classes of society; the dependance and influence of each upon the other; the appropriate spheres of action and particular utility of the several branches of industry, agriculture, commerce, and manufactures; and the necessity of the several compartments into which these are subdivided, as, the science or theory, the use or application, and the labor or execution. Thus it loosens the prejudices with which the different classes view each other; it multiplies the human sympathies; it tightens the bands of the social compact. Now all this has an indirect connection with religion. It encourages the social influences which are most favorable to piety, and fosters those dispositions of the heart, in which no small share of piety consists. Thus we have additional evidence that Christianity is in accordance with man's temporal welfare, and that the laws of our physical and of our spiritual happiness are the emanations of the same benevolent mind.

How this subject is connected with the operation and extension of the Christian church, may be easily seen. According to the provisions of the gospel, the diffusion of religion is to be by human instrumentality; this demands human means, commensurate with the extent of the undertaking; and these means are the product of human industry and capital. The support of religious and benevolent societies, the publication of Bibles, tracts, and other books, the sending abroad of missionaries, and the employment of the various religious or benevolent agencies at home; in short, the whole material machinery of Christianity, are the result of a right application of these principles. In proportion as a nation is more abundant in the production of these materials, or of the means whereby to acquire them, in the same proportion she will be able to do more for the cause of Christ. For it is very clear that a nation may go to the extent of her means in these undertakings, but can never go beyond them. Great Britain and the United States are prolific in the works of piety and benevolence, because they are abundantly productive in the means. Enlarge their productive agency, or give it a better direction, and make it more available, and with the same force of religious principle, they will make still greater exertions in the cause of truth.

Political Economy, moreover, corrects many of the errors into which we are apt to fall in regard to missionary and other religious operations.

For instance, the enemies of religion say, that "by collecting so much money for these purposes, and sending it abroad, you help to empoverish our own land:" and this the Christian, perhaps, admits, but regards it as a sacrifice on our part to be submitted to for the sake of piety. The principle of the Christian shows his benevolence; but it is altogether gratuitous, and founded in error. Of all the money collected by the Christian churches for religious purposes, how much of it goes out of the country? Certainly a very small part. How then is it employed? Why, in printing books at home, making paper, founding type, building offices for agencies, paying the salaries and supporting the families of home agents, printers, clerks, porters, and laborers of various descriptions. How many hundreds, might I not say thousands, of persons are, directly or indirectly, supported in whole or in part by the Ame

rican Bible Society, Sunday School Union, and by the Book Concern of the Methodist Episcopal Church? Very little of the money goes out of the country, except the mere salaries of the missionaries; and possibly these are not paid in money, but in drafts on some foreign house; or, it may be, a considerable portion of it is paid in articles of our own manufacture, which serve to encourage our own industry. But, says the objector, "if you do not send the money, you send its value in something else, and this amounts to the same thing." Ob. serve, the Christian religion necessarily embraces all the elements of civilization, teaches the arts, and provides for the wants of civilized life. It has been long ago demonstrated, that Christianity and civilization are inseparable. Now let us hear what the celebrated Political Economist, M. Say, teaches, though without any intended reference to this subject. "The position of a nation, in respect of its neighbors, is analogous to the relation of one of its provinces to the others, or of a country to the town; it has an interest in its prosperity, being sure to profit by their opulence. The government of the United States, therefore, acted most wisely in their attempt, about the year 1802, to civilize their savage neighbors, the Creek Indians. The design was to introduce habits of industry among them, and make them producers, capable of carrying on a barter with the States of the Union; for there is nothing to be got by dealing with a people that have nothing to pay." (Say's Political Economy, p. 82. Philadelphia, 1832.) Now, it is no matter whether he was correct or not, as to the "design" of the United States in civilizing the Indians; since it is the result that, we are looking at. And as little does it matter, whether the nations civilized be beyond the Rocky Mountains or the Atlantic Ocean; since the effect of opening a trade with them amounts to the same thing.. If a nation can raise what we want, and we can raise what they want, the advantage of trading together is mutual; but the advantage to us of trading with them becomes greater as they become more wealthy, i, e., in proportion as they raise more products, and have more means to purchase our materials. The ad. vantage is twofold: they yield us a larger supply of what we want, and thus multiply our comforts; and they take a larger quantity of our products, and thereby encourage our industry.

