26TH CONG....1ST SESS. Hubley, Keim, Reily, Logan, Sheffer, McClure, Potter, Petrikin, Hammond, Morris, Klingensmith, Buchanan, Beatty, and Piumer-17. --Messrs. Sergeant, Toland, Naylor, Davies, Potts, Darlington, Morris, Ogle, McKennan, Biddle, and Henry-11. DELAWARE.-F.-Mr. Milligan-1. MARYLAND.-D.-Messrs. Worthington, Howard, and Thomas-3. F.-Messrs. Dennis, Pearce, Kennedy, Johnson, and Jenifer-5. VIRGINIA.-D.-Messrs. Beirne, Bouldin, Coles, Craig, Dromgoole, Johnson, Jones, Morgan, Banks, Pennybacker, Rives, and Stuart- 12. F.-Messrs. Mallory, Mercer, Taliaferro, and Wise-4. C.-Messrs. Garland, Hopkins, and Masou-3, State Rights.-Messrs. Hunter and Robertson-2. NORTH CAROLINA.-D.-Messrs. Bynum, C. Shepard, SOUTH CAROLINA.-D.-Messrs. Campbell, Clowney, GEORGIA-D.-Messrs. Cleveland, Glascock, Grantland, Haynes, Holsey, Jackson, Owens, and Towns-8. F-Mr. Dawson-1. KENTUCKY.-D.-Mr. Murray-1. F.-Messrs. Rumsey, Underwood, Williams, Harlan, Calhoon, Pope, Graves, White, Hawes, Menefee, Chambers, and Southgate-19. TENNESSEE. D.- Messrs. McClellan, Turney, and OHIO.-D.-Messrs. Duncan, Webster, Hamer, Chaney, LOUISIANA.-D.-Mr. Ripley-1. F.-Messrs. Jolinson and Garland--2. INDIANA-D.-Mr. Boon-1. F.-Messrs. Ewing, Graham, Dunn, Rariden, Herod, and White-6. MISSISSIPPI.-F.-Messrs. Prentiss and Wood-2, Treasury Notes-Mr. Montgomery. Twenty-Fifth Congress still had a clear and de- In order to show that they were opposed to any Here stands the vote by States, marked as they voted on this great measure of security for the safe-keeping of the people's money, and punish-promise by offering to take one sixth part of our ing those who improperly use it or who plunder it, as Swartwout has since done, and who was recommended by a Whig paper, in New York, as a suitable candidate for the Vice Presidency on the Whig ticket. Mr. Chairman, having now gone through with the affairs of the first session of the Twenty-Fifth Congress, and proved that the friends of this Administration did make an effort on their part to obey the call of the people and to secure more safely the public money, by proposing to sever all connection between the Government and the banks who had proved false and unfaithful to their trusts, and to provide other keepers thereof, whose fidelity and punctuality were to be secured by the certainty of incurring the pains and penalties of fine and imprisonment for the opposite conduct; and having proved also that the measure they proposed for these objects failed by a majority of twelve votes, thus relieving the Republican party from the fearful responsibility of refusing to obey the just and reasonable calls of the people to provide an adequate remedy for their sufferings, as well as to guard against future defalcations and suspensions, with all their baneful consequences, I will now look into the Journal of the second session of the Twenty-Fifth Congress and see what is there recorded. That session began on the 4th day of December, 1837, and ended on the 9th day of July, 1838, amounting to two hundred and eighteen days. The same members that composed the first session composed this. On the 26th day of March, 1838, Senate bill No. 157, containing all the salutary provisions and safeguards which were embodied in the bill of the House, of the extra session, relative to the safe-keeping and disbursing of the public money and punishing defaulters, was sent us, having passed that body. On the 27th day of March, and only one day after it made its appearance in this House, on motion by Mr. PATTON, of Virginia, it was laid on the table by a vote of 106 yeas to 98 nays. The Journals also show (March 2, page 513) that a similar bill (No. 597) with the same salutary provisions was reported to this House, and on page 1157 a vote stands recorded of 111 for and 125 against its passage. Thus, Mr. Chairman, the Journal shows (page 1157) that the Opposition to this Administration in the revenues annually for five years in specie, and I now, Mr. Chairman, propose to examine into HO. OF REPS. During the whole of this time the people of this country were suffering intensely for the want of some legislative action of Congress, and which Congress was, in September, 1837, specially called to act upon and relieve the embarrassments occa. sioned solely by the unfaithfulness of the deposi taries of the public money, and the remedy for which alone rested with Congress. I have proved, by the Journals, that the Opposition had voted down three salutary acts of permanent relief, and that the only relief which had been granted during that period was the passage of the Treasury note bill now before us-a temporary measure only, limited to one year at a time and no longer, relieving only the Government's wants, while the people in the mass had no relief. But even that poor and limited relief gives no credit to modern Federal Whiggery, for on the passage of the first Treasury note bill which is recorded on