he should endeavor, as that complained of by the whole brood fanatic, derstand this subject as well as themselves. Sir, if possible, to soar above all such.
is a slander, if not a libel, on their memories. this we have been told by the honorable memSo far, in his judgment, this discussion had been The clause of the Constitution, then, to which bers successively from Massachusetts, two from conducted entirely to the injury of one section of repeated allusions have been made, refers ex- New York, and one from Pennsylvania, (Messrs. this country, and with the greatest injustice lo one clusively to grievances tangible, real, and substan- Adams, Biddle, GRANGER, and Hunt.) Most of the great parties in this House, for the complete | tial, and there cannot be a doubt of its framers modest and high-minded gentlemen! Sir, this is and entire vindication of both of which it would || having no other in contemplation at its formation. adding insult to injury. What! yield to you the only be necessary to exhibit a plain statement of || This, then, does not appear to me ever to have right and privilege of settling for us and our con. the facts and the history of the subjects involved, been one of those legitimate subjects of griev- stituents this momentous question. Heavens! as they have transpired, both here, in this House, ances entertained by the founders of the Govern- what a request. Have you not in this impeached upon this floor, and elsewhere within the last five
ment. The right of petition, then, sir, so far, either our integrity or competency! Surely, or six years, which, at a proper time, it is my de- may be well questioned, where there is neither | gentlemen, you are dreaming. You setile this sign at present to do before I take my seat, if my interest nor grievance upon which to found the question for the South! Never! never! I deny health and strength should sustain me in the effort. right to redress. It is manifest, therefore, that your interest in it and repel the implicatian of igBut before he proceeded to that part of the subject | the right of petition is a relative one, and relates norance on the subject. Sir, I throw it back, not he begged the House to excuse him while he no- immediately to a redress of a substantial and direct in retort, but as a fact which may be clearly deticed several remarks that had fallen from differ- grievance, and to none others, as a contrary sup- monstrated by your own declarations here, disent gentlemen who had preceded him on the op- | position would involve a glaring absurdity and playing a most entire want of knowledge, yes,
impracticability, to carry out which there can be practical knowledge, not only of the subject before The first of those whose remarks he would no practical, sagacious statesman that does not us, but an entire want of knowledge of the characnotice was the very honorable gentleman from now see that this whole country will be deluged cers with whom you have to deal on the subject. Massachusetts, (Mr. Adams.] That gentleman with the blood of its own citizens. Such a right, You settle this question for us, without one parhad taken bold grounds. The gentleman had said, if it were possible for it to exist, is too obscure | ticle of interest in it and without the most ordiin substance, that before the rights of the aboli- and remote to be yielded without convulsing to nary practical knowledge of it; and we, who have tionists to petition upon the subject of slavery the very center the entire Republic. No man will | everything near and dear to man at stake, to set should be thwarted by this House, the whole yield it, and all are ready now to resist it at the by, as mere idle spectators of the scene! Surely, people of the non-slaveholding States would rise hazard of all that can make life desirable; and he I say, Mr. Speaker, gentlemen have forgotten the en masse to revenge an indignity so flagrant and that could desire its discussion, under present theme on which they are disposed to speak. No, so violative of their constitutional rights. Now, circumstances, here, must be blind, and of the sir; this is a southern question, exclusively so, sir, (said Mr. B.,) before a right can be violated, most obtuse intellect-one who cannot have one and must be, and will be, settled by southern it appeared to him that some evidence, at least, of | single honest feeling for the tranquillity, peace, men, until they become traitors to their counits existence should be made to appear. If the and prosperity of our common country,
try and to themselves. But, says the honorable venerable and honorable member means that the If ever the sacred compromise of the Constitu- member from Massachusetts, [Mr. Adams,) they abolitionists have any right to the slaves of the vion is rescinded, this will be the very question || dread discussion coolly on this subject, and tells South, or interest in the existence of slavery that will blow its sacred fragments into a thou- us that he is prepared to discuss the subject coolly there, then I would listen to his argument in de- sand atoms. Yes, sir, it is to be the fatal rock and without agitation. Indeed, sir, what has the monstration of its violation by any action of this upon which this mighty vessel of State, in which | honorable member at stake that should excite and House. Sir, has he attempted, has he conde- we have so triumphantly sailed for the better part || agitate him on this subject? Is his house in danscended to attempt, to show this? Then how has of a century, will he wrecked and shivered into yer of the incendiary's torch? Are his fireside and a right been violated that never has existed? The atoms; and any statesman, after reviewing what household deities in peril of midnight insurrecwhole of such arguments are founded on assump- has transpired here within a few days past, is too tion? Are his wife and children hourly at the tion, and assumption alone; and what is such an blind to deserve a seat here if he has not been mercy of the black assassins, who are instigated assumption but a usurpation, or an attempt to able to perceive it.