Now Christianity necessarily produces civilization, increases the wants and physical happiness of men, and enlarges their productive agency. If, therefore, in sending the gospel, to a pagan country we do all this, we create a market, a vent, for our own commodities. We send them books, missionaries, schools, clothing, utensils, machinery; and we receive in return, tea, coffee, sugar, ivory, logwood, mahogany, furs, yams, or whatever else may be the productions of the country. All know that the immense trade in silk had its origin in missionary labor; and the facilities for obtaining African products are greater, through the Christian colonies on her coasts, than they ever were before.

But the objector says again, "may we not make greater gains out of these people in their savage state?" Not unless wrong and injus. tice, cheating and knavery, are good policy. If we are satisfied with fair trade, we shall find it more profitable to trade with them when civilized, than while savage, for the reason before given; they will VOL. VIII.-October, 1837. 35

have, on the one hand, more wants; and, on the other, more to buy with. Moreover, there is no risk in asserting, that to trade fairly with a civilized nation, is vastly more profitable than all the cheating or overreaching that can be practised on barbarians. The trade with Great Britain is a source of greater profit, and supplies us with more comforts, than all the trade carried on with all savage nations put together.

It will be understood, I hope, that I am not urging a motive to missionary exertion, but only removing an objection frequently brought against it. It shows, that while immense good is done abroad, no serious injury is felt at home.

It has been common among a certain class to defend luxury and profusion, on the ground that they contribute to the support of the poor. Nay, we have sometimes known clerical dignitaries, of whose intelligence we should have expected better things, assume the same ground.

Let us again hear the teachings of the Political Economist already quoted, and whose voice may, perhaps, have the greater force with some, because it was not from any religious predilection that he advanced these sentiments.

"Vanity may take pride in idle expense, but will ever be held in no less contempt by the wise, on account of its pernicious effects, than it has been all along for the motives by which it is actuated.

"These conclusions of theory have been confirmed by experience. Misery is the inseparable companion of luxury. The man of wealth and ostentation squanders upon costly trinkets, sumptuous repasts, magnificent mansions, dogs, horses, and mistresses, a portion of value, which, vested in productive occupation, would enable a multitude of willing laborers, whom his extravagance now consigns to idleness and misery, to provide themselves with warm clothing, nourishing food, and household conveniences. The gold buckles of the rich man leave the poor one without shoes to his feet; and the laborer will want a shirt to his back, while his rich neighbor glitters in velvet and embroidery." (Say's Political Economy, pages 369, 370. Philadelphia, 1832.) The truth is, that whatever we expend upon one kind of production, takes from us just so much means of encouraging another kind; and the demand for any class of articles turns labor to their production. The man who spends his money in fine houses, furniture, equipage, and jewellery, has so much the less to spend on really useful and improving objects. If the demand for the latter were increased, and the demand for the former lessened, they who make a livelihood by the one, must devote themselves to the production of the other. It would, therefore, only be a change of employments. Instead of gaining a livelihood by fabricating articles which do no one any good, he would accomplish the end, by making such as add to the convenience, the comfort, or improvement of society.

Nor is this all. The larger the portion of labor devoted to any kind of production, the greater will be the quantity produced, and then the price is proportionably lowered. Hence a greater amount of them will be brought within reach of a larger portion of society, and in the same ratio, the means of happiness and improvement will be multiplied and extended. Hence we see the truth of Say's observation, "the

gold buckles of the rich man leave the poor one without shoes to his feet." For the more there is made of superfluities, the less will be made of other things; the higher will be the price, and the farther will they be from the reach of the poorer classes. If all those things which are of no service to mankind were discontinued, who can estimate the advantages that would result? The necessaries, the conveniences, the comforts, and improvements of life, would be multiplied in number, increased in quantity, and reduced in price. Living would be cheaper, labor more available, books more plentiful, the arts and sciences more accessible, education more thorough and more general, and virtue, happiness, and religion, proportionably more advanced.

Thus we have an additional fact, that the inductions of Political Economy, and the teachings of Christianity, though proceeding by different routes, arrive eventually at the same end.