the Journal, page 179 of the extra session, there were 127 yeas and 98 nays, and among the 127 yeas there arceleven Whigs and Bank Conservatives, whose names I insert as an act of justice, namely, Messrs. N. B. Borden, Massachusetts; J. Calhoun, Massachusetts, J. C. Clark, New York; J. Garland, Virginia; R. Garland, Louisiana; J. M. Mason, Virginia; J. P. B. Maxwell, New Jersey, J. C. Noyes, Connecticut; J. Pope, Kentucky; J. Rariden, Indiana; and F. O. J. Smith, Maine. These eleven votes were mostly Whigs then, and are all Whigs of the deepest dye now. Thus, Mr. Chairman, this vote is another proof that whatever may have been intended by the Opposition, (for with their motives I have nothing to do,) their acts, as a body, with the exception of the eleven who voted with us at the extra session, did subject the Government to utter bankruptcy and disgrace. There were seventeen votes not given on that occasion, sick, behind the columus, or elsewhere. At the second session of the Twenty-Fifth Congress, on page 391 of the Journal, May 16, the act for the issue of Treasury notes was renewed for one year only, by a vote of 103 yeas to 94 nays, there not being one single Whig vote to be found in the affirmative. Thus the record does not show that at this long session of two hundred and eighteen days a single Whig did vote to raise and provide the means to save the country from bankruptcy, or to provide a single dollar to pay either their own eight dollars per diem or the $38,413,064 87 appropriated at this and the extra session, for which the Whigs, as a body, voted for every dollar, never having given more than thirty-five Whig votes against the passage of any one of the appropria tion bills, containing the whole $38,413,064 87. See the recorded vote against bill No 676, page 1034, Journal of the second session TwentyFifth Congress, being the bill for the suppression of Indian hostilities, appropriating $6,739,410 41. Here the Whigs, who voted against the Treasury note bill for supplying the wants of the Govern ment, voted for these unusually large appropria tions, much the largest ever made for any one year since the formation of this Government, with these facts before their eyes, and with these tables contained in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury (No. 4,) made to this House at the meeting of that session, showing the fact (page 4) that the estimated revenue expected to be derived from all sources, during that year, to meet the appropriations of the year, would not exceed the sum of $31,959,787. And what was the result of this estimate? It was this: instead of yielding the sum of $31,959,787, (see document No. 4, page 4, third session Twenty-Fifth Congress,) as was estimated by the Secretary, only the sum of $24,152,655 34 was paid into the Treas ury during that year, being less by the sum of $7,807,031 66 than the estimates. The estimates for 1839 were $28,780,000; amount received not yet ascertained-will not be over $24,000,000. How, then, Mr. Chairman, these modern Bank Federal Whigs could calculate on paying a debt upon the Treasury, by them created for 1838, amounting to $38,413,064 87, with the sum of $24,152,655 34, the receipts paid into the Treas ury during the year 1838, (exclusive of Treasury notes, against which they voted,) I am at a loss to divine. How could they calculate on the Sec retary paying these $38,000,000 with $24,000,000? Did they not know that bankruptcy, under these large appropriations over the income was certain The CHAIRMAN (Mr. DAWSON) observed, without Treasury notes? Did they wish bank- that the gentleman who had the floor had exruptcy, that they might rejoice over it, and in-pressed a desire to answer such questions as his crease their party? Let them answer. Was it not their duty to propose or vote for some plan for the purpose of paying off the large debts they created by their votes at that session? Did they do so? No, sir; they did not. They contented themselves with voting this $38,413,064 87, thereby imposing a debt upon the people of that amount, in that year, with only $24,152,655 34 to pay it with, and voting down all the salutary safeguards proposed to protect and secure the $24,000,000, when collected, from peculation and plunder; and Swartwout has since withdrawn over a million. But this is not all. After taking this course they proclaim on this floor, and at home before the people, that we, the Republican Administration party here, were doing all in our power to ruin the people and disgrace the country by bringing it to bankruptcy, and that they were laboring here with all their power to relieve the people's distresses, take care of the public money, and preserve the faith and credit of the country unimpaired. They made these assertions, when the truth was they had not brought forward a single measure of relief, either for the people or the Government, but had actually, with their Bank Conservative