by these discussions to acts of murder? Has he usurp an interest, or the right in an interest, ihat The whole object of the petitioners is without so early forgotten the bloody scenes of Southnever did exist, by purchase, acquiescence, gift, license from the Constitution, and in opposition | ampton, that have so recently passed in a neighor contract? Sir, the whole idea of violating a to the understanding of every member of the Con- | boring State? Can he suppose, and will it be right that never existed is both utopian and vention that framed that instrument. This has asked of them, that those who are daily subject ridiculous.
not and cannot be denied even by the learned gen- to the reacting of such a scene on them, shall, But, say gentlemen, the right is derived from tleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Adams.] But like him, look coldly on these bloody consethe constitutional compacts. The Constitution, | (says that honorable gentleman) his efforts are quences? Has the gentleman, and others, given they say, has granted ihe right by declaring that made in deference of a forma mere etiquette, I a moment's reflection on the incomparable differ“ Congress shall make no law respecting an es- suppose—which by him is placed far beyond the ence in the condition of the parties whom he intablishment of religion, or prohibiting the free duties that we owe to preserve the Constitution viles to this discussion? Have gentlemen condeexercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of || and the Union. Sir, the idea is preposterous, scended to compare the difference, in interest and speech, or of the press; or the right of the people and can receive tolerance only from bookmen un- feelings, which must of necessity exist between peaceably to assemble, and to pelition the Gorernment practiced in the art of life, and who alone are fa- the two parties on this subject? Have they, will for a redress of grievances.' Now, sir, is this the miliar with the impracticable theories of the closet; they, compare the enormous arrogance, and the right to which they allude? If so, it is clearly and here let me say to gentlemen, the prayer of trespasses about being made by one party, with no right at all, by a fair construction of that in- the petitioners is not more unconstitutional than the humble attitude of defense assumed and restrument. An impartial interpretation will not their grant would be inexpedient and impracti- || solved on by the other? Sir, on the one side justify an interence so absurd.
cable. Then why, again I would ask, this agi- | everything exists that can arouse and excite and The whole object of this clause was to remove tatioa, this continued effort to disturb the peace inflame a man of sensibility or of honor; while,
26TH CONG.... 1st SESS.
Abolition Petitions-Mr. Bynum.
110. OF REPS.
on the other side, there is nothing but religious say these gentlemen, our people (meaning abo- another, it is in the declaration of the gentleman superstition, ignorance,, or wantonnens, or a Titionists) only wish to discuss this question with [Mr. Hunt) who addressed the House on this thirst for mischief, that should excite, agitate, or you. Where the reuson for consuming time in subject last. I had long listened to the remarks infiame any man, except the deep detestation of discussing when the minds of one parly are ir- of that honorable member, as I had to all that had the attempts of a fanaticism that is fraught with revocably made up, of which again and again the preceded him on that side of the question, in such incalculable disasters to the human race. other party hag been told. This, too, however, I endeavoring to explain, if possible, what their real Well may gentlemen on the other side, there- is not what they say in their various resolutions, l object was, and what they really desired to etiect, fore, affeci a serenity of temperament on this sub- essays, and reports. They speak in them a very | by the course that they wished this body to pursue ject unknown to those who are so much more different language; they declare in tones of thun- in relation to these petitions, who has finally, deeply interested in the discussion than them- der their object to be abolition and universal after laboring nearly three hours, concluded by selves.
emancipation, when their instruments here de- telling us that they, and the whole subject, ought But the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. || clare that they only contend for the right of peti- to be given in charge “of him!' of Massachusetts Adams) contends that all this agitation and strug- tion and desire discussion, showing a total vari: [Mr. Adams] to make such a report as he thought gle is carried on merely for the right of petition. I ance in the declarations of their advocates here and fit and proper on this subject. Yes, this is the novel Can gentlemen be candid who make such asser- those set forth by themselves. There is mystery || idea, the modest request, that has just been made tions? For the right of petition! Why, sir, who in this not to be overlooked by those most inter- by an honorable member on the opposite side. Is denies that? Is there a solitary one in this House, | ested in this subject, and is enough to create a it possible that any sane man can believe that the either Whig or Democrat? No, sir! no, sir! not suspicion that there is something foul in these pro- South could be thus cajoled into submission to one of either party, where the prayer could be fessions in the breast of the most unsuspecting | such an act? Why not say place them in the granted and carried out in conformity with the
Is there no stratagem in all this; first, | hands of "him” from Vermont (Mr. Slade) at letter, spirit, and requisitions of the Constitution. to get this subject legitimately on this floor and once, and effect an entire surrender of everything The entire rights that we exercise here as Repre- the right of discussing it here acquiesced in; and, that is dear to a southern man into the hands of sentatives are constitutional, and none others. by discussing and debating it the right of adjudi- | those that they have long been taught to believe Can we, then, justifiably entertain a proposition | cating it acknowledged by this House? Is it by were their deadliest enemies on earth? Sir, I feel directly subversive of those rights, and remain this stealthy process that the abolitionists seek humbled that it did not meet with the deep detesfaithful to the Constitution? I defy you to take to insinuate their deadly poison within the walls tation of every southern man on its utterance. the first step in the execution of the object of your Capitol? Is it by such means that they What man who would assent to such a proposiyour petitions without blowing into atoms every are to gain entrance and get their right to abolish tion here would dare return to the South and meet fragment of that glorious instrument under the slavery acknowledged on the floors of Congress? | the frowns of his insulted and betrayed constituauthority of which we have alone convened here. | Sir, I implore southern gentlemen to mark the ents? Do gentlemen believe that a report from
Whai, then, is it but treason to every article of insidious progress of this bloody cloud that is now such a source, however satisfactory to abolithai sacred compact, that you do in entertaining | rising and threatens to pour out its unhallowed tionists, would be received as satisfactory to the this subject, which, the most stupid is now ready contents upon our devoted country.
