History of Europe from the Commencement of the French Revolution in M.DCC.LXXXIX. to the Restoration of the Bourbons in M.DCCC.XV.

1. NAPOLEON was now overthrown: | ment, which would be acceptable to its but a duty of no small difficulty inhabitants. Nor were the inclinations awaited the allied sovereigns in de- of the allied sovereigns less at variance liberating upon who was to be ac- on the subject. Alexander had more knowledged as his successor. In truth, than once repudiated the idea of a it was a question of the most delicate crusade for the restoration of the kind; and there was not a little danger Bourbon line; Austria naturally and that the alliance, which had been held openly inclined to a regency, of which together with such difficulty during Marie Louise might be the head; while, the vicissitudes of war, would be although the English ministers in pribroken up in determining what use vate inclined to the ancient race, yet was to be made of its victory. Not no official act implicating the nation only political principles and passions of had hitherto taken place; and, followthe most profound, but family interests ing the principles of their constitution, of the strongest kind, were at issue in and the uniform principles of their the determination that was about to be government during the war, they too taken. It was of the last importance deprecated the idea of any forcible to avoid rendering the war a national interference in the internal affairs of one in France, and to continue to hold France. it out as directed, as in reality it was, solely against the violence and injustice of the Revolution. But how was this to be done if a dynasty which they had proscribed, and which was possibly still unpopular, was forced upon an unwilling people? The allied sovereigns had uniformly declared, that they would wait for some manifestation of public opinion in France, but none such had hitherto been generally evinced; and it would soon be necessary to take some decided measure while yet in uncertainty as to the race of sovereigns, or the species of govern

VOL. XII.

2. When the review was concluded, and the troops were dividing into small parties to reach the quarters assigned them in the barracks and suburbs of the city, Alexander alighted at the hotel of M. Talleyrand, where the leading members of the senate, and the most distinguished characters of the capital, were assembled. The fact of his taking up his residence there sufficiently evinced the part which the arch-diplomatist had taken in the measures which had preceded, and was to take in the negotiations which followed. The meeting was of a very various char

acter, and exhibited a strange example | no indications of such a disposition. of the manner in which the most oppo- Alexander then turned to Talleyrand, site parties are thrown together in the and asked him how he proposed to later stages of a revolution. On the arrive at his object. Talleyrand reside of the Royalists there were the plied, by means of the constituted auBaron Louis and M. de Pradt, the well- thorities: that he would answer for the known and acute archbishop of Malines, senate, and that their example would the Duke de Dalberg, Bourrienne, for- be speedily followed by all France. merly Napoleon's private secretary, and the senator Bournonville; and these, with the King of Prussia, Prince Schwartzenberg, Prince Lichtenstein, Count Nesselrode, and Count Pozzo di Borgo, constituted this memorable assemblage. Their proceedings are well worth recounting; the fate of the world depended upon their deliberations.

4. Alexander then asked the Abbé de Pradt and Baron Louis their opinion; and prefaced it by declaring, in the most energetic terms, "that the Russian Emperor was not the author of the war; that Napoleon had, without a cause, invaded his dominions; that it was neither a thirst for conquest nor the lust of dominion which had brought him to Paris, but the necessity of self-preservation; that he had done all in his power to spare that capital, and would have been inconsolable if he had failed in that object; finally, that he was not the enemy of France, but of Napoleon, and all who were hostile to its liberties." In these sentiments the King of Prussia and Prince Schwartzenberg expressed their entire concurrence; and then the Abbé de Pradt and Baron Louis de

3. Alexander opened the discussion by stating that there were three courses to adopt either to make peace with Napoleon, taking the necessary securities against him; to establish a regency; or to recall the house of Bourbon. Upon these momentous questions he requested the opinion of the meeting, protesting that the only wish of the allied sovereigns was to consult the wishes of France, and secure the peace of the world. Talley-clared that they were Royalists; "that rand immediately rose, and strongly the great majority of the French urged that the two former projects nation were of the same opinion; were altogether inadmissible; and that that it was the knowledge of negotiathere could be no peace in Europe tions going on at Châtillon with Nawhile Napoleon, or any of his dynasty, poleon, that alone had hitherto prewere on the throne. He concluded vented this opinion from manifesting that the only course was to adopt the itself; but that, now they were conthird, which would be generally ac- cluded, Paris would readily declare itceptable, and which offered the only self, and the whole of France would imway of escaping from the evils by mediately follow its example." Sire," which they were surrounded. He resumed Talleyrand, "there are but added, under the mild rule of a race two courses open to us: Buonaparte or of princes who had learned wisdom in Louis XVIII. Buonaparte, if you can misfortune, all the guarantees which-but you cannot; for you are not could be desired would be obtained for durable freedom. To this proposition it was replied by Schwartzenberg, that no indications of indifference to the Emperor had been witnessed by the army in its passage through France; that the declarations in favour of the Bourbons had been few and far between; and that the heroic resistance of the national guards at Fère-Champenoise, many of whom had been only a few days before at the plough, gave

alone. What would they give you in his place? A soldier? We want no more of them. If we wanted one, we would keep the one we already have: he is the first in the world. After him, any one that could be offered us would not have ten votes in his favour. I repeat it, Sire! any attempt except for Buonaparte or Louis XVIII. is but an intrigue." "Well, then," said Alexander, "I declare that I will no longer treat with

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History of Europe from the Commencement of the French Revolution in M.DCC ...