allies, voted down three times all the measures we proposed of permanent relief for the people and the country, and so far as their own votes went, would have voted down the measure that provided the means for meeting their own appropriations; and instead of mourning over the sufferings of the people and the calamities of the country, they actually appeared to be flushed with exultation and triumph, and greatly to rejoice that they had succeeded in preventing the passage of all the measures intended for the people's relief, exultingly proclaiming that the people had not yet suffered quite enough, as they say. Mr. RAYNER asked his colleague if he did not know that the Opposition had not the power to pass measures of relief at that session of Congress. colleague wished to propound to him. Mr. RAYNER. Does my colleague intend to insist on this floor, and publish it to the world, that the Opposition party had the power in this House during the Twenty-Fifth Congress to bring forward and pass their measure of relief? And does he not know that their plan of relief was and is a Bank of the United States? Does he not know that he and his party voted down that measure by a majority in this House; and docs he intend after this to publish to the world that the Whigs had the power, and could have carried any measure through the House? [Mr. R. was here arrested in his remarks by calls to order from all sides, which were continued till he resumed his seat, which he did with much apparent excitement, exclaiming that he was not to be put down by a parcel of members who would collect around him and call out "Order!" "Order!" he was not to be put down by such stuff as that.] Mr. MONTGOMERY. Then, Mr. Chairman, I understand my colleague to say that a Bank of the United States is the favorite plan with him and his party for the country's relief. Mr. RAYNER. I do freely acknowledge that that is my plan for relief; but not just at this time. But I do not vouch for my party. Mr. MONTGOMERY. My colleague says he admits it to be his plan to establish a Bank of the United States, but not just at this time. But he does not vouch for his party. I ask my colleague when the time will arrive that will bring forward this favorite plan of relief. Is it to be postponed and withheld until the people and the country are utterly and irretrievably ruined? Have the sufferings of the people not yet reached a point that can affect the tender mercies of him and his party, and excite their kind feelings so as to cause them to do something for their suffering constituents? Is this the treatment the people are to receive from my colleague and the party with which he acts? If so, let the world know it. Is this what they told the people while canvassing for their seats on this floor? Did they then tell the people that they had not yet suffered enough to Mr. MONTGOMERY. I do not know that the Opposition could not have passed any measure of relief in this House they wished; but I do know that they had a majority here, and also that that majority did vote down all the measures of per-drive them, like the serfs of Russia, into tame submanent relief that the Administration brought forward. Here are their recorded votes in these Journals to prove the fact. Has my colleague better proof than these Journals? If so, I demand it. If it is not given he is wrong, and I am right. And further: I do know another strong fact; I do know that the Opposition in this House did not propose or bring forward a single plan or measure of relief for the country during the whole of the three sessions of the Twenty-Fifth Congress, amounting in all to three hundred and fiftytwo days-the longest period of legislation that ever took place during any one Congress since the formation of the Government. I also know, what the whole nation knows, and what my colleague, [Mr. RAYNER,] too, well knows, that this same majority on three several occasions recorded their names against our measures of permanent relief, while they could have passed through this House any measure they chose to propose. By the same majority they voted down our plans. Does this committee and the nation not believe that had the Whigs and their allies been as willing to relieve the people from their sufferings as they were to prevent the Administration party from doing so, they could have done it? I submit that issue to the intelligent people of this nation, with the recorded facts before me in these Journals, which I intend to publish to the world, [holding up the journals of the three sessions of the Twenty-Fifth Congress.] Mr. RAYNER here rose, greatly excited, amid loud cries of "Order!" from all parts of the Hall, and asked leave to put a question to his colleague. "No!" "No!" was heard from all sides. Mr. MONTGOMERY asked of the House to allow his colleague to interrogate him. He would answer him willingly; he hoped he would be permitted to put what questions he pleased. Mr. CONNOR