South and the West? Whal! a report from a man, to admit, must annihilate its very existence? We were told a few days ago by the honorable || although he may be as pure as the icicles that are Hence the inconsistency in the positions taken | member from New York, [Mr. GRANGER,) und now hanging down from the domes of this magby the gentlemen on the opposite side to me is it was reiterated in substance by the gentleman | nificent edifice, or with a heart as spotless as the wholly irreconcilable with every principle of rea- from Massachusetts, that the North had rights and | bleaching snow that now covers the puriieus of son, and equally so with any fair construction of dare maintain them. What, sir, was the mean- your Capitol, could produce nothing at this time, your Constitution.
ing of this? What rights of the North have been after what has recently transpired here, that could But, sir, I will not argue the right of petition | threatened or invaded by the South? None, sir; be received without exciting the greatest distrust further, as I will show before taking my seat that none. The South knows too well its own rights in the mind of every man south of the Potomac! it is used here as well as elsewhere, as a mere and their value to invade that of others. This, sir, || A report from one who we have been taught from catch and humbug, to amuse and delude the igno- was a most unfortunate declaration, coming from earliest infancy was the great natural enemy of rant into toils of revolution and blood. No man the source it does, and will have the effect to open everything that is southern, to be received by believes here, nor any intelligent one abroad, that the eyes of every southern man in the nation. them as satisfactory, is a tbing that proves conthe right of petition is, or ever has been, in dan- Whai rights have that gentleman's constituents clusively, to me, that the gentlemen are entirely ger by the action of this House; and it is used to the South that they know or dare maintain? uninformed upon the subject on which they have only as a mere platform upon which the aboli- Is this the insinuation, at last leaked out, that he | spoken, and know but lille, indeed, of the true tionists and their political friends wish to stand and his constituents have a righito the slave prop- characters of those whom they have presumed to hurl their firebrands of revolution and desola. erty in the South? Is this his meaning? Then to instruct upon this great question of national tion at the sacred temple of your Constitution.
I can only say in the language of a greater man, policy. It is a deception that they are attempting to play “Come and take them," and we will endeavor The honorable member from Pennsylvania, (Mr. off upon the ignorant and credulous, to conceal to give you a hearty welcome. Sir, the South | Bibble,) too, has come forward with great plausithe absurdity of their attempts and the enormity wishes to medule with no right of the North; she bility, and apparent candor, to advise and instruct of their projects. No, sir, their object never has desires nothing but friendship and brotherly love, those that have resisted the introduction and disbeen to vindicate the right of petition. They do the preservation of our Union, and the continue cussion of those petitions. He has given us a not say so in scarcely any of their reports or res- ance of a liberal intercourse between us; but if history of his last canvass, in which he has been olutions adopted by their different meetings; and the contest is to come that has been intimated by | pleased to inform us that he took ground against it is used liere to sustain them for want of any
the honorable member, let me say to him, as ihe abolitionists, and sustained himself; but that other plausible argument, and as the only one that brave, as gallant as may be his constituents, he will the course we have pursued here, in refusing to gentlemen can excuse themselves by, for appear- find spirits in the South as brave and gallunt as consider the petitions, is altogether erroneous; ing here as their apologists. The whole attempt, || they dare be, and with a cause in defense of their that it only increases their number, and keeps up therefore, I look upon as not less farcical than hy- homes and firesides so just, that infants would the agitation of the subject. if, says he, you will pocritical, which has been clearly evinced to my rise from their cradles to do battle with a plunder- receive, discuss, and report on them, you will
put mind by the remarks of nearly every membering foe. If these projects are persisted in,“ to arguments in the mouths of those that oppose that has addressed the House in favor of the this complexion must it come at last," and the them that will etfectually silence their complaints. titions. Not a speech have they made, scarcely, honest people of each section of country cannot With what truth this assertion is made (withafter telling us that their object was merely to know it too soon, who little dream at this time out impeaching the gentleman's veracity, as I dare defend the right of petition, before they have that a dire project is on foot by which they are say he believes what he has said) I will show, by launched out on the evils of slavery, the inexpe
to imbue their hands in their brother's blood. incontestable evidence, before I conclude. But diency of its existence, and the necessity of its Yes, sir, the actors in this scene would keep dark, that a gentleman of his distinguished talents could entire abolition, with the vilest denunciations until, by exciting one portion of your country- expect such a thing for such an object, is truly against our institutions where it is tolerated, in men against the other, they gradually and imper. || extraordinary. What, sir, does the gentleman which their whole feelings upon the subject have ceptibly prepare the minus of the most innocent ask? To give up a great constitutional qnestion, been satisfactorily, to my mind at least, devel- || and unsuspecting people of each section of the in admitting the petitions to be received, debated, oped; and I had only regretted that gentlemen country for the execution of their ruthless and and decided on by this House for the mere experhad not the boldness to come out and declare their diabolical purposes.