'There is another point in Political Economy, bearing an intimate relation to the diffusion of Christianity, which is now exciting much attention among the devotees of the science. We allude to the freedom of international commerce. There is something, it seems to us, on a prima facie view of this subject, that strikes the mind with a good deal of force. When we observe how admirably the wise Author of nature, and benevolent Parent of man, has adjusted the interests of the human family; how he has made the abundance of one portion to supply the deficiency of another; how one part of the globe is dependant on another: when we see how freedom of intercourse between nations promotes national friendship and good understanding, expands the human sympathies, and facilitates the extension of science, and, above all, of the means of salvation; I say, when we see all this, who would not regret that the interests of nations should abridge this intercourse by shackles on trade? Who would not desire that trade should be free as the winds, and expansive as the ocean? How, then, does this science respond to the philanthropy of the Christian heart, and to the apparent indications of nature's arrangements?

When the world was a little more short-sighted than it is now, the principle was adopted, that what one nation gains another loses, and that the enriching of one was the empoverishment of the other. Hence the different nations set their wits to work to turn the balance always in their own favor, not perceiving that if all nations were to act on this principle, there could be no trade at all. This was the occasion of protective duties, bounties, drawbacks, and the various other modes by which commerce has been fettered and restricted. To this same policy, in its direct or indirect bearings, is to be referred most of the international wars which have deluged Europe and America with blood, and squandered immense treasures, for the last hundred years. But a more ample induction of facts, and a more thorough investigation of the subject, have now demonstrated that this whole system was founded in error; that free trade is equally for the advantage of all nations, and that governments have performed the ridiculous part of wasting blood, and treasure, and life, for the sake of upholding a system at variance with their own interests, as well as the interests of all mankind. This view was incontrovertibly established by Adam Smith, in his Wealth of Nations, and by all the most celebrated Economists since, particularly by M. Say, the most popular and powerful writer

on this science which Europe has produced. Such, too, are the views now taken by the majority of the most distinguished European statesmen, and which are gaining daily accessions of strength both in Eu. rope and in America.

Here, then, we have another proof of the harmony which exists among all the laws of the universe, and we see how clearly every thing seems to be a part of one great whole, bearing the most certain indications of unity of design, and all signifying their emanation from one glorious, all-pervading Intelligence.

This much we have written, in order to show the bearing of this science upon the interests of mankind. And surely, if it be found to have so intimate a connection with human virtue, intelligence, and happiness; if it exercise so great an influence on the condition and prospects of Christianity, and upon the eternal destiny of nations; if it so clearly exhibit the harmony of the divine economy, and the consenting voice of the laws of man's physical, intellectual, social, and spiritual nature; then is it not well deserving the attention of the pious mind, and must not a correct pursuit of it tend to improve alike the understanding and the heart? We wonder, therefore, that it has hitherto received so little attention from Christians, and especially from Christian ministers; a class of men remarkable for their benevolence and for their interest in every thing tributary to human welfare. Perhaps, however, this has been owing in part to the fact, that the science has too often been treated without any reference to its religious bearings, and the pious mind would not discover its religious or moral tendencies, because their attention was not specifically turned to them. If such be the fact, it only shows the necessity of having the sciences taught by religious men, in order to the full effect of either religion or science upon the world. How much, then, should we rejoice in the present prospects of education! Religion is becoming more and more familiar with our seats of literature; the voice of piety is now heard in our halls of instruction; God speaks to us in Revelation, and the consenting echo of all nature is gathered in reply ; science becomes in reality the handmaid of piety, and both unite their influences to dignify and bless the family of man.

A statement of a few of the opinions which very generally prevailed even among intelligent persons, before the principles of political economy were developed and established, will confirm our assertions as to the importance of this science. For instance, it was the custom of Henry IV., of France, to grant edicts to his courtiers, favorites, and mistresses, laying tolls upon particular branches of trade for their exclusive benefit. To the count of Soissons he made a grant of fifteen pence a pound upon every bale of goods exported; though it was prevented from going into execution by the wisdom and energy of the duke of Sully. The king's defence of these modes of supporting his friends was, that it cost him nothing! (Memoirs of Sully, book 16, vol. 3, p. 162. Philadelphia, 1817.) M. Say tells us, that when Louis XIV. was advised to be more liberal in his charities, he replied, that royalty dispenses charity by profuse expenditure; a principle, by the way, that others besides kings have been ridiculous enough to maintain. The same author tells us, that Voltaire justified the expenses of the same extravagant monarch, on the ground that they served only to circulate money