rose to a question of order. He denied the right of Mr. RAYNER to rise so repeatedly to interrupt his colleague, who had the floor. HO. OF REPS. who controlled it, (Mr. Biddle,) that it was more Mr. Chairman, having most clearly proved by these Journals that the Whigs and their allies, the Conservatives-every man of whom, with one honorable exception, [Colonel HOPKINS,] is now completely and thoroughly in the Federal Whig ranks-not only had a decided majority in the House during the Twenty-Fifth Congress, but actually recorded that majority on three different occasions before cited, in successfully voting down the great and leading measures of this Administration, I will now proceed to show by their recorded votes how far their declarations here and before the people correspond with them. Would you, sir, and would the people believe, after hearing the loud and angry denunciations of the Whig party against the extravagance and corruption of this Administration reverberated at every cross-road, grog-shop, and muster-ground, as well as elsewhere, from Maine to Texas, and from the Atlantic to the Rocky mountains, that any Democrat ever voted against a single appro mission to a tyrant's mandates? My colleague sir. And, on the other hand, would you, sir, for one moment allow yourself to believe that a single Whig ever supported or recorded his name in favor of a single dollar of these unjustifiable and outrageously extravagant appropriations of the people's money, as they say? Surely not, sir. You could not suppose so. I have charged that, as a body, these Whigs are not recorded against a single bill in the Twenty-Fifth Congress which contained these large appropriations that they so loudly complained of, and that the highest Whig vote recorded against any one of them is only thirty-five. I have charged that of the $75,000,000 appropriated during the Twenty-Fifth Congress, at its three sessions, when I have proved that the Whigs and their allies had a clear majority in this House, and could have controlled all the appropriations, the sum of $66,085,459 54, or near this sum, is recorded upon the Journals as having passed this House unanimously, with the exception of six votes against $10,000,000, contingent, at the third session of the Twenty-Fifth Congress, and two against $1,000,000 at the second session of the Twenty-Fifth Congress. The statement of the votes against these appropriations, for which both parties voted, I here publish; and I will here observe that where the Journals report a unanimous vote, all are recorded for the measure, and the absence of members from the House, or behind the columns, or their refusal to vote, is not noted, and is to be settled between them and their constituents. I have taken the final vote on the passage of these bills as recorded on the Journals; and if there are any whose names are recorded for them who have voted against them previously, I can only say that they have recorded their names on both sides of the question, and, of 26TH CONG....1ST SESS. course, have voted right once on the subject. It will be, therefore, a matter with them and their constituents to settle which vote was the right one. With that I have nothing to do. I have charged that, notwithstanding the Opposition had a majority in the Twenty-Fifth Congress, and notwithstanding the loud and zealous preachings of the Whig party before the people about their economy and our extravagance, we have more votes recorded upon the Journals against these appropriations in that Congress than the Whigs have. I have examined and ascertained that fact, and made out a list of all that voted against each bill, with the number of bill and page on the Journal when they passed, which I will publish in my speech to prove this charge to be true. Here they stand as they were given and are recorded; and should any be misstated I will willingly correct the error when pointed out: Appropriations made at the Twenty-Fifth Congress. Page. Bill. 199 For what purpose. 8 Suppression of Indian hostilities, (passed unanimously).. Second session began December 4, 1837, and ended July 9, 1838, containing 218 days: 224 Civil and diplomatic, (passed Amount. $37,527,650 91 1288 $2,109,000 00 805 674 unanimously) 8,252,360 22 5,127,860 10 Fortifications .... 1,015,415 00 Those who voted in the negative are: Fed.-Messrs. R. B. Cranston and C. C. Stratton-2. 676 Suppression of Indian hostilities-yeas 143, nays 37, Those who voted in the negative are: Dem. Messrs. A. Yell and J. W. Boulden-2. Fed.-Messrs. Alexander, Biddle, W. B. Calhoun, Dennis, Everett, Fillmore, Goode, W. Graham, Grennell, Halsted, Hawes, Henry, Hoffman, L. Lincoln, Milligan, C. Morris, Naylor,Ogle, Patterson, Phillips, Potts, Rariden, Reed, Ridgway, Ramsey, Sargeant, Slade, Stanly. Stratton, Tillinghast, Toland, J. R. Underwood, Wise, Yorke, and B. Fletcher-35. 394 Harbors-yeas 108, nays 81. Those who voted in the negative are: Dem.