iment of putting arguments in the mouths of certrue positions upon the subject openly and freely. I will not reply to the remarks about the abuse lain gentlemen who profess to be our friends, but
The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Ab. that is poured upon us by the English periodicals never vote with us, to enable them to meet and AMS) says that we should not only receive these and penny posts that have been alluded to by the silence the complaints of the abolitionists at home? petitions, but that they should be read, referred, honorable member last up, from New York, (Mr. Was the gentleman aware of the price that it was reported upon, and discussed. Yes, all this to be | Hunt.] Their abuses against our institutions to cost us to put arguments in his mouth by done to observe a form, when it is admitted by all that recognize slavery cannot be greater than it | abandoning the grounds that we have so long and that it is impossible now to grant the prayers of hos ever been against the very furm of our free uniformly taken upon this most vital question? the petitioners. Why such a sacrifice of substance Government, and our free republican institutions; Was he aware that it ainounted to a direct request to mere form? If our minds are perfectly made nor less than it is against our religion and morals. to surrender to the abolitionists the great constituup on this subject as all are ready to acknowledge, From the subjects and vassals of kings and des- || tivnal grounds that we so long have contended for, why for the sake of this mere form keep up this pots, Americans should never look for compli- | and resolved on maintaining, at the hazard of life agitation at the sacrifice of that substance that ments. Sir, they owe us no good-will, and it is and fortune, and all that is dear to man upon this can alone hold together an hour the now freest the height of folly, I have ever learned, lo receive earth? Would it not virtually be placing the Government on earth? Can such a course be counsel from an enemy.
whole question in the power of Congress, at once, sanctioned by any enlightened man living? But, But if one thing can be more laughable than for an experiment that I will show has already
been tried and failed effectually? Such a course and to which I invoke the attention of every gen- have had the goodness to call my attention, that I am in would be treasonable to every vital interest of the tleman from the North and South. The next
favor of an interference by Congress in manumitting your South. The admission of their right of action, sentence after the word “ Columbia," where the
slave property, is destitute of foundation ; so far from it, I
do not see on what authority the General Government could which amounts to a jurisdiction of the question || honorable member from Pennsylvania left off, interfere, without a change of the Constitution, even at the by Congress, is the first great point that the friends begins thus:
instance of either or of all the slaveholding States." of the abolitionists desire to effect here; and, sir, “But, while such are my present impressions upon the Here, sir, is an avowal of the same sentiments if this be the friendship of the gentleman, may
abstract question of the legal power of Congress, impres- without reserve or equivocation. This letter wag the Lord deliver the South from such friends.
sions which I shall at all times be not only ready but dis-
written two years before his election to the Chief When the day arrives that this House attempts
hesitate to give it to you as my deliberate and well-con- Magistracy; yet, with all this evidence before us, to assume the jurisdiction of this subject, and sidered opinion that there are objections to the exercise of there are those so reckless, or ignorant, and desdiscuss it here, the days of the Republic will be this power against the wishes of the slaveholding States as numbered, and he who could desire to bring about imperative in their nature and obligations, in regulating the
perate as to charge his supporters at the South with conduct of public men, as the most palpable want of con
having betrayed the interests of the South upon such a discussion, can have but little love for the stitutional power would be."
this great question of southern rights for yielding blessings arising from the freest Government on
This concludes the paragraph. Now, sir, how
him their support. But how has Mr. Van Buren the earth, and it is a poor compliment indeed to the different is the inference from that made by the
acted since these declarations and pledges were intelligence of any southern man, to suppose that
honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania! What | given? Has he defaulted in the least in any one he could be induced, for a moment, to tolerate a proposition so monstrous.
