suppose I would again hazard my personal safety and, instead of obeying the Bey's mandate, profit of the protection of his passport to get the ship to Leghorn for sale at a certain loss? (I sacrificed $7,000 in the sale of that ship, and am without remedy.) If I had yielded to the Bey's demand, or rather pos itive order in this instance, and the pretext would have been a good one, the United States must have indemnified me in all the consequent expenses. But the flag of the United States has never been seen floating in the service of a Barbary pirate, under my agency.

I do not arrogate to myself any peculiar merit in having rejected overtures and submitted to sacrifices my situation rendered it incumbent on me. But if any consideration be due to the principles of analogy, or parity of reasoning, the inference will be natural here, that, instead of abandoning the public interest to speculative views, I have sacrificed my own, as well as my personal tranquility, in a fixed adherence to the duties of my trust. Stupidity alone could admit the idea that a man, in the exercise of reason, would forego so many secure opportunities to enrich himself by an indirect speculation, and yet create schemes of fraud at midday and in the face of the world. I have a right to feel indignant at this cowardly attempt to assassinate my reputation !

In order to show what degree of respectability attached itself to my agency in the opinion of respectable Europeans on the spot, it may not be deemed vanity, nor improper, to subjoin here a translated copy of a letter from a gentleman of rank and consideration, dictated by the impulse of his feelings on hearing of the events which occurred the day next before its date; and also of a certificate from my colleagues the European agents, presented me through the medium of the Chevalier de Barthes.

TRANSLATION OF THE LETTER.

SIR, AND MUCH HONORED Friend,

Tunis, March 7th, 1803.

WE behold you then finally forced out of Tunis after having for years endeavored honorably to support the interest of your nation, without one moment enjoying, during this epock, the trifling consideration vainly attached to the station of a Consul in Barbary! We behold you at length the victim, 1 hope momentary, of a combination of events and intrigues the origin of which, I venture to say, may be traced to the peace of the United States with these Regencies; whose expedients, unhappily for the cause of humanity, the civilized world despise with too much haughtiness and ignorance; and whose ridiculous pretensions they flatter with too much patience and baseness. Your peace with Tu nis, above all, was negociated under the most unfavorable auspices. It ought, with some reason, to shock the personal pride of this Bey, that the Dey of Algiers, or rather his Jews, assumed an air of being your protectors, calculated to impress a notion of dependence on the Tunissian prince. This impolitic step gave him no exalted opinion of the genius of your government. And, indeed, your inactive war with Tripoli can impress him with no great idea of your coercive powers.

Never had a Consul so thorny a way to clear as yourself; an object so difficult of attainment. He, who had the honor to represent your nation on your arrival here, by the slavish and cringing part he acted at this court, had the means and the baseness to sell your interests; the chief source, in my opinion, to which you may ascribe your subsequent political embarrassments.

Is it possible to doubt, a single moment, the unfavorable opinion this man impressed on the Bey, of your government !

I will not conceal what I observed at the time of negociating your treaty, that the Bey of Tunis is not establishing a peace with the United States; it is a commercial speculation: Famin is his political factor, and will gain the commission! I now venture to add; the Bey had reason, the error was on the part of the United States. It is not astonishing that the successor of Famin, taking a position firm and analogous to the station he came here to fill, should surprise the Bey by so singular a contrast. He had a right to doubt whether this firmness were peculiar to your individual character; or whether it was that which your government wished to display here. Ought he not to say, a nation who begins their representation by one of my minions have not the appearance of meaning to brave my pretensions? This inadvertence in the choice of the first individual, who ought, plainly speaking, to fix in a degree the consideration which the United States should in future enjoy with this Regency, is a fault of which the actual consequences prove the magnitude, and the injurious impressions of which will with difficulty be eradicated time will demonstrate this.

Pardon these reflections.-The idea of your de.. parture force them from me. Friendship founded in esteem participates the injuries which a friend experiences. I do not offer you my condolence. Duty discharged inspires not such a sentiment. I am, Sir,

Your devoted and faithful friend,

Marse, two leagues from Tunis.

TO WILLIAM EATON, Esq.
Consul of the United States, &c.

TRANSLATION OF THE CERTIFICATE.

"WE the undersigned Consuls and agents of the European governments, at the Regency of Tunis, certify, that Mr. WILLIAM EATON, Consul of the United States of America, has, on every occasion, supported the rights of his nation with dignity and integrity. It is with pleasure we give him this testimony of the truth and of our friendship.

Done at Tunis, the 10th March, 1803. Signed, A. NYSSEN, Consul General of the Batavian Republic.

Seals.

DEVOISE, Commissary General and charge of affairs of the French Republic, near the Bey.

HENRY CLARK, British charge of affairs.

JOSEPH NODRIEZ, Consul General, and charge of affairs of his Catholic Majesty.

HOLCK, His Danish Majesty's Consul General.

I ask nothing of my country but reciprocal sup

port.

Accept, Sir, the assurance
of my profound respect,
WILLIAM EATON.

City of Washington, Feb. 16th, 1804.

N. B. Touching at Algiers, Consul O'Brien came on board. He expressed surprize at seeing me. I sketched to him the event of my congee at Tunis. He said he had apprehended a squall and expressed his reasons: which he reduced to writing, as follows.

"This will certify, that, in October 1802, a respectable Jew merchant from Tunis declared to me, and in the presence of Bocri and Busnah of Al

giers, and also in the presence of Capt. Morris” (Andrew)" that the Sapitapa, or Tunissian Minister, had declared to the said Jew, that he would work the destruction of the American Consul at Tunis. The Jew further added, that the Sapitapa said, he was determined to have an American Consul more pliable to his views.

1803.

Given under my hand, this 20th day of March,

(Signed) RICHARD O'BRIEN."

Mr. EATON'S accounts, however, were not wholly adjusted this session. In April he was appointed navy agent of the United States, for the several Barbary powers, with the view of going forward to Hamet Bashaw, to aid the operations of the United States' squadron against the ruling Bashaw of Tripoli.

In June he embarked on board the frigate John Adams, in company with the President, the Congress, the Essex and the Constellation, all in commission for the Mediterranean service, under Commodore Samuel Barron, and Captains Rodgers, J. Barron, Campbell and Chauncey.

At sea Mr. Eaton wrote the following letter to Col. Dwight of Spring field.

To COL. DWIGHT.

Extract of a letter (of instructions) from the Secretary of State to James Leander Cathcart, dated April 9th, 1803.

"MY last to you was of August 22d, 1802. It was then hoped you would have been successfully engaged in making peace with Tripoli, for which the crisis was peculiarly favorable. The course of circumstances having deprived us of the advantages of this crisis, to which the tenor of your