-Messrs. Atherton, Banks, Beirne, Buchanan, Cambreleng, Chaney, Chapman, Cleveland, Coles, Connor, Craig, Cusuman, Dromgoole, Elmore, Farrington, Fry, Glascock, Grantland, Griffin, Hawkins, Haynes, Hopkins, Joseph Johnson, Nathaniel Jones, John W. Jones, Keim, Klingensmith, Lewis, Logan, Lyon, Martin, McKay, Robert McClellan, Abraham McClellan, MeClure, Montgomery, Samuel W. Morris, Pennybacker, Petrikin, Reily, Rhett, Rich ardson, Sheffer, Charles Shepard, Stuart, Thomas, Towns, Turney, David D. Wagener, Weeks, Jared W. Williams, and Worthing ton-52. Fed-Messrs. Bell, Wm. B. Campbell, Carter, Cheatham, Crockett, Dawson, Deberry, Everett, James Garland, James Gratiam, Harlan, Hawes, Hunter, Legare, Mallory, Maury, Pope, Rencher, John Robertson, Rumsey, Sawyer, Augustine H. Shepperd, Southgate, Stanly, Taliaferro, UnderWood, Lewis Williams,C.H. Williams, and Word-29. Carried forward.......................... 6,739,410 41 Those who voted in the negative are: Dem.-Messrs. Heman Allen, Atherton,Banks, Beatty, Beirne, Bouldin, Cambreleng, John Campbell, Casey, Chapman, Cleveland, Coles, Dromogoole, Elmore, Fry, Grantland, Hawkins, Holt, Hopkins, Hubley, Nathaniel Jones, John W. Jones, Lewis, McKay, McClellan, Miller, Montgomery, Morgan, Palmer, Phelps, Potter, Reily, Rives, Sheffer, Snyder, Taylor, Thomas, Titus, Wagener, Jared W. Wil liams, and Yell-40. Fed.-Messrs. Bell, W. B. Campbell, Chambers, Cheatham, Dawson, James Garland, Harlan, James M. Mason, Menefee, Shields, Stanly, Taliaferro, Lewis Williams, and Word-16. 230 Cumberland road, &c.—yeas 95, nays 80.... Those who voted in the negative are: Dei.-Messrs. Andrews, Atherton, Beirne, Bicknell, Bouldin, Cambreleng, John Campbell, Chapman, Cleveland, Coles, Connor, Cushman, Dromgoole, Edwards, Elmore, Farrington, Fry, Griffin, Haynes, Hopkins, Thomas B. Jackson, Jabez Jackson, Jones, Keim, Kemble, Klingensmith, Lewis, Loomis, Lyon, Martin, McKay, McClellan, McClure, Montgomery, Morris, Murray, Noble, Owens, Palmer, Pennybacker, Pickens, Reily, Rhett, Richardson, C. Shepard, Spencer, Stuart, Toucey, Towns, Turney, Vanderveer, Wagener, Weeks, and Jared W. Williams-54. Fed.-Messrs. Bell, W. B. Campbell, Carter, Cheatham, Dawson, Deberry, Everett, J. Garland, Graves, Hawes, Maury, Rencher, Robertson, Rumsey, Augustine H. Shepperd, Shields, Slade, Stanly, Stratton, Taliaferro, Thompson, Underwood, Christopher H. Williams, Lewis Williams, Sherrod Williams, and Wise -26. Third session began December 3, 1838, and ended March 3, 1839, containing 91 days: 1,535,008 53 Civil and diplomatic...... 540,300.00 8,107.848 62 500,000 00 10,000,000 00 3.296,180 71 1,739,967 78 5,130,781 64 6,054,674 76 1,861,774 00 150,000 00 $75,269,028 02 HO. OF REPS. mostly by the Administration members, they hav ing given an aggregate vote of 148 against the bills embracing this sum, and the Whigs having given an aggregate vote, including the above mentioned, of 114 only. See the above recorded votes published from the Journals, with the number of the bills, their amounts, and the page upon the Journal when they passed. How, then, stands all the Whig preaching about economy on their part and extravagance on ours, so loudly and so holdly proclaimed before the people and on this floor? Which is the best and strongest proof, their votes here recorded on the Journals or their loud declarations before the people? They cannot both be true, because they are precisely the opposites of each other. Gentlemen may take either horn of the dilemma, and settle the matter with their constituents, who sent them here, I presume, to practice economy, and who have a right to decide which is true and which is false. The above votes are all that are recorded against any of the appropriation bilis that passed the Twenty-Fifth Congress, on their final passage, at its three sessions, which amounted in all to three hundred and fifty-two days, during which time the Whigs and their allies had the power in this House to control its legislation, as I have proved by the Journals. What does this proof amount to? Let us examine it for one moment. The aggregate amount appropriated during that Congress stands, as above stated, at $75,269,028 02; and of that sum $66,085,459 54 (with the exception of six votes against $10,000,000 and two against $1,000,000) is recorded as having passed unanimously, both parties voting for it. There was also, of this aggregate, about the sum of $9,168,832 90 which was voted against by some of both parties, but As a further illustration, and in proof of what I have charged upon these modern Federal Bank Whigs, who adhere so closely to their unfaithful banks, and who preach economy to the people and practice extravagance; who knowingly voted, as I have shown, many millions more than the estimated and actual revenue, and refused Treas ury notes to meet the debts they have thereby created, I have made out an account current for a few of the leading and most