southern man, uncontaminated by political preju- respect? No, sir. His very first act after his dices, could desire more? Here Mr. Van Buren
election was to renew those solemn pledges in the I know, Mr. Speaker, and regret it most sindeclares to the world, in language emphatic, that
face of the world. In his inaugural address, he cerely too, that there has been a resolution intro
embraces the very first occasion to declare himduced by a southern man, * [Mr. Chinn, of Lou
the reasons for opposing the exercise of the power isiana,) in the debate of the 30 January, at which
to abolish slavery in the District even, (mark that,) | self on this absorbing subject. Here, sir, are his as imperative in their nature and obligations"
sentiments as delivered to the American people the abolitionists and their friends have taken new " as the most palpable want of constitutional power
in that most valuable and celebrated address. courage, on which they build their greatest hope I would be." Now, does he not acknowledge in
Mr. B. then read the following extracts: of success in entering this House. Such a proposition is all, I know, that the gentleman from this that the obligations on him are equally bind
“The last, perhaps the greatest, of the prominent sources of discord and disaster supposed to lurk in our political
condition, was the institution of domestic slavery. Our Massachusetts (Mr. Adams] has been contending | ing with any of a constitutional nature; and what
more could an honest, honorable people desire ? forefathers were deeply impressed with the delicacy of this for here for the last six years, and is all that the abolitionists themselves expect to gain at present; If he would not obey the one, he certainly would
subject, and they treated it with a forbearance so evidently not the other. But I will read another extract from
wise, that, in spite of every sinister foreboding, it nevet, but, sir, this unfortunate resolution cannot meet
until the present period, disturbed the tranquillity of our with the APPROBATION OF THE South.
the same docuinent to quiet, if possible, the con- common country. Such a result is sufficient evidence of sciences of gentlemen:
the justice and patriotisin of their course; it is evidence I will now, sir, once more, and for the last time, in this debate, pay my respects to the honorable
“I prefer that not only you, but all the people of the
not to be mistaken, that an adherence to it can prevent áll United States, shall now understand, that if the desire of
embarrassment from this as well as from every other anmember from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Biddle,) a that portion of them which is favorable to my elevation to
ticipated cause of difficulty or danger. Have not recent gentleman, I confess, worthy of respect, both by the Chief Magistracy should be granted I must go into the
events made it obvious to the slightest reflection that the
least deviation from this spirit of forbearance is injurious the correctness of his depórtment and his dis- || presidential chair the inflexible and uncompromising oppotinguished talents. The gentleman informed the nent of any attempt on the part of Congress to abolish sla
to every interest, that of humanity included? Amid the very in the District of Columbia against the wishes of the
violence of excited passions, this generous and fraternal House that he had resolved to leave us; that he slaveholding States; and, also, with a determination equally
feeling has been sometimes disregarded; and standing as I was done with public life, and had no motives to decided, to resist the slightest interference with the subject
now do before my countrymen in this high place of honor
and of trust, I cannot refrain from anxiously invoking my in the States where it exists." misrepresent anything here. But sir, as he re
fellow-citizens never to be deaf to its dictates. Perceixtires, Parthian like, he forgets not to hurl back, Here, again, we have a reiteration of the same ing, before my election, the deep interest this subject was as he flies, his rankling javelin at his unvanquished || declarations in substance: “I must go into the
beginning to excite, I believed it a solemn duty fully to
make known my sentiments in regard to it; and now, when foes. He most adroitly, I will not say insidi- | presidential chair the inflexible and uncompro
every motive for misrepresentation has passed away, I trust ously, has introduced in this debate, not for po- | mising opponent to any attempt on the part of that they will be candidly weighed and uuderstood, at least litical effect, I hope, the opinions of the distin- | Congress to abolish slavery in the Districi," &c. they will be my standard of conduct in the path before me. guished individual who is now at the head of this Here is an additional confirmation of what I
I then declared that if the desire of those of my country
men who were favorable to my election was gratified, I Administration. I saw, sir, the chuckle and smile before read, but which the member from Pennsyl
must go into the presidential chair the inflexible and uncomof approbation that it created in a certain quarter,
vania did not read. And again I say, what more promising opponent of every attempt, on the part of Conand I thought then how easy it would be, by a
could have been asked? What further was neces- gress, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia against fuller statement of facts, to convert those smiles sary to be added to satisfy any man whose object
the wishes of the slaveholding States; and also with a
determination equally decided to resist the slightest interinto lamentations and mourning. Now, sir, I was truth, in relation to this momentous subject?