rigid economists of that party, and who will be admitted as a fair sample of the whole. I have also made out an account current for all the members from my own State, of whom there were eight Whigs and five Republicans, in the Twenty-Fifth Congress, and in making out this account I have charged them with the $75,000.000 appropriated during that Congress, while I have given them credit for all that they stand recorded on the Journals as voting against; and having struck the balance against them, I have then given their votes on the Treasury note bills, which shows the amount of debt they created and the amount of means they provided to pay it. [The accounts current will be found at the end of this speech.] Mr. Chairman, I do not complain of those who voted for these appropriations, for I voted for most of them myself; but I do complain of those who voted for them and then denied their votes before the people, casting all the odium on the Republican party, of those large amounts voted out of the people's money. There were good causes for most of them, which I could satisfactorily demonstrate to any and all true friends of their country. General Jackson made from sixty to one hundred treaties with Indian tribes, by which upward of one hundred and twenty-five million acres of land were acquired, for which $93,000,000 has been paid, (see Executive Documents, vol. 4, third session Twenty-Fifth Congress, No. 164,) and thousands of Indians were removed West. All these treaties were ratified by a Federal Whig Senate, opposed to him, and by a vote of two thirds, so that the Whigs had the power always to reject them if disposed to do We were then, in the House, bound to make the appropriations to pay the cost of these treaties, and both parties in this and the other House voted for them. The Indian wars cost us much money, and both parties voted for them. By the act of 1836 for the reorganization of the Post Office Department, the funds of that Depart ment were put into the appropriations, which was not done previous to that time; but they form no part of the burdens imposed upon the people. It is only the revenues of that Department which are applied to keep up and extend the mail accom modations for the people. Your pension list has risen from half a million to near three and a half millions, and all parties voted for the laws which so enormously increased this list. By act of 1836 $28,000,000 were given to the States. Now, I voted for these laws because I thought them proper and just; and having done so, I never will, like the Whigs, after creating a debt, refuse to pay it, and abuse innocent men for what I did myself. The Whig party voted these large sums out of the Treasury, and thereby compelled Mr. Van Buren to apply them according to their own laws; and yet when he obeyed them they de nounced him for it. He has not spent all the money they voted him during the last two years 26TH CONG.... 1ST SESS. by nearly fifteen million dollars, (see unexpended balances for 1838-39,) and yet they heap curses on him because he does not bring down the expenses of the Government, and when he recommends a reduction of five or six millions, as he has at the present session, (for which see his message,) they loudly and furiously denounce him for doing just what they asked him to do. Does not this show that they are determined to oppose him in all cases and under every circumstance? Some abuse him for expenditures on the roads, some for expenditures on harbors, some for expenditures on rivers, and some for expenditures on light-houses. Some abuse him on account of post routes and postmasters, (see Governor Dudley's message to the last Assembly,) and, in short, everything under heaven reasonable or unreasonable; yes, sir, for the work of their own hands and heads. This same kind of opposition was made to the Administration of Washington as well as to every Democratic Administration since his day, There was a factious spirit always operating against them, right or wrong. Just so now. I have said, Mr. Chairman, that we wanted money to pay our Army, our Navy, our civil and diplomatic expenses, as well as our laborers, many of whom have been discharged from service in consequence of the exigencies of the times, which I have clearly shown have been brought on us by the conduct of the banks and their Whig allies. In this House, as well as elsewhere, I wish to see the just and honest debts of the Government paid. We must provide the means in some way, and if these good Whigs who voted for the creation of these just debts that now press us, are, as they declare they are, determined that not a single dollar shall be provided in this bill to pay them, but will let bankruptcy and disgrace fall on our country, which is daily threatened, let them vote against it, and against their country; let the people see who are willing to sustain and support the Government, its honor, and its credit, and who