ference with it in the States where it exists.' (submitted will not accuse the gentleman from Pennsylvania Had his declarations been all that he made ihen, also to my fellow-citizens, with fullness and frankness, the of wanting candor, lut if he had read but a few they would have been sufficient for any inquirer
reasons which led me to this determination. The result paragraphs more from the communication of the after truth. But I will read further from the same:
authorizes me to believe that they have been approved, and
are confided in, by a majority of the people of the United President to the Jackson committee, he would “I do, therefore, believe that the abolition of slavery in States, including those whom they most immediately affect. have deprived me of the trouble of doing it my
the District of Columbia against the wishes of the slave- It now only renains to add, that 110 bill conflicting with these self. He read, however, only enough of that
holding States (assuming that Congress has the power to views can ever receive my constitutional sanction.” document to place the President in a false posieffect it) would violate the spirit of that compromise of
Such, sir, are the sentiments contained in his interests which lies at the basis of our social compacts; and tion before the public, to the entire gratification I am thoroughly convinced that it could not be so done inaugural address to the people of this country, of his enemies both here and abroad. Now I without imminent peril, if not certain destruction, to the * No bill,''says he, "conflicting with these views, hold in my hand the same document, and will
union of the States. Viewing the matter in this light, it can ever receive my constitutional sanction." read more fully his opinions upon the subject reis my clear and settled opinion that the Federal Govern
What equivocation, noncommittalism, or mental ment ought to abstain from doing so, and that it is the saferred to, and to show why they were received, cred duty of those whom the people of the United States reserve is here shown? What more, again I ask, as satisfactory to the South. In his reply to a intrust with the control of its action, so to use the consti- can any true friend to the South desire on this committee of gentlemen, who addressed Mr. Van
tutional power with which diey are invested as to pre- subject? and how has Mr. Van Buren demeaned
vent it." Buren on the subject, from the town of Jack
himself since his elevation to the Presidency, upon son, North Carolina, under date, “Washington, | clearly defined Could the South, if they ever
Sir, could a position on this subject be more
this subject? What pledge is it that he has not March 6, 1836,” he says:
complied with, to the letter, that he has ever made intended to support a Northern man, expect to “Thus viewing the matter, I would not, from the lights
to the American people? I defy calumny itself now before me, feel myself safe in pronouncing that Conget one more explicit, more decided, more satis
to point to one, gress does not possess the power of interfering with, or factory? I submit it to cvery man of reflection, Such, then, is the evidence that the South has abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia.”
that has the least candor or honesty about him. for believing him sound on this great and paraNow, sir, so far the honorable member saw fit “So to use the constitutional power as to prevent mount subject. Such is their justification for susto read, and no further, from this document, and
it." Can any man doubt the meaning of this! | taining him without fear upon this subject. Such here was he disposed to leave the subject of Mr. No, sir; no, sir; there are none who look to the
is the evidence in relation to his own personal and Van Buren's opinions to the edification of his interest of the South, and place this subject above political course; and I here ask and demand to enemies both South and North; but I will sup
their paltry party feelings. But let me tell gentle- || know, if any there are that now think it unsatisply the omission, and will commence with the men, long bfore the date of this letter, Mr. Van
factory. It will not do for them now to say that very next word, and read the paragraph through, || Buren expressed similar sentiments to the above, he does not deny the constitutional right to inter
when he was not before the people as a cardıdate fere in the District,when their idol, Mr. Clay, * Mr. CHINN demanded the yeas and nays, which were
for their suffrages for the presidency of the United || is a fathom more deeply committed in its favor ordered. States.
than Mr. Van Buren, who admits there are obliNr. C. said that, besore the question was taken, he would In a letter to Mr. Gwynn, of the State of Mis- || gations equally binding on him against interferask that a resolution which he would send to the Clerk's table, and which he intended to offer in case of the rejec
sissippi, in 1834, he used this language, in reply ence as hís constitutional obligations would be. tion of the other, might be read for information. to one written to him on this subject:
Having considered what Mr. Van Buren has The SPEAKER said it could only be read by leave. “My opinions on the subject of the power of Congress || said and done on this subject, I will now show The resolution was read, as follows:
over slave property in the Southern States are so well unResolved, That all petitions, memorials, resolutions, and derstood by my friends, that I am surprised that an attempt
what his friends who sustain him have said and addresses of every description, touching the abolition of to impose upon the public respecting them should be haz
done. Yes, sir, and have been said and done on slavery in the District of Columbia, or in the States or Ter- arded. The subject is, in my judgment, exclusively under
this floor, in the Hall of the Congress of the United ritories, or in any manner relating to the existence of slavery the control of the State governments; and I am not apor the slave trade in the United States, be referred, without
States. Yes, I will not, by denunciation, or decprised, nor do I believe that a contrary opinion to an exdebate, to a select committee, with instructions to consider
lamation, endeavor to show, but will do it by an ient deserving consideration, is entertained in any part of and report thereon. the United States. The charge, therefore, to which you
e xhibition of the records of this House, that ng
26th Cong.... 1st SESS.
Abolition Petitions—Mr. Bynum.
HO. OF REPS.
man will dare dispute, what course has been pur- | party-something of which I propose to show by ridiculous statements that they seldom ever gave sued here in relation to this subject, by what their ihe journals before I dismiss the subject? him much pain. The gentleman, too, contraopponents have been pleased to call Van Buren But to the gentleman from New York, whom dicted himself before he got through with his Democrats. I will commence with the history I promised to notice once more. That gentleman, story. He told us that Smith was stopped from of the subject since the formation of the present after repudiating all intention of making political || his lectures in Utica by the Democratic mob, and parties, up to which time the subject of abolition | capital out of this subject, before he concluded he was compelled to retire to his own residence, had never been considered or seriously entertained endeavored to identify the abolitionists with the some distance from the town, to effect his obby this body. But before I proceed with this Democratic party. And, sir, how? It is a fault || ject; which showed clearly what a favorite he exposition of the recorded facts which have laken common to his party, North, South, East, and and his doctrines were with the Democratic party place here, before our own eyes, by the parties, West. By individualizing cases. When we speak | there. Now, he doubted very much if Smith many of whom are still present, and now with of societies, communities, whole parties, and con- himself was not a Whig; he had heard so, at us, I must beg to notice one further remark made ventions, and other assemblages of men, we are least. Other instances might be cited of aboliby the honorable member from New York, (Mr. answered, as the gentleman from New York (Mr. tionists being in the Democratic party, he had no Hunt,) who immediately preceded me in this de- Hunt) has done, by telling us of particular in- doubt. bate, and here I will take the occasion to say, that dividuals who are abolitionists that are Dem- Sir, I dare say there are hundreds, perhaps thouthe same trick, disengenuousness, and hypocritical ocrats. The gentleman has told us that Gerrit sands of abolitionists in the Democratic party. design, seem to have characterized the speeches Smith is a Democrat, and a man by the name of | No man has ever doubted but that there were of nearly every gentleman, whether from the Woodel, if I mistake not. I understood him to some, nor that there were Federalists in that party, North or from the South, of that party, who have say that this Smith had been put in nomination and members of every other denomination-Quaaddressed the House on this subject. It seems by the Democratic party for United States Sen- kers, Baptists, Methodists, Presbyterians, Episto have been the settled plan of the party, or aior. I have since understood, from the highest || copalians, Catholics and Jews, if you please. they have adopted it with a uniformity that ex- authority, that this was the act of one man alone, This no man has ever undertaken to deny. Sir, cludes all supposition of its occurring by acci- and was done entirely for ridicule; that the party there ever will be good and bad in all churches, dent, of arraigning the Democratic party and de- never dreamed of such a thing. And this has backsliders and hypocrites, and it is the same with nouncing them for attempting to make, as they been eagerly seized on here by several, not to parties. But the characters of such churches, soare pleased to call it, political capital out of the make political capital of; oh, no! but to mention cieties, and parties are only affected seriously by subject of abolition, while, sir, there has not been it merely as a circumstance.
such until a majority of their members are proven one of them who has spoken on that side who Mr. FILLMORE said he did not understand to be of such materials, and in their proportion to has not attempted to produce the impression that his colleague (Mr. Hunt) as saying that Mr. the whole body. My design is not, therefore, to the Democrats were the abolitionists, and the Smith had been put in nomination by the Demo- | speak of individual instances, upon which so much Whigs deserved great credit for the noble stand cratic party. Ho understood him as saying that siress is laid by the opposite party, not only here, that they had taken on the subject. This, sir, he had been put in nomination by a member from but throughout the country, where they have atwas the intended sauce for our southern palate, the county of Otsego, (who had been run as tempted to confound the parties for political effect while, in the next breath, if he was a northern | Speaker by that party,) and that that gentleman || and deception, and which has rendered it so indis. Whig particularly, he would inveigh and rant had moved that the name of Gerrit Smith be in- pensably necessary (for a fair understanding of most furiously against the denials by the Demo- serted in the bill as a proper person to be sup- iheir position and relation) that the whole history crats to the North and South of the most holy | ported for United States Senator.
of the course that each of the parties have pursued and sacred right of petition. This, sir, was their Mr. PRENTISS, by the permission of Mr. B., as bodies, parties, and societies, should be ex. sauce for the palates of the fanatics of the North. made the following explanation of the case re- hibited as it stands on the unalterable records and
While this game has been carried on by the ferred to above. Mr.P. said Mr. Hunt, of New Journals of the House. Sir, I will not stoop to deal abolitionists and their advocates on this floor the York, in his remarks of yesterday, referred to in" as I am informed, and as I have heard.” Such southern wing of the same party have invariably
the fact that Mr. Levi S. Chatfield, who repre- evidence does not become this or any other delibrisen and denounced, in the most unmeasured sents the county of Otsego in the Assembly of erative body upon so grave a subject. Up to the terms, those Democrats of the North who have that Stale, had moved to insert the name of Gerrit time of 1834, 1835, and 1836 this subject had prodared to come forward to take one step toward Smith, a leading abolitionist, in a bill appointing | duced but little excitement in any part of this the maintenance of the rights of the South by vo- a United States Senator, and spoke of it as an evi- country. The abolition of slavery in the West ting for such resolutions as the South might con- dence that the Democrats of the North favored Indies, by the English, first put this ball in motion sider safe, while they pass unnoticed, and fre- that interest, Mr. Chatfield being, he said, a in this country through those who so much ad. quently with fulsome compliments, those very prominent member of that party, and its candi- mired English institutions, who readily seized on northern Whigs and abolitionists, from whom dale for Speaker of the body of which he is a the religious fanaticism of our northern brethren, they cannot get a vote even for any one of their member.