refuse to do so. I am a Treasury-note man and always have been. I have no constitutional scruples about their issue; none whatever. When we want money, and have to borrow and pay interest, I am for paying that interest to those to whom we owe the money, if they will take our paper in Treasury notes. For instance, we owe our farmers, our sailors, our soldiers, and laborers on our public works; and we owe our mechanics for whatever they supply the Government with. We must pay all these public creditors, and upon the amount necessary to pay them we must pay interest. Now, I greatly prefer paying them this interest to paying it to your banks, your brokers in Wall or Chestnut street, or to the rich capitalists in Europe, the Rothschilds, the Barings, the Hottinguers, and others. Yes, sir, I like our own poor honest farmers, soldiers, sailors, laborers, mechanics, &c., &c., vastly better than bankers, or those money shavers on Pennsylvania avenue, or in New York, Philadelphia, Europe, or elsewhere, who feed like vampires on the blood of the productive classes. When we are compelled to give our paper on interest, the constitutional principle is the same, whether you pay it on $100 to ten different men, or to one man, or whether you pay it to ten farmers or laborers on $1,000, or to a bank or one of these money shavers on the same amount. I know that this paper is the best paper that the people can hold, and I desire to furnish the honest laborers with the very best. If a loan is made by a bank, or any of their agents, and they agree (as they always do) to pay the checks of the Secretary of the Treasury in specie when the holders present them, the banks, by some of their trickery and management, will pay out their own or some other bank paper, and thus put into circulation bad paper, without interest, in lieu of the good United States Treasury notes, with interest. Therefore those who vote for large bills vote to promote the interest of banks and capitalists, by throwing these good notes with interest into their hands, while their depreciated bank paper, without interest, is thrown into the hands of the honest and industrious laboring classes. Is this not as clear and as plain as yonder sun at noonday? I am well aware, Mr. Chairman, that upon this subject I differ with many of my best Democratic friends; but we cannot always agree, and each No. 27. Treasury Notes-Mr. Montgomery. must think and act for himself without quarreling with those who differ with him. I am sorry to differ with my friends, but in this matter I have greatly the advantage of all who do not agree with me, by being right while they are wrong. My people want good paper (if any must circulate) that will buy lands and pay taxes in the West, without discount, or their subscriptions in New York or elsewhere for their newspapers, or other transactions, without being subjected to a shave with a magnum bonum razor by a New York or any other broker. I am aware that the Federal Bank Whigs will say, Why did you put down the Bank of the United States?" I answer that the people put it down because it was the credit of the United States, and not its ability to pay in specie, that passed the power of that bank, for it always was a bankrupt concern if stripped of Government credit, which fact has been proved by the withdrawal of that credit, and the sudden and acknowledged total and permanent bankruptcy of the corporation. Do gentlemen want foreigners to speculate on our credit? I and my people wish the Government credit to be used through the medium of Treasury notes, (when it must be used,) and not by stock gamblers for the speculating purposes of an association of American and European capitalists, bankers, and money shavers. I wish it to be used for the benefit of the honest and industrious laboring people of the country, and therefore hope that my amendment for the issue of ten-dollar notes will prevail. Mr. OGLE and the appropriation bill in the second session of the Twenty-Fifth Congress. Page. Bill. 309 450 suppression Indian hostilities.. $1,000,000 00 1239 394 harbors........ 1,535,008 53 805 230 Cumberland road............. 1288 380 light-houses........ Third Session. 688 1176 war bill....... Recorded for.. Cr. 540,300 00 307,010 36 10,000,000 00 Cr.-Amount recorded against............. $13,382,318 88 Dr.-Without opposition.......................................... 1034 676 suppression Indian hostilities...$6,739,410 41 Dr. Whole amount of appropriations made by TwentyFifth Congress.... .$75,269,028 02 Cr.-Amount voted against... 6,739,410 41 $68,529,617 43 Dr.