who are known to be exceedingly inflammable own propositions; not one step taken by them Mr. P. asked leave to say a word in reply to from the influence which their priests and minisagainst abolitionists. By such means have south- the imputation upon Mr. Chatfield of being an ters exercise over them throughout that section of ern Whigs endeavored to draw off from the sup
abolitionist. He said that Mr. Chatfield was one country, in some parts of which old England herport of such measures as the South felt disposed of his constituents, and that the gentleman from self is not more priest-ridden; and I doubt much io adopt for her own security; and to excuse New York (Mr. Hunt) had spoken truly when if the whole project is not of English birth, brought themselves to the South for such a course here he pronounced him to be a man of talents and in- into this country and nurtured through the affiliathey profess to be in favor of the most ultra meas- fluence. Mr. P. knew him well, and could assure tion of both the churches of England and America; ures for southern institutions; measures that they
the House that he was a Democrat; and one, too, and it is hence nothing more nor less than a covert believed no man living, not in a slaveholding who had been a uniform opponent of abolition- | religious crusade against our Government, our State, dare go for, and by this maneuver (to make ism, not only in the county of Otsego, but in the Union, and our liberty. Look you, sir, at every political capital themselves) draw off the only | legislative hall of his State, where the Democrats | petition in every public meeting or convention, men who have dared to stand by the South at all, | had sent him for the last two years to look after and you
will find the very
ear marks" of minand confound them with the whole body of the their interests. In the preliminary action of the isterial instrumentality nearly in every step and abolitionists—their own friends—the Whig party Assembly on the question of appointing a Sena- || thing that has been taken and done on this subof the North. This is the game now played here, tor, Mr. Chatfield having been called on to nom- || ject; and who are now entering into the political to the deadly injury of every southern'interest; | inate a candidate, named Eben B. Morehouse, arena of this country and entwining themselves a game that now has become as clear to the eye who is a resident of the same town where my around one or the other of the great political parof every intellectual, intelligent man as noonday; home is, and who has on every suitable occasion ties of the nation. My whole object now, by ref. a sophistry and deception too flimsy, let me tell repudiated abolition doctrines and sentiments; erence to these facts, is to show by which party these gentlemen, to escape the penetration of any but in the further progress of the question a bill they have been most countenanced and sustained plain, practical, discerning man. Sir, so bare- was introduced for consummating the appoint- upon this floor, that the American public may be faced have these practices become since the recent ment, and Mr. Chatfield, finding that the Whigs | abused no longer by the most odious misrepresentevents of a certain convention (pointing toward
were determined that no other name but that of ations of partisan politicians and party presses. Harrisburg) that it is difficult for a southern man Nathaniel P. Tallmadge should be inserted in it, To these facts I earnestly invite the attention of to rise in his place here and complain of the in- and after the names of Albert H. Troy and Addi- every member of the House, and every American justice done by these petitioners to their institu- son Gardner; two distinguished gentlemen of the citizen out of it, that would be informed on the tions without getting around his ears a swarm opposite politiq, had been rejected, moved that | subject. Here are the records, the resolutions, from the southern wing of a certain party. Can of Gerrit Smith, as a sort of burlesque upon the and propositions, and the names recorded of those it be that these men are so exceedingly blind as whole proceeding, which was carried on in such that sustained and those that supported them: to flatter themselves that by bullying and their “hot haste" as to break over all rules of legisla- Twenty-Fourth Congress, Journals of the House of Repadroitness in debate they can excuse this conduct | tion, the majority even refusing to print the bill resentatives, January 6, 1836, page 141. before an unseduced and uncorrupted people? which solemnized the marriage banns between
Mr. Jarvis (a Democrat from Maine) submitted the fol
lowing, namely: Sir, let me say to these gentlemen that such a whiggery and conservatism.
“Resolved, That, in the opinion of this House, the subcourse is at the sacrifice of the dearest rights and Mr. BYNUM said this had terminated just as ject of the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia interests of the South; and if they ever succeed he had expected when he heard it fall from the ought not to be entertained by Congress, with their ultra measures they will have to rely | lips of the gentleman from New York. It was
"And be it further resolved, That in case any petition alone for that success on the votes of those very
praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia so perfectly in character with the statements which
be hereafter presented, it is the deliberate opinion of this men of the North who are the daily theme of that party are in the daily habit of making upon House that the same ought to be laid upon the table withtheir bitter denunciation. And how then will every subject that they touched that it never out being referred or printed. they reconcile this course with the gratitude that
“ The resolution being read, made the least impression on his mind as to its
“A inoliou was made by Mr. JOHN QUINCY A DAMN, that every sincere friend of the South must owe this truth. He was so accustomed to their idle and the resolution do lie on the table."