-Without opposition...................... The following is the account current as it standa with the North Carolina delegation in the TwentyFifth Congress, upon the appropriation bills. They stood five Democrats and eight Opposition Whigs at that time. The nays, as recorded on the Journal, of each, is given upon the final passage of the appropriation bills, with the number of the bill and the page in the Journal where they passed; where the yeas and nays are not taken it is a unanimous vote; and at Raleigh, the seat of government, in my district, I have deposited the bound Journal, that reference may be had to prove all that I have said and published; for I regret to admit the fact that in my own State modern Whiggery not only denies recorded facts, but proclaims and vouches for that which is precisely the very opposite of recorded facts and truth; for on the eve of the last congressional election a forgery of the blackest dye was issued from a Federal press in Raleigh, sent all over my district by expresses, with the certificate of five volunteer or willing witnesses as a passport; and the name of one of them is now one of the Whig Harrison electors, (Charles Manly, Esq., of Raleigh, North Carolina,) and is canvassing the district by speeches of the lowest abuse against this Administration: Dr. Whole amount of appropriations made by Twenty- 1,535,008 53 Third Session. Dr. Without opposition....... 688 1176 war bill.... Recorded for........ 10,000,000 00 $19,274,418 94 Treasury notes: 1st sess. 25th Cong., p. 170, nay. 2d 66 891, blank. 612, blank. 418 26TH CONG....1ST SESS. SECOND DISTRICT. Remission of Duties-Mr. Petrikin. Ho. OF REPS. Cr. Cr. ince 676 suppression Indian hostilities, $6,739,410,41 450 Indian hostilities...... Hon. J. A. BYNUM-second session of the Twenty-Fifth 1239 Congress. Page. Bill. 1034 309 394 harbors... 1288 380 light-houses........ Recorded against.. deng 1,000,000 00 peop 10,000,000 00 .$73,427,009 13 Dr.-Without opposition.... .$75,969.028 02 2,075,008 53 .$73,193,719 49 Treasury notes: 1st sess. 25th Cong., p. 179, yea. 891, yea. 612, yea. Treasury notes: 1st sess. 25th Cong., p. 179, nay. 66 21 3d 66 891, blank. 612, nay. SEVENTH DISTRICT. Hon. E. DEBERRY-second session of the Twenty-Fifth Congress. Page. Bill. 309 450 suppression Indian hostilities.. $1,000,000 00 Third Session. Page. Bill. thi Page. Bill. 309 450 Indian hostilities..... $1,000,000 00 688 1176 war bill.. Recorded for.. 10,000,000 00 .$11,000,000 00 1239 394 harbors....... Recorded for... Third Session. 688 1176 war bill........ Recorded for.... 10,000,000 00 $11,000,000 00 th $1,535,008 53 540,300 00 $2,075,308 53 Be $6,739,410 41 1,535,008 53 805 1288 230 Cumberland road.........! 380 light-houses. 540,300 00 307,010 36 Dr. Whole amount of appropriations made by Twenty- Dr.-Without opposition............ .$75,269,028 02 549,300 00 $74,728,728 02 10 $75,269,028 02 01 Recorded against............ $9,121,729 30 Dr.-Without opposition.... 2,075,308 53 $73,193,719 49 W Dr. Whole amount of appropriations made by TwentyFifth Congress... a Cr.-Amount recorded against... Dr.-Without opposition.... $75,269,028 02 9,121,729 30 TWELFTH DISTRICT. 66 66 Hon. J. GRAHAM-second session of the Twenty-Fifth ConPage. Bill. 1034 676 suppression Indian hostilities. $6,739,410 41 309 450 Indian hostilities................................. 1,000,000 00 gress. S Treasury notes: 1st sess. 25th Cong., p. 179, nay. 2d 3d 66 891, nay. 612, nay. Twenty-Fifth Congress. Third Session. war bill........ Congress. Recorded for....... Cr. $1,000,000 00 10,000,000 00 .$11,000,000 00 688 1176 Third Session. war bill....... Recorded for.. 10,000,000 00 .$17,739,410 41 1239 394 harbors... 805 230 Cumberland road.. 1288 380 light-houses.. $1,535,008 53 540,300 00 $1,535,008 53 540,300 00 307,010 36 .875,269,029 02 1,535,008 53 .$73,734,019 49 $2,075,308 33 made by Twenty.$75,269,028 02 2,075,308 53 $2,382,318 89 Dr. Whole amount of appropriations made by Twenty- Recorded against... Dr. Without opposition.. $75,269,028 02 3,382,318 89 .$72,886,709 13 Treasury notes: 1st sess. 25th Cong., p. 179, nay. 2d 3d 66 66 66 891, yea. 612, yea. 2d 66 891, blank. 612, blank. NINTH DISTRICT. Third Session. 688 1176 war bill....... 10,000,000 00 Hon. A. I. SHEPPERD-second session of the Twenty Page. Bill. 1034 676 309 450 Fifth Congress. suppression Indian hostilities.. $6,739,410 41 Indian hostilities............................... 1,000,000 00 Recorded for... .$17,739,410 41 Third Session. 688 1176 war bill....... Recorded for. Cr. Recorded against.... Dr.-Whole amount of appropriations made by Twenty Cr.-Amount recorded against.... $2,382,318 0 875.269,028 02 2.32,3189 $540,300 00 317,010 36 1,535,008 53 $2,389,318 89 $72,886,709 13 Treasury notes: 1st sess. 25th Cong., p.-179, nay. Dr. Whole amount of appropriations made by Twenty- 24 3d 66 66 891, nay, 612, nay, Dr. Without opposition....... Treasury notes: 1st sess. 25th Cong., p. 179, yea. $75,269,028 02 2,389,318 89 .$72,879,709 13 Dr. Without opposition....... 24 66 891, yea. .. 10,000,000 00 .$16,739,410 41 REMISSION OF DUTIES. REMARKS OF HON. D. PETRIKIN, OF PENNSYLVANIA, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, On the bill for the remission of duties on goods consumed $75,269,028 02 